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THE LIFE AND TIMES 



•OF — 



Samuel J. Kirkwood, 



IOWA'S WAR GOVERNOR, 



AND AFTERWARDS A SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES, AND A MEMBER 
OF GARFIELD'S CABINET. 



BY H. W. LATHROP. 

II 

Librarian of the State Historical Society of Iowa. 



['^MCV 6 1893 J 
1893. xSlofw/^sv^'^^ f 

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR, )^ T 2 9 J 

IOWA eiTY. 



EI so-] 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1893 by 

H. W. LATHROP, 

in the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



FBXSS or BEOAN PRINTING BOUSE, CBICABO. 



DEDICATION. 



To the Soldiers of Iowa in the late Civil War, whose 
valor, courage and fortitude without a stain in camp, on the 
march and on the battle field, combined with the adminis- 
tration of their chief, the ' ' War Governor, " at home, con- 
tributed to give to their beloved state a name and a fame 
that will endure as long as history shall be written, or 
history shall be read, this work is respectfully inscribed by 
their friend, 

THE AUTHOR. 










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PREFACE. 



My acquaintance with Gov. Kirkwood commenced very 
soon after he came to the state, and it became somewhat 
intimate while he was serving his iirst term in the state 
senate, during the winters of 1856-T, and where I was acting 
in the capacity of reporter of proceedings for a local paper 
and correspondent for a Chicago Daily. During his whole 
residence in Iowa City I have been associated with him as a 
neighbor, and have served with him several years on our 
local school board. Since I have commenced writing his 
life he has submitted to me all of his correspondence, both 
public and private, needful for my use, and copies of all 
public documents in his possession, and he has submitted to 
frequent and oft repeated interviews during the progress of 
my work. 

In my labor I have been greatly aided by his faithful 
wife, who has from time to time during his oflScial life, 
gathered from the public press and other sources and 
treasured them up, facts relating to him that otherwise 
would have been lost. 

Governor Boies has kindly permitted me the use of the 
Executive Records made during Governor Kirkwood' s 
srubernatorial administrations. 

The manuscript as it has been written from time to tmie 
has been submitted to him for his correction and approval. 

Iowa City, Iowa, June 29th, 1893. 



The Lit6 and Times o! Samuel J. KIrkwood, 

IOWA'S WAR GOVERNOR. 



CHAPTER I. 



Ancestry: Scotch- Irish and Scotch— Robert Kirkwood in the Revoliition 
— With St. Clair on the Wabash— The Kirkwoods as Scholars— Scotch 
Presbyterians— Jabez a Blacksmith and Farmer— Blacksmithing 
100 Years Ago— Farm Tools Then—Familii Work—Saimiel an 
Apt Scholar— Oocs to Washington to Attend School— Joins a Liter- 
ary Society— Becomes a School Teacher in Pennsylvania— A Drug 
Clerk for His Brother Wallace— Kirkwoods Move to Ohio— Settle in 
the Woods and Make a Farm— Samuel Teaches School Again— Be- 
comes Deputy Comity Assessor— A Store and Tavern Clerk. 

The Kirkwood family in America date back to 1731, 
when Robert Kirkwood and his widowed sister-in-law with 
her two children, a son named Robert, three years old, and 
a sister older emigrated from Londonderry in the north of 
Ireland, and settled in New Castle, Delaware. Captain 
Robert Kirkwood, a son of this immigrant Robert, was a 
Captain in the revolutionary army all through that war; was 
an active participant in the battles of Princeton and Long 
Island, and was so distinguished for his eminent services, 
that the brevet rank of Brigadier General was conferred on 
him upon the recommendation of Washington. That he 
should be advanced from a Captaincy to a Brigadier Gen- 
eralshij), without going through the intermediate grades, and 
that upon the recommendation of his commander in chief, is 
the best attestation that could be given of his ability, his 
valor and his worth. He was in the bloody battles of Cam- 
den, Hobkirk's Hill, Eutaw Springs and Ninety -Six; and 
Lee, in his memoirs of the Southern revolutionary cam- 
paigns, makes frequent and honorable mention of him. 

At the battle of Camden his Delaware regiment was so 
badly cut up that enough for but one company of it was left 



8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOb. 

and he had command of it. After the close of the war, in 
1789, he moved into eastern Ohio, opposite Wheeling, 
Va. 

In the spring of 1791 the cabin of Capt. Kirkwood was 
attacked by a party of In(lians in the night, but they were 
repulsed. The cabin was set fire to, the roof was all ablaze, 
when it was pushed off and the fire quenched with water and 
milk from the house. Of fourteen soldiers in the house at 
the time, one was killed and seven wounded. 

After this affair, Capt. Kirkwood returned with his 
family to Newark, Delaware. On his way he met some of 
St. Clair's troops on their way to Cincinnati. Exasperated 
at the attack of the Indians upon his house, he took the com- 
mand of a company of Delaware troops, and was with them 
at St. Clair's defeat on the Wabash in the fall of 1791, where 
he fell in an attempt to repel the enemy with the bayonet. 

In the year 1759 this three year old boy Robert, had 
attained his thirty-first year, when he married Jane Hender- 
son, and became the father of six children, five sons — Wil- 
liam, John, Robert, Nathaniel and Jabez, and one daughter — 
Sarah. 

Rev. A, B. Cross, compiling in 1886 a history of the 
Presbyterian church of which the early Kirk woods were 
members, mentions eight of them and their descendants as 
being Elders in the church, three as professors in colleges, 
one (Samuel J.) as ex-Governor, ex-U. S. Senator and ex- 
Cabinet Minister, and says: "All these Elders, Preachers, 
Professors, Lawyers and Politicians are the descendants of 
that fatherless three year old boy who came to Delaware in 
1731. To me there is a peculiar interest in the childhood of 
that boy. In all my ministry I have been on the most 
intimate terms with, and have preached to many of the 
Kirkwood family, and I would not do justice in this notice 
if I did not say, from a long and intimate knowledge of 
them, they have been a family that have always been true to 



ItlE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 9 

their country and true to their church, with a line of Elders 
from the beginning in 1731 till now." 

It may be said of the early Kirkwoods that they were, 
and their descendants of to-day are, men of large mental 
caliber and of great aptitude in the acquisition of knowledge. 
Among the most noted are *Daniel Kirkwood, LL.D., a life- 
time teacher in various schools, and for several years pro- 
fessor of Mathematics and Astronomy in Indiana University, 
author of "Meteoric Astronomy and the Asteroids between 
Mars and Jupiter," and a work on Comets and Meteors; and 
who is quoted as the highest authority on those subjects; 
Prof. Wm. R. Kirkwood, D.D. of Macallister College, Minn.; 
and Prof. Samuel J. Kirkwood, LL.D. of the University of 
Wooster, Ohio. 

Such is his reputation as an astronomer, both at home 
and abroad, that when, in 1875, the great English astronomer 
Richard Anthony Proctor, visited America, he came west to 
Indiana on purpose to see his colaborer in astronomical work. 
Prof. Daniel Kirkwood. 

Jabez Kirkwood was an infant son of the revolution being 
born in that memorable year 1776, and he married for his 
first wife Mary Coulson, by whom he had two sons, Robert 
and Coulson, and for his second wife a widow Wallace, whose 
maiden name was Mary Alexander, by whom he had three 
sons, John, Wallace and Samuel Jordan, His second wife 
was born in Scotland. 

Robert, the father of Jabez must have been a man of 
thrift and well to do in the world, as he settled his five sons 
at their majority, when they were ready to set up business 
for themselves, each on a good sized farm for that time, that 
given to Jabez containing 140 acres or more. 

Samuel Jordan Kirkwood, son of Jabez, the subject 
of this memoir, and the youngest in the family, was born on 

*A cousin of Samuel J. and his pupil when he taught his first term 
of school. 



10 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the 20th of December, 1813, m Harford Co., Md., to which 
place his ancestors had immigrated from Delaware. As will 
be seen by the foregoing, his parentage on his father's side 
was Scotch-Irish, and on his mother's pure Scotch. His 
parents were both Scotch Presbyterians of the strict puritani- 
cal school of that denomination during their time. 

Being a blacksmith as well as a farmer, his father spent 
most of his time in the shop and the boys, after they had 
arrived at sufficient age carried on the farm. At this early 
date so worn had the thin soil of parts of this farm become, 
that one whole field though well situated and originally feitile 
was abandoned and left uncultivated. In after years the 
application of lime restored its fertility. 

Blacksmithing then was as different from the blacksmith- 
ing of to-day, as our farm operations are different from those 
of that time. Th(! making of the iron work of plows, making 
chains, nails, axes and other edge tools, such as knives, 
butcher knives and chisels as well as hay forks and manure 
forks and also many other things we now buy at the hard- 
ware stores w^ere the work of the home blacksmith, and Jabez 
Kirkwood was an adept at all the work in his line. Cut 
nails had not then been invented, nor had wire nails been 
dreamed of, and all the nails then used for building or other 
purposes, whether large or small, were drawn out one at a 
time by the smith with his hammer and anvil, and the head 
of the nail made by having the large end mashed down with 
a riveting hammer. The edge tools of that day were all 
ground by hand to fit them for use after they came from the 
hands of the blacksmith, and it was a good half day's work 
for two men to grind and fit a new ax ready for chopping. 
Horse shoes were all turned by hand and the nails for setting 
them also made by hand. 

The farm tools of that day as used on the Kirkwood 
farm consisted of a plow, the wood work of which was made 
by Coulson, one of the elder boys, and the iron work by the 



12 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOD. 

ceeded. Before and over this blazing, roasting fire all the 
family cooking was done and it is a wonder that our mothers 
and grandmothers as cooks did not themselves get roasted 
by it. 

The preparation of the family clothing, except the dyeing 
and fulling, from the time the wool came from the sheeps' 
backs and the flax came from the hands of the flax dresser, 
was all made in the family. The wool was all carded, spun 
and woven by hand, the hand cards, spinning wheel and loom 
being common tools in nearly every household, and when the 
garments of the men and boys were to be made a "tailoress " 
was brought into the house and she remained till a year's 
stock for all had been cut and made. The day of shoe stores 
had not then dawned nor had boot and shoe shops become 
plenty, and when shoes were wanted leather was purchased 
at the country store or at the tanner's and a shoemaker with 
his kit of tools was brought into the house, given a place in 
the kitchen and he remained till the whole family were shod. 
It was the custom in those days for boys as well as girls till 
well in their teens to go barefooted in the summer, and if the 
shoemaker could not get around in time it was often as late 
as the advent of early frosts and untimely snows before the 
shoes were ready, and the Governor often goes back in mem- 
ory to the time when as a barefooted boy he was sent out in 
the early morning to drive up the cows, and remembers 
how he stood on the warm spots where the cows had lain 
over night to warm his toes chilled by the ungenerous 
frost. 

As there were no girls in the Kirkwood family the boys 
did the churning, helped do the washing and such other 
household chores as boys could turn their hands to, and 
Samuel performed his share of these tasks. 

Such was the farm on which, and such the home and 
family in which the Governor spent the first ten years of his 
life, and they did not difler in any essential particulars from 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 13 

the majority of the farms and homes in that part of the 
country at that time. 

On one corner of his father's farm was a log school house, 
in whose small windows oiled paper served in the place of 
glass and whose seats were logs split in two with wooden 
pins for legs, and desks made in a similar manner. In this 
rude school house young Samuel commenced his education, 
and it was begun when he was so young that the older 
brothers often carried him to school on their backs, and here 
it was continued till he was ten years old, and he must have 
been an apt scholar in his childhood days, for he cannot 
remember the time when he could not repeat the multiplica- 
tion table, and before he graduated from the log school house, 
at the age of ten, he had advanced so that he had "ciphered" 
to the "rule of three" (proportion) in arithmetic, and had 
made a corresponding advancement in his other studies, an 
advancement that in those days was deemed creditable in a 
youth of fifteen. 

A well educated man by the name of John McLeod who 
left Ireland during the stormy revolution of 1798, when 
England finally abolished the Irish Parliament, came to 
America and became a teacher. He married a Miss Coul- 
son, sister of Jabez Kirkwood's first wife, and in after years 
opened a school in Washington. 

During his residence in Washington as a teacher, he 
often spent his vacations in Maryland with his brother-in- 
law, the father of his assistant teacher and of his pupil Sam- 
uel J. 

Robert Kirkwood, his nephew, and half-brother of Sam- 
uel, who was a very excellent linguist, was an assistant 
teacher in the school, and through his influence the latter was 
placed in the school to prosecute his studies and here he 
remained four years during the close of Monroe's and the 
opening of J. Q. Adams' administration, finishing his 
English studies and getting enough of the classics to enable 



14 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

him to read the Greek Testament and several Latin authors, 
when he quit school and entered, as a clerk, a drug store 
kept on Pennsylvania avenue in Washington, While at 
school he engaged in all the literary exercises connected with 
it, and after he left it and went into the drug store, he and 
his associates formed a literary society, which was at first a 
private affair, but was finally opened to visitors, and con- 
siderable audiences, including the ladies, listened to the 
deliberations, debates and addresses of these embryo states- 
men; and it was here, in the exercises of this youthful 
society, while yet in his early teens, he laid the foundation 
of that character and those habits, and developed the char- 
acteristics that made him so successful a platform speaker in 
after life. In the debates in this organization he acquired 
the mastery of himself upon the floor, witli the eyes of the 
audience all upon him, and learned to marshall his facts. 
array his thoughts, and so discipline his powers that when 
they were called into action in his intellectual contests with 
his opponents, he felt perfectly at home and could use every 
weapon at his command like a veteran in long service. 

After spending a year in the drug store of Patrick 
Leyne, at the age of seventeen, he went into York County, 
Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, and there engaged in 
teaching a country school, boarding with his Aunt Sally, and 
doing chores before and after school to pay for his board. 
After closing this term of school he went into another neigh- 
borhood, where he opened a subscription school, boarding 
around among the patrons of the school, as was the custom in 
those early days. This "boarding around" had its advan- 
tages as well as its drawbacks, while it made an itinerant of 
the teacher, feeding him at almost every man's table in the 
neighborhood, it gave him an insight into the inner and 
domestic life of his patrons, and enabled him to study human 
nature in all its varied phases. To a young man who was to 
become a professional or public character in after life, this 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 15 

itineration was a most excellent school in which many lessons 
could be learned that would prove useful in after life. At 
this last school Daniel Kirkwood, Samuel's cousin, now the 
distinguished astronomer living in California, then two 
years his junior, was his pupil, and here he showed those 
habits of deep research, thorough study and intense applica- 
tion that afterwards made him the eminent scholar that 
he is. 

After finishing his teaching here his older brother Wal- 
lace, who had purchased a drug store at the corner of Penn- 
sylvania avenue and Eleventh street, in Washington, wanted 
him for a clerk, and here he remained two years or more and 
then returned home and spent a winter in a school kept some 
three miles away, perfecting himself in his classical studies. 

While at school here he walked these three miles twice a 
day, making a daily six-mile tramp in pursuit of knowledge. 

As indicating the power of the prejudice and tenacity of 
opinion and force of habit of these early Scotch Presby- 
terians, it is related that the two clerks of the church where 
the Kirkwoods attended, occupied a position in front of the 
pulpit facing the audience during the service, one of them 
read the psalms and hymns and the other named the tune 
and led the singing, and in these duties they alternated one 
with the other, and they had for a long time used a set of old 
church tunes that all in the congregation had become familiar 
with, and the older members had become attached to. But 
in the course of time a singing school was taught in the 
neighborhood, and some new tunes had been introduced and 
learned by the younger members of the congregation. One 
of the clerks was Wm. Coulson, a brother-in-law of the elder 
Kirkwood, and the other Wm. More Livingstone. The 
latter was in favor of singing some of the new tunes, in fact 
had taught them, and when it came his turn to lead he named 
them quite frequently and they were sung. One good 
brother by the name of Tarbet, who was orthodox in all 



16 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

points of faith, thinking the singing of these new tunes was 
sacrilege would not endure them, and left his seat in hot 
haste and went out of the church to get away from the sing- 
ing. The particular tune that was then being sung was after- 
wards, from this fact, named "Tarbet's Trot." Not long 
after this the horses of Jabez Kirkwood hitched to some 
trees in plain view from the pew he occupied were getting 
into some trouble with each other, and he seeing them in 
their dilemma during the singing of one of these new tunes 
rushed out of the church in haste to relieve them. The con- 
gregation, supposing that he was going out for the same 
reason that Brother Tarbet had, named that particular tune 
"Kirkwood's Canter." 

The father of Samuel was a man in good circumstances, 
"well to do in the world" as the phrase goes, but he became 
surety for a friend, and as bondsman was called upon to 
mgike up a large deficit of his principal, and when this was 
done he had only his farm left. Hoping to regain his for- 
tune on it in raising horses, he had made a good beginning at 
it when his horses were all carried off by disease. He then 
determined to sell and go West with the current then setting 
strongly in that direction. 

In 1835, just after Samuel had attained his majority, he 
sold the farm and the family all went to Richland County, 
Ohio. The journey was made from Maryland to Ohio in a 
two-horse wagon, which contained all the worldly goods of 
the family, and it was most of the way over the Great 
National Road, along which nearly the whole trade of Balti- 
more and Philadelphia was carried on, some in heavy, wide- 
tired wagons drawn often by four, six and eight horses to a 
wagon, and when nearly every other house on the road was a 
tavern. It was quite the custom of travelers in those days 
to carry their provisions with them and do their cooking at 
the fire in the tavern kitchen, the men sleeping in their 
covered wagons and the women and children in the house* 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 17 

On getting up one morning it was found that all the money 
belonging to the Kirkwood family was missing, it all being 
carried in a common purse. The consternation can better 
be imagined than described until after diligent search it was 
found in the bottom of the wagon. 

Here the father entered eighty acres of heavily timbered 
wild land, and John, one of the sons, bought at second hand 
160 acres more, on which a little clearing of about four acres 
had been made, and on which was a small log cabin, built in 
the rudest and most primitive style of round, unhewed logs 
with a puncheon roof, held on by weight poles, and a rough 
puncheon floor; on the place was also a very rough primitive 
stable. Here in a contest with the primeval forests, endur- 
ing the hardships and inconveniences of pioneer life, recom- 
menced the struggle for subsistence and the regaining of a 
competency. This struggle was continued until sixty acres 
of the faim had been subdued and made tillable land. 

About this time there was speculative mania all over the 
country for the purchase of wild Western government land, 
which had been reduced in price from two dollars to one dol- 
lar and a quarter per acre, and so much was bought that, 
combining with other causes, a large surplus of money, 
amounting to over $70,000,000, had accumulated in the 
United States Treasury, and was afterward distributed among 
the several States. This speculative mania, with other causes, 
resulted in the financial crash of 1837, the most disastrous 
one that ever afflicted the country, one in which the banks 
all suspended specie payment, in which all business was 
paralyzed, and in which nearly every considerable debtor 
became a bankrupt. This brought about a state of affairs 
oppressive to almost every family in the country, and pecul- 
iarly so to one like the Kirkwood family, just commencing a 
new life omthe wild frontier. But they manfully braved it 
all and success eventually crowned all their efforts. 

During all this time Samuel spent the winters in teaching 



18 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 

school, at which he got good wages and became the possessor of 
a little ready money. During one of these terms of school an 
incident occurred that is worth mentioning here, as it illus- 
trates the fact that it is as important that a boy should learn his 
rio-hts and how to maintain them as it is to learn the rules of 
grammar and arithmetic and how to apply them. He had 
for a pupil his brother's son William, and some of the boys 
were in the habit of pitching on to him and abusing him 
without any provocation, and his uncle asked him one day if 
such was not the case, when he replied that it was, and he 
asked him why he did not defend himself, and the boy 
replied that his father told him he must get along quietly at 
school and not get into any trouble with the boys. " Well," 
said his uncle, "don't you let the boys abuse you again if 
you can help it, and as to your getting into trouble with 
them, I'll give you a quarter apiece for each one you'll give 
a thrashing when they attack you." Within a day or two 
Will says one morning: "Uncle Sam, you owe me seventy- 
five cents; I gave three of the boys a lickin' yesterday." 
" Well," replied his uncle, " here is your money, but I think 
I'll rescind the contract now. " It was he who afterwards, as 
a " boy in blue," and a lieutenant in the 14th Iowa Infantry, 
and still later in the battle of Corinth, was employed by his 
other "Uncle Sam" to punish some bad " boys in gray, " 
and he helped do a good job at it in the capture of Fort Don- 
elson. He received special mention from his colonel " for 
very valuable assistance in forming the line with his company 
in front of the enemies breastworks." 

While teaching school Samuel became well acquainted 
(with a Mr. Abram Armentrout, who was the assessor 
of Richland county, and in the year 1840 he was 
employed by Mr. A. as his deputy assessor, and thir- 
teen townships of the county were assigned to him as 
the scene of his labors, and all the personal property in these 
thirteen townships was assessed by him and the work was 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 19 

done and the whole section traveled over on foot. For this 
service the deputy was allowed a dollar and a half a day, and 
this county school teacher undoubtedly thought that in get- 
ting such a job as this, at such a price in such pinching 
times, he was securing a small fortune, and such it was in 
those times. 

After closing up this work, Mr. Armentrout bought a 
store and a tavern stand, and engaged his deputy as his clerk 
to assist him in selling goods and '^ keeping tavern." After 
spending a year in this business our subject began to think a 
wider field might be found in which he could better display 
his powers and accomplish more good for himself and the 
world at large than in subduing the forest and working a 
farm, teaching a county school or selling goods and helping 
keep tavern. 



CHAPTER II. 

Studies Law in Mansfield — Assistant in County Clerk's Office — Is Ad- 
mitted to the Bar — Opens an Office and Begins Practice — Forms a 
Partnership with His Old Preceptor — Prepares Cases for Trial — 
Cases all Well Prejjared — Marries Jane Clark — Elected Prosecuting 
Attorney — Successfully Tries a Murder Case — Three Attoriieysin the 
Case Become Cabinet Ministers — Forms a Partnership with Barn- 
abas Burns— Farewell by the Bar of Richland County — Elected to 
the Constitutional Convention — Extracts from Speeches There. 



Bidding good-by to all previous occupations, in the year 
1841, at the age of twenty-eight, he went to Mansfield, and 
entering the office of Thomas W. Bartley commenced a two 
years' study of law. One of the questions that was puzzling 
him in the contemplation of these two years' professional 
study was the obtaining of funds to pay his board bills and 
meet other necessary expenses during that term. At this 
time Dr. E. W. Lake, a personal friend and afterward a 
resident in Iowa City and Marion in this State, was the clerk 
of the courts in Richland county, and not wishing to confine 
himself to official work in the office, young Barnabas Burns 
was his deputy, on whom most of the duties of the clerk 
devolved, and arrangements were soon made by which young 
Kirkwood got work enough writing in the clerk's office with 
the deputy to realize nearly money enough to meet his nec- 
essary expenses. This was a most excellent opportunity, for, 
in addition to furnishing him means to pay his way, the work 
gave him an introduction to, and familiarized him with, all 
the legal forms in a law practice, and to the legal machinery 
by which the court was run and the law administered. No 
better avenue could have been opened to a young law student 
than this. 

Completing his law studies and obtaining the necessary 

20 



THE LIFE AND tImES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 21 

certificate from his preceptor, he went on horseback, in com- 
pany with Frank Barker, another hiw student, also on horse- 
back, from Mansfieki to Cincinnati, a distance of 150 miles, 
to be examined for admission to the Supreme Court. Re- 
turning, a full-fledged attorney, with his diploma in his 
pocket, he opened an office in Mansfield facing the public 
square, where, also facing the square, was the office of 
his old preceptor in which he had spent the previous two 
years. 

After spending a few months in this office reviewing his 
law studies and waiting for clients, his old preceptor dropped 
in on him one day and asked him if he had made any arrange- 
ments toward forming a partnership. He replied he had not, 
but that he and Frank Barker had had some preliminary talk 
on the subject. "Well," replied Mr. Bartley, "I have dis- 
solved with my old partner and I have come in to offer you 
his place." Here was something better offered than sitting 
alone in an office and waiting for clients — it was an invita- 
tion to an office and a practice where clients did not have to 
be waited for. The result of this interview was that a part- 
nership was then formed in which the new and young partner 
was to get one-half of the proceeds of the office. It was 
not "nominated in the bond " that the new partner was to do 
more than half the work, but he had it to do nevertheless. 
Upon going back into the old office, the young partner found 
that the papers in some twenty cases had to be drawn up and 
prepared for filing, to be ready for the next term of court, 
and some of them were very important ones, involving ripa- 
rian rights and damages })y the overflow of land in the erec- 
tion of mill dams, and he thought that an older and abler 
lawyer than himself should prepare the pleadings which were 
then under the old common law forms. The days wore on, 
the older partner did not get at them and the younger one 
had to. When after all were got ready by him they were 
placed on the senior's table to be examined, and there they 



22 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

lay undisturbed and unexamined when the filing day arrived. 
In a state of nervous indignation and exasperation they were 
taken by the junior to the office and filed. Trepidation then 
began in the mind of the junior, lest some of the petitions 
(declarations they were then called) should be demurred out 
of court, and some important cases have to go over or be dis- 
posed of to the disadvantage of clients. But they all *■ 'stood 
fire," and it was a happy time for the junior when the last 
day of court arrived and he found his work all well done. 
The main work of trying these cases in court was done, of 
course, by the senior member of the firm. He had undoubt- 
edly learned that his former pupil could be trusted as a part- 
ner with the most important work that came into the office, 
as he had fully prepared himself tor that work. 

In the year 1811 there settled in Ohio, about six miles 
from Mansfield, Mr. Ichabod Clark, and here he reared a 
typical Ohio family of two sons and eight daughters. John, 
the younger of the two sons, studied law in the office of Mr. 
Kirkwood, and afterwards becoming a litigant in the office of 
a country justice, went to Mansfield the day before the trial 
to get his former preceptor to help him in his case. Mr. K. 
spent the night before the trial at the home and in the family 
of his client's father, and also the following one after the 
trial, and here he made the acquaintance of lovely Jane 
Clark, his client's sister. That acquaintance ripened into 
love and culminated in their marriage, which took place on 
the 27th day of December, 1843, and together they have 
since traveled the journey of life, she being all this time a 
model wife and he an exemplary husband. 

Mr, Kirkwood had been in practice but a couple of years 
when he was elected prosecuting attorney of the county, and 
this put into his hands the preparation and tiral of one side 
of all the criminal cases in court, and during his term the 
first conviction in that county for murder in the first degree 
took place. It was a case of more than usual interest, as the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 23 

families of both the murderer and murdered man were 
wealthy and influential and occupied prominent positions in 
society. 

It was the trial of Robert Bowland for the murder of 
Frank Barker. One thing that gave it a deep interest to 
the public prosecutor was the fact that the murdered man 
had been a co-law student with him, rode in company on 
horseback with him to Cincinnati to be examined for ad- 
mission to the Supreme Court, and afterwards contemplated 
forming a law partnership with him — and as a matter of 
course had been on very intimate terms with him. 

The parties were both young men, recently married and 
were brothers-in-law — Barker having married Bo wland's sister. 

The attorneys were, in addition to Mr. K. as public 
prosecutor, a prosecuting attorney from an adjoining county 
and Judge Lane from Sandusky, who had held a position on 
the Supreme Bench, on one side, and Thomas Ewing and 
Columbus Delano for the defense. Judge Lane was em- 
ployed by the father of Barker as assistant counsel, as it was 
thought that legal questions might arise during the trial, that 
he could better grapple with than younger lawyers, and that 
his opinions would weigh more before the court trying the 
case than theirs. 

Nearly a week was consumed in the trial of the case and 
when the testimony was all in, and the lawyers were ready 
to go to the jury, Mr. K. in consultation asked Judge Lane 
what part he would like to take in the concluding part of the 
trial in addressing the jury. The Judge laughed and replied: 
' 'You are perfectly competent to present this case as it should 
be presented in all its aspects to the jury; 1 have no reputa- 
tion to make in it, I was got here to help you out on legal 
questions and I will leave the case now in your hands." The 
assistant from the adjoining county made the first speech to 
the jury and Mr. Kirkwood the closing one. The result was 
a verdict of "guilty." 



24 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

It is a notable fact that three of the lawyers, Ewing, 
Delano and Kirkwood, engaged in the trial of this cause, 
afterwards became cabinet ministers, all being Secretaries of 
the Interior, and when Mr. K. went to Washington to enter 
upon his duties in that office, he found the portraits of the 
men who had confronted him on this trial hanging on the 
walls of his office; their portraits being left there as is usual 
in all the departments. 

When Barnabas Burns had completed his term of office 
as Deputy Clerk, he entered the office of Bartley & Kirk- 
wood as a student at law; in due time was admitted to prac- 
tice, and opened an office and went into practice in Mans- 
field. 

As time wore on the senior member of the firm of Bartley 
& Kirkwood, though not becoming any less a lawyer, was 
becoming more and more a politician, devolving more and 
more of the labors both of the office and the court room upon 
the junior, and the latter began to think another partnership 
desirable for the successful practice of the law business that 
was accumulating, with the perplexing problem of how to 
get rid of the old partner presenting itself. Fortunately Mr. 
Bartley was an aspirant for the office of governor, but there 
were other aspirants w^hose chances were probably better than 
his. The embryo firm of Kirkwood & Burns proposed him 
for Supreme Judge, an office which the New Constitution 
provided should be filled by election by the people. They 
advocated and procured his nomination by the convention of 
his party and he was triumphantly elected, made a most 
excellent judge, and left a vancancy in the law office which 
was filled by the old time Deputy Clerk, Barnabas Burns, as 
the junior member of the firm of Kirkwood & Burns. It is 
not often that a man is got out of another's way by being 
invited to take a seat higher, where greater honors can be 
bestowed upon him, but this was a case of that kind. This 
partnership formed by the old Deputy Clerk and his subor- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 25 

dinate, continued till the latter left Ohio in 1855 for a per- 
manent residence in Iowa. 

The bar of Richland county, always a strong one, was 
particularly so at this time, containing among others such 
men as Bartley ; Stewart, father in-law of John Sherman, who 
is now so widely and well known as one of our leading states- 
men; Newman; Ford, afterwards Lieut. Gov. with Salmon 
P. Chase for Gov. ; Brinkerhoff & Geddes, both afterwards 
members of Congress, and others their compeers, and on the 
final departure to Iowa of so prominent a member of that bar 
as Mr. Kirkwood had been, they tendered to him a banquet, 
and in addition to the feast spread upon the table it was a 
' 'feast of reason and a flow of soul" where Mirth and Good 
Cheer reigned supreme, and at the close of which many a 
farewell hand shake was given, and a "God speed you on 
your way" was pronounced by all. 

In 1802 Ohio was admitted into the Union, and from 
that time till 1850 her constitution had remained unchanged. 
In the latter year a State Convention was held to revise and 
change that instrument. Of that body S. J. Kirkwood was 
chosen a member from Richland county. The history of that 
state for the forty-eight years preceding that convention had 
demonstrated the necessity of many changes and reforms in 
its fundamental law, especially on the subjects of Finance, 
Banking, Judicial Organization, Education, Corporations, 
Law Practice and other subjects. The consideration of and 
the debates upon the questions relating to these topics gave 
an opportunity for the display of the abilities, talents and 
sound judgment of the members of this body, and in most 
of them Mr. Kirkwood took a prominent part, and the im- 
press of his opinions was stamped upon that constitution, 
which still remains the fundamental law of the Buck-eye 
state, 

Ohio has always been rich in men of learning, talent and 
ability, and a heavy drain upon, and choice selection from 



26 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOb. 

that class of her people was made to constitute that conven- 
tion. It is doubtful whether she ever has, in her whole his- 
tory, called together an abler body of men in an official 
capacity than this convention embraced, and Mr. Kirkwood 
took a fair rank in it. On taking his seat he was made 
chairman of the committee on Privilege and Elections, and 
had a place on the committee on the Judiciary, one of the 
most important ones in that body, where he was intimately 
associated in his work with some of the ablest lawyers and 
jurists in the State, among whom was the venerable Peter 
Hitchcock, who was for twenty-seven years on the Supreme 
Bench and J. R. Sw^an, author of Swan's Treatise, the most exten- 
sively used book by the whole Ohio Bar; Judge McKennon, 
of Belmont, Henry Stansberry and others of the prominent 
lawyers of the State. 

The convention met at the State Capitol, in Columbus, 
on the 6th day of May, 1850, and continued in session till 
the 8th day of July, when it adjourned to meet in Cincinnati 
on the first Monday of the following December. The reason 
for adjourning was that the cholera had made its appearance 
and was becoming epidemic in many parts of the State, some 
cases occurring in Columbus which had proved fatal. The 
convention met at the appointed time and place and finally 
adjourned on the 10th day of the following March, having 
been in session in all one hundred and thirty-five days. 

Below are given a few extracts from some of the speeches 
made by Mr. Kirkwood on some of the leading subjects dis- 
cussed in the convention. 

On the subject of Biennial Sessions of the legislature, Mr. 
Kirkwood said: 

"I had not intended to say a word on the question under considera- 
tion, and I will say but few. I shall vote in accordance with my own 
sentiments, and those whom I represent in favor of biennial sessions, 
but before doing that I wish to allude briefly to some objections to 
that measure. 

"The gentleman from Hamilton has argued this question as if it 



tHE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. ^7 

were a question of government or no government, of order or anai'chy. 
Now, sir, that is not the question at issue. It is really a question as 
to how often it is necessary and proper that the people should gather 
together by their representatives to enact new, or to amend or 
repeal old hiws, whethei- it is safer or better that this should be 
done annually, or biennially. I apprehend that while our General 
Assembly is not in session we have a government — the law-making 
power is in the hands of the people where it is safe, or rather .perhaps 
is dormant where it cannot be used to their prejudice, but the Execu- 
tive and Judicial Departments are in full operation, extending by 
means of existing laws protection to the rights and interests of the 
people. It strikes me that there is a misconception on the part of 
some gentlemen who have argued this question, and who seem to be 
impressed with the idea that it is only during the sessions of the Gen- 
eral Assembly that the people possess any power. I think this is 
incorrect — the sovereignty — the law-making power is in the people at 
all times, except during those sessions. At these times it is In the 
hands of agents, and returns again to the people as soon as the agents 
cease to act. * * * I think, Mr. Chairman, that gentlemen who 
favor annual sessions are in error in drawing comparisons between 
our form of government and a monarchical one, in aid of their view 
of the question. With us the sovei'eignty is in the people; in mon- 
archies it is in a greater or less degree in the monarch. Now, sir, 
what department of government is it which, wherever it exists is 
always stealing or wresting to itself power from the sovereign? I 
answer the legislative or law-making power. In governments where 
this department does not exist, and the sovereignty is in the monarch, 
that monai'ch is a despot, and the people are slaves. Under limited 
monarchies where this department di es exist, it is the channel through 
which power passes from the monarch, and a body between which and 
the monarch a struggle for power is continually going on; and hence 
the Liberals under a monarchical government are always in favor of 
frequent sessions of their legislature. But, sir, this is not the ftate of 
aflfaii's with us. Here the people are sovereign, and do we need a 
legislative body to carry on a continual war with our sovereign, to 
draw power from his hands? It is no less true, sir, in popular than in 
monarchical governments that the legislature is the channel through 
which power is drawn from the sovereign, it is with us the channel 
through which power is drawn from the people, and I wish to make it 
as narrow and open it as seldom as is consistent with safety. We are 
here to narrow that channel, and I hope, sir, to provide that it shall 
not be opened more frequently than once in two years." 

Upon the question of giving to the governor or with- 
holding from him the veto power, Mr. Kirk wood said: 



28 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

"I am in favor of the old-fashioned veto, I always have been. I be- 
lieve that experieace has show^n its utility both in state and national 
affairs, but 1 am satisfied that in this convention we cannot get it, and 
I make it a rule if I cannot get the best (which is always preferable) to 
take the next best. This I find to be a very practicable and reasona- 
ble rule of action. I never wed mj'self so closely to my own opinions 
as to feel, if I cannot carry them that I will go against everything else. 
It was with this consideration that I had hoped that this proposition 
coming from our friends on the other side (the Whigs) would have 
been accepted as a concession, I shall myself vote for it because cer- 
tainly to some extent it will impose a restraint upon hasty legislation." 

In the debate on the subject of Corporations occurs an 
episode in one of Mr. Kirkwood's speeches worthy a place 
here. He said: 

"I believe that there is at the foundation of political parties in the 
State and in our Union and among 'the rest of mankind,' a radical 
difference in principles, and that the names made use of to designate 
parties are not mere sounds meaning nothing. I believe that the 
term Democrat as adopted by the Democratic Party has a significancy 
as to principle, and does not merely mean a number of men com- 
bined together for the purpose of getting office. I also believe that 
the term 'Whig,' as applied to the Whig Party is intended to signify 
principles, and not merely to signify a body of men banded together 
merely to obtain place. This I believe— if I did not believe it parties 
would be, in my opinion, objects of scorn and detestation. No honest 
man would be a party man if there was no higher bond of union than 
spoils. Now I believe these differences arise from principle, and so 
believing I never can consent to abandon the position I hold as a mem- 
ber of my party, or the advocacy of its principles. Parties are 
founded on principles and the no-party man is a man without prin- 
ciples." 

On the question of takino: private property for public 
use, or the use of corporations, Mr. Kirkwood advocated the 
right of all persons whose property had been taken to have 
their rights adjusted in the courts, and of having their claims 
determined by a jury in those courts. 

On the proposition to excuse Quakers and others opposed 

to war from performing military duty, Mr. Kirkwood 

said: 

"The proposition is to exclude from doing military duty a certain 
portion of our citizens, that if hereafter the legislature should deem it 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 29 

necessary to enact a law requiring that military drill and trainings be 
had, a certain portion of our citizens should be exempt from the opera- 
tion of that law. Now I would ask, why not make a general provision 
applicable to all laws that the}' shall be obligatory only on those who 
conscientiously believe them to be right, and that those who con- 
scientiously believe any law to be wrong, may disregard it. Why 
confine our action to one law and one class of people? I think my 
friend from Jefferson will not endorse, on the part of the Quakers, 
this claim to be thus peculiarly favored. I believe there is a sect 
called the covenanters, who hold peculiar opinions in relation to civil 
government. They hold that all government that does not conform to 
the Bible is wrong. They ai-e therefore conscientiously opposed to 
paying taxes for the support of our government, as in their opinion it 
does not come up to their standard. Will gentlemen make a law 
declaring that these persons be exempt from taxation? Why not? If 
it is right in this case to make a constitutional provision exempting a 
certain class of men from bearing arms because they are conscien- 
tiously opposed to so doing, is it not equally right to make a provision 
exempting the class alluded to from paying taxes because they are 
conscientiously opposed to so doing? Again, the Catholics deem it to 
be wrong, and think their rights are infringed upon when they are 
compelled to pay taxes for the support of common schools, to which 
they cannot conscientiously send their children. They would desire 
the portion of the common school fund they contribute applied to 
schools where their children could be educated in the same religious 
faith as themselves. Will gentlemen go to that length and make the 
distinctions in these cases as well as the one under consideration? If 
not — why not?''' 

Mr. Robertson, a member of the convention, said: 

" The argument of the gentleman from Richland (Mr. Kirkwood) 
against exempting any class from military duty ought to be conclu- 
sive. If we begin to make exceptions, there is no point where we can 
end. The very idea of exceptions destroys that equality that should 
prevail among all the citizens of the State." 

Upon the question of taxation the convention encoun- 
tered a difficulty that we have met with in this State, that of 
' ' double taxation, " and to meet and obviate the difficulty Mr. 
K. offered an amendment providing for "the levying of taxes 
upon all residents of the State in proportion to the amount of 
property and assets owned by each, deducting therefrom the 
debts by him owing accordmg to the value thereof;" and 
upon this he said: 



30 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

''My object is to tax every man for what he is worth and not for 
what he merely holds. For instance, if a man buj's a fai'm of the value 
of, and for which he is to paj-, ten thousand dollars, for which he pays 
down five thousand, and continues to owe five thousand on it, he ex- 
pects, in the course of years, by his own skill and labor, to make the 
money out of the land to pay the balance. Under the present law he 
is taxed upon the whole ten thousand dollars. By what right is he so 
taxed? I desire, by this amendment, so to fix it that a man in future 
will be taxed upon property only to the extent of his own interest in 
it, and not upon all that he holds, whether his own or not. * * * 
The present law is unjust in its operations. It calls upon many men to 
pay taxes on more than they are worth. It brings in property for tax- 
ation twice over, once in the form of land and again in the form of 
notes given for its purchase. A fai'm sold for ten thousand dollars 
may readily be made to pay taxes upon fifteen, ten thousand upon the 
land and five thousand upon the mortgages. A sells a farm for ten 
thousand dollars, for which he receives five thousand in hand and 
notes for five thousand secured by mortgage on the farm. On this five 
thousand he is taxed, while B, to whom he sold the land, is taxed for 
the whole price of it, ten thousand dollars. This is wrong. I want to 
hear the views of gentlemen on this question." 

The question of the Reform of the Law Practice in the 
courts, both civil and criminal, was before the convention, 
and on it Mr. K. said: 

" I object to the grand jury system on account of its expense. I 
would be glad to see all cases of assault and battery, petit larceny and 
other minor offences that would go to the grand jury disposed of before 
a justice of the peace, and if the disposition of the case was wrong, it 
could be taken up on writ of error. It is not good policy to spend 
$200 in costs to protect an interest of six and one-fourth cents." 

At this time the Democratic party with which Mr. K. 
affiliated wa«, to quite an extent, in favor of an exclusive 
metallic currency, and opposed to the issue of paper money, 
and on this subject he was in accord with his party, and in a 
considerable speech he advocated the exclusion of all bank 
notes from circulation under the denomination of twenty dol- 
lars. As this was soon after the discovery of gold in Cali- 
fornia, it was argued that the influx of the precious metals 
from that section would be sufficient to supersede the use of 
bank paper and we would have a circulating medium that 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 31 

never would become depreciated in value, and would be the 
current coin of the whole country. Mr. K., among other 
things, sai<i: 

"Sir, what do the people want? Our friends here say they would 
have hard money. Well, I am agreed to that. I am a hard-moneyed 
man, and I believe that if this question could be fairly brought before 
the people they would also vote for it. But we cannot get such a 
proposition tlirough here. It is now well understood by this conven- 
tion that no hard money proposition can be engrafted in the constitu- 
tion, and we may just as well say it at one time as another, and know- 
ing this, do these gentlemen desire the old system to go on? Do they 
desire the convention to adjourn and say not a word about banking? 
Will they throw the question back into the politics of the State just 
where it has been for the last eight or ten years? Will they let the leg- , 
islature go on and charter bank after bank with the existing license of 
the system, and do nothing but wait for the ' good time coming,' and, in 
the mean time, permit the same system of outrage and wrong under 
which we have suffered so much? If this be their policy, it is not 
mine. I am willing to go as far as any of these gentlemen to effect 
what we all believe to be the best thing; but if that cannot be effected, 
I then desire to effect the next best thing, and this I apprehend to be 
the dictate of plain common sense. Admitting to be correct all these 
gentlemen claim, admitting that within a few years such a change will 
have taken place in public opinion in this State as to render absolutely 
certain the attainment of a hard money currency, I have shown, and 
every gentleman must see that the attainment of this desirable end is 
not in any manner endangered or delayed by the adoption of the sec- 
tions I have offered; but let us suppose for a moment that it is possible 
for these gentlemen to be mistaken; that it is possible that they may 
not be infallible; that it is possible that these gentlemen may be igno- 
rant of the future, although they know so well every thing past and 
present, and what then? Why this: that these gentlemen are about to 
fasten upon the people of this State for an indefinite period of time a 
system of plunder and robbery against which they have been strug- 
gling for years, a system that these gentlemen and myself consider 
corrupt and demoralizing, and but little if any better than legalized 
swindling. And are the gentlemen so sure that they precisely and ex- 
actly know not what now^ is or what has been, but what will be, that 
they are willing to run the risk? Are they willing to stake this fearful 
result upon their infallibility? If they are, I am not. I have a very 
high opinion of the wisdom of these gentlemen, but they must excuse 
me from placing implicit confidence on their fore-knowledge. 

" Now, 1 affirm that the people desire and expect of us that we 
► should do something with the quotion of the currency, although I ca,u 



32 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

speak positively only of those whom I represent. But I can say to my 
Whig friends here that I have not met a single Whig in Richland 
county amongst the rank and file of the party but desired to have some 
constitutional restriction on the power of the legislature to grant 
charters hereafter, and, moreover, I have never found a single indi- 
vidual in favor of the present banking system of the State, nor of leav- 
ing to the legislature unrestricted exercise of the same power which 
they now have with reference to this matter. I have found some 
Whigs that are in favor of submitting the question of banks or no 
banks to the people, and, in ca.se of their decision in favor of banks, to 
fall back upon a new constitutional alternative. 1 have not seen so 
much as one man of either party but what was in favor of some con- 
stitutional action on this question, either a total prohibition of paper 
money, or some restriction upon the legislative power creating it. 
Then if we cannot obtain our preference, let us have the best practical 
thing we can get. Although we think we see 'a good day a-coming,' 
still we ought to guard as well as we can the interests of the people 
until it shall come. 

" I address myself to practical men on both sides of this chamber. 
Seeing that their extreme notions can not be adopted here, I ask them 
to come up and do what they can to remedy existing evils. I tell 
them that the people ask this at their hands, and that they will not be 
put off with an abstraction. 

"How would it look in me to go home and say to the people, ' your 
party had it in their power to save you from plunder, but they refused 
to do so because they thought that some ten years hence, perhaps, they 
could do it more effectually?' * * * I shall record my vote and 
raise my voice against the adjournment of this convention without 
some attempt to protect the people of Ohio from the system of bank 
plunder under which they have suffered so long and go grievously." 

A statement was made and a table of figures presented in 
which it was shown that the people of Ohio during the exist- 
ence of the old constitution had lost $5,000,000 in deprecia- 
ted and worthless bank paper, and it was to prevent any 
such loss in future that Mr. Kirkwood would reform the 
banking system. It was not supposed at that time, nor even 
dreamed of by the most ardent advocate of a paper currency, 
that we could have such a sound circulating medium, backed 
by the credit of the whole National Government, as we have 
in our National Bank notes, or, better still, in the "Blessed 
Oreenback. " 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 33 

Had Mr. Kirkwood been told at this time that he would 
one day be using paper money that was equal to or better 
than gold or silver, he w ould have thought that the man tell- 
ing it was the Prince of Lunatics, and yet the Republican 
party has made this an accomplished fact. 

The capacity of our gold and silver mines to yield us 
their precious metals was both unknown and underestimated, 
and their products have since gone beyond all the anticipa- 
tions of that time. 

Upon the proposition to permit any one to plead his own 
case in a court of record, or employ an}^ one else to do it for 
him, whether such person had been admitted to practice at 
the bar of that court or not, it being claimed by some that 
the lawyers were a privileged class, and had a monopoly of 
this business, Mr. Kirkwood said: 

"When the people of Ohio sent us up here I suppose they had some 
definite object in view. They had been laboring under some incon- 
veniences grievous to be borue, and they sent us here to remove them. 
But I never heard any gentleman say here or elsewhere before that the 
evil here sought to be remedied was considered to be a very great evil 
by the people at large. I am sure that the mass of the people whom I 
I'epresent here never thought of complaining that they had not the 
right to practice law. I desire to confine my action here to the 
removal of palpable existing evils, and I am satisfied that the farmers 
of Richland county do not ask for the privilege of leaving their fai-ms 
and their plows and coming into our courts of justice to practice law. 
But whenever I can be convinced that I am mistaken in this, I will 
support this provision. 

" We have, however, a few men in our county whose complaints I 
have heard upon this subject. And who are thej'? I have said they 
are not our farmers, neither are they our mechanics or working men. 
They c'o not belong to the classes that make up the strength of the 
country. But they are those men who are constantly prowling about 
our justices' courts, fomenting quarrels and disputes among their 
neighbors and encouraging litigation. These are the only men Avhom 
I have heard complain of the exclusive privileges which belong to 
lawyers." 

Nearly every proposition advocated by Mr. Kirkwood 
was engrafted upon this new constitution; it was adopted by 



34 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the people, and forty years' experience under it has demon- 
strated that the changes in it from the old one were eminently 
fit to be made, and that under it the State of Ohio has 
enjoyed an unusual era of prosperity covering two-fifths of a 
century. 




CHAPTEK III. 

OoJd Discovery in California — Gold Hunters Cross Iowa — Afterwards 
Settle Here — Ivimigration of 1854, 5 and 6 — Glowing Description 
of Iowa\s Advantages — Dam Built in 1843 across the Iowa — Mill 
Beso7'ted to by Peo]]le from a Large Scope of Country —Mill Bought 
by Ezekiel Clark — Mr. Kirkwood Becomes His Partner — Farmer 
and Miller — Sells a Stranger Flour and Gets His Vote. 



The discovery of gold in California by Capt. Sutter in 
the year 1848, in unusual and unheard of quantities, set the 
western world ablaze with excitement, and a general rush 
was made for the golden field thus opened, and the route to 
that field taken by those who went thither from the w^est, as 
well as the eastern bank of the Mississippi lay across the 
then undeveloped state of Iowa, and every ferry across the 
great "Father of Waters" (he had not yet been spanned by 
a single bridge), was kept busy for several weeks, if not 
months in the spring of the few years following the influence 
of the magnet attracting numerous wealth seekers to this 
golden discovery, in crossing teams and passengers on their 
way to this new Eldorado. 

As Iowa with her then millions of acres of unbroken fer- 
tile prairie, lay immediately in their way, and these gold 
seekers indulged in the luxury, if luxury it could be called 
of crossing them on foot or with slow-traveling ox and horse 
teams, they had an opportunity of studying this new country 
in all its favorable forms, and of learning all that could be 
known of it. The knowledge thus obtained left a most fav- 
orable impression upon all who crossed the i^tat"e. When 
these gold seekers, after making their ''pile"' and returning 
to their old homes with it, sought out a new place in which 
to build a home and invest that "pile" in it, their 
thoughts adverted to the new and undeveloped state of Iowa. 

36 



36 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

They had seen its broad prairies, had traversed its fertile 
vales, climbed its grass-covered hills, passed through its beau- 
tiful groves, crossed its clear and pebbly streams, and hither 
they came with their friends to whom they had imparted 
this knowledge. 

Another writer on this subject says: 

"In the year 1854 and 1855 the stream of emigration began to pour 
into Iowa from the eastern states to an extent that was astonishing 
and unprecedented. For miles and miles, and day after daj', the 
prairies of Illinois were lined with cattle and wagons pushing on 
toward Iowa." 

At Peoria one gentlemen says, that during a single month 
seventeen hundred and forty-three wagons had passed through 
that place and all for Iowa. 

The Chicago Press says: 

"Most of the passenger trains came in last week with two locomo- 
tives, and the reason of this great increase of power will be under- 
stood when it is known that twelve thousand passengers arrived from 
the East by the Michigan Southern Railroad during the last week." 

The Burlington Telegraph says: 

"Twenty thousand emigrants have passed through the city within 
the last thirty days, and they are still crossing it at the rate of six and 
seven hundred a day." 

These figures were furnished by the ferryman who keeps 
a sort of running calendar, and the editor of the Dubuque 
Reporter wa'ites: 

"Never before in the history of this northwestern region has there 
been a more gratifying spectacle than that now presented to those 
who take an intei-est in its pi'ogressand welfare. Viewing the almost 
countless throng of immigrants that crowd our streets, and learning 
that a similar scene is visible at everj' other point of the Mississippi 
border of Iowa, the spectator is led naturally to infer that a general 
exodus is taking place in the eastern states of the Union, as well as in 
those that a few years ago were denominated the west. 

"Day by daj' the endless procession moves on — a mighty army of 
invasion which, were its objects other than peace and a fraternal, cor- 
dial league with its predecessors, their joint aim to conquer this fair 
and alluring domain from the wild dominion of nature, would strike 
terror in the boldest hearts. They come by hundreds and thousands. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. o7 

from the hills and valleys of New England, bringing with them that 
same untiring, indomitable energy and perseverance, that have made 
their native states the admiration of the w^orld, and whose influence 
is felt wherever enterprise has a votary or commerce spreads a sail; 
with intellects sharpened to the keenest edge, and brawny arms to 
execute the firm resolves of their iron will, and gathering fresh acces- 
sions as they swept across the intermediate country from the no less 
thrifty and hardy population of New York, Ohio and Indiana. Tarry- 
ing no longer among us than to select their future homes, away they 
hie to the capacious and inviting plains that spread themselves inter- 
miuably, to yield almost without preparation their rich latent 
treasures. 

"In reply to the question that may be asked, to what is the high 
tide setting into Iowa to be ascribed? we take it on ourselves to 
answer, that the unanimous consent of those who have investigated 
her claims, accords her a climate of uuequaled salubrity, a soil of the 
mo.st generous fertility, and a geographical position unsurpassed by 
that of any other western state; in a word, that naturally she contains 
within her limits all the elements which properly availed of by man 
will secure his highest temporal prosperity and happiness. When we 
take into account the central position of Iowa in the Union, and the 
fact of the rapid development of her resources, we can easily Ijelieve 
that she is destined to become at no distant day all that the most san- 
guine hope for. Her salubrious climate, abundance of water, and 
favorable distribution of timber and mineral resources all contribute 
to give Iowa pre-eminence among the western states in the minds of 
those who are exchanging a residence in the east for one in the west." 

In the van of this surging mass in 1848 there came to 
Iowa City as a permanent settler Hon. Ezekiel Clark, and 
later in 1855 came with it his brother-in-law, S. J. Kirk- 
wood. 

In the year 1843 the first dam was built across the Iowa 
River about a couple of miles northwest of Iowa City at a 
place now called Coralville. 

There was then no foreign capital to be got for such an 
enterprise, especially in a new frontier country as we were 
and none was available at home for investment in manufac- 
turing purposes of any kind. The records of our court soon 
after this date show that twenty-seven of the leading citizens 
of our sparsley settled county went through bankruptc3^ 
This is an index to the financial standing of our people at 



38 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

that time. But the people had to live, and a mill in which 
to grind their grain was one of the necessities of that living. 
Heretofore the people of the ''Old Capitol" county had to go 
a long distance into Illinois, or to a small mill in Dubuque 
county to get their grinding done, w^here they had to wait 
long weary days for their "turn," in the mean time sleeping 
in their wagons, or in the mill, and a home mill became a 
great desideratum. 

To meet these wants a charter was granted by the legis- 
lature organizing the Iowa City Manufacturing Company, 
with a capital of five thousand dollars, divided into shares of 
twenty-five dollars each. These shares were taken payable 
in all kinds of material that were the subject of barter in 
those days, such as flour, bacon, grain, team work, labor, 
groceries, store pay, etc. ; one man subscribing four shares 
payable in shoemaking. But the dam, breasting the foam- 
ing, surging waters of the boisterous river, was built and it 
was a happy time when the following New Year's day was 
celebrated by a public banquet in the mill at which the 
viands were "mush," "hoe cake," "corn pone," "Jobnny 
cake," "brown bread" and other primitive dishes made from 
meal ground in the new mill, and a richer feast these ban- 
queters never sat down to. In building this dam but twenty- 
five dollars in cash was expended, and the dam was 400 feet 
long and 10 feet high. 

It is not certain that any dividends were ever paid on the 
capital stock of this company, the stockholders being content 
to derive their profits from it in the decreased distance they 
had to travel and the reduced time required in going to mill. 

Ezekiel Clark eventually became the purchaser of this 
mill, or the dam and mill site, for the old mill had been 
burned down, and on this site he erected another. 

This mill was resorted to by people from Fort Dodge, 
Marshalltown and that whole northwestern country for the 
purpose of getting their grinding done, or for the purchase 



THE LirE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 39 

of the flour they used, and the vicinity of the mill often 
looked like a camping ground, so thronged was it with teams 
waiting their turns to have their grists ground. 

In connection with and close to it, Mr. Clark owned a 
farm of 1,200 acres, and when Mr. Kirkwood came to Iowa 
in the spring of 1855 he became a joint owner of this farm 
and mill with Mr. Clark, and here from being a leading 
member of the bar in Richland County, Ohio, he became a 
full fledged Iowa miller and farmer, wearing the dusty coat 
of one and the soil-stained boots of the other, and if the sar- 
castic old adage is true, that "the dust from an honest mill- 
er's coat is a sure cure for sore eyes," Mr, Kirkwood might 
have opened an eye infirmary in one corner of the mill and 
have done a thriving business in that line, but the grists of 
his customers took so much of his time that he could not 
look after their eyesight. 

During the summer and winter of this year, his time was 
spent looking after his farming and milling, leaving law and 

politics in abeyance. A new customer by the name of 

from Fort Dodge, then one of our outposts of settle- 
ment and civilization, came down to Muscatine for a supply 
of groceries, and on the way back stopped at the mill for a 
supply of flour, calculating that he wanted a certain quan- 
tity, but w^hen the flour was put up, he found that he had 
not money enough to pay for it all, and told the miller he 
would have to take some of it back, when the miller says to 
him: 

"You have not got more flour than you want, have 
you?" 

"No," he replied, "but there is more than I have money 
to pay for." 

"Well," says the miller, "you have come a long way to 
mill, and it takes you a great while to go and come, and you 
had better keep the flour and send the money for it when 
you can," and he did so. 



40 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KtRKWOOD, 

When the trade was completed the miller asked him his 
name, which he gave, and then asked the miller for his, and 
got the reply, "My name is Sam Kirk wood." 

In after years, when this customer saw the name of S. J. 
Kirkwood on the Republican ticket for governor, he asked 
some of his neighbors if this S. J. Kirkwood was not "Sam 
Kirkwood the miller," at Iowa City, of whom he once 
bought some flour, and learning that they were the same, he 
cast his vote for him, though he was a Democrat, and ever 
afterward when he saw that name on the ticket he voted for 
"Sam Kirkwood the miller." 



CHAPTER IV. 

Complexion of Political Parties— Factions — Mr. Orimes Nominated for 
Governor — Consults the Abolitionids — Abolition Ticket Withdrawn — 
Mr. Orimes Canvasses the State — Call for a State Convention — Meet 
and Organize — Make-up of Convention — Mr. Kirkwood Attends — Is 
Called Out and Makes a Speech — Elected to the State Senate — On Most 
Important Conim,ittee — Introduces a Free Kansas Joint Resolution — 
Supjjorts it in a Speech — Mr. Harlan Sent Back to the Senate After 
Being Sent Home — Cliange in Congressional Districts — Arkansas and 
New Hampshire Resolutions, 



There are times in the history of our country when the 
great body of the people are nearly equally divided on a 
clear and distinct line of public policy, and two sides are 
taken on a single clear, distinct and well-defined principle, or 
set of principles, and these principles are enunciated in a 
platform, sometimes composed of a single plank, but more 
frequently of several. On the other hand, there are times 
when the body politic seems cut up into factions, and there 
are squads of all shades of political complexions, and the 
people are divided up on various and diverse principles and 
projects. 

The first instance of the former state of afi'airs was in the 
later colonial times, and during the revolutionary period of 
1776, when the parties were divided into Whigs and Tories, 
and the political platform of the former was the immortal 
Declaration of Independence, the most clean-cut political 
document ever penned. 

An instance of the other state of aflfairs was in 1824, 
when there were four presidential candidates in the field, and 
all claimed to be Democrats. 

The most notable state of aflfairs of this latter class was 
about the year 1854 to 1856. The old Whig party was then 
fast integrating, and had become divided into "Woolly 

41 



42 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Heads" (anti-slavery) and "Silver Gre3's " (pro-slavery). 
The Democrats were divided into "Free Soilers " and "Hun- 
kers," the latter slavery propagandists and the former slavery 
restrictionists. There was also a faction of them called 
"Barnburners," who would purify the party as the Dutch- 
man got rid of rats, by smoking them out and, in the process, 
burning up his barn. We had the "Old Abolitionists" and 
the new-fangled party styled "Know Nothings," and there 
was a small party called "National Reformers," sometimes 
called the "Vote Yourself a Farm" party, because their 
almost single principle has given birth to, and been crystal- 
ized in our, "pre-emption," "homestead" and "timber 
culture " laws, relating to the settlement of our public domain. 

The last State Whig convention was held in the year 1854, 
when James W. Grimes w^as the nominee of the Whig party 
for Governor. A State convention of Abolitionists had been 
held the same year, and a full ticket had been nominated by 
them, and though this party was small and few in numbers, 
they held the balance of power, and it was pretty certain that 
with three tickets in the field the Democrats would win. 
Under this state of affairs Mr. Grimes visited Dr. Shedd and 
the leading Abolitionists in their stronghold at Denmark, in 
Lee county, told them privately, but fully and frankly, what 
his position and principles were on questions dividing the 
parties, and stated if these were satisfactory to them, and if 
they would withdraw their ticket from the field, he would make 
a canvass of the State and endeavor to be elected, otherwise 
he would return to Burlington, devote himself to his law 
practice, and leave the political canvass to take care of itself. 

The Abolition ticket was withdrawn. Mr. Grimes 
opened a vigorous personal canvass, crossed the State from 
Burlington to Council Bluffs, speaking to large audiences in 
all the important towns; thence across the State again by 
way of Des Moines to Dubuque, intending to return home by 
way of the river counties, visiting on his way some of the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 43 

large towns in the more inland counties. But his voice had 
become so worn-out by his much speaking that he went 
directly home from Dubuque, stopping only at the large 
towns on the river. At this time there was not a mile of 
railroad in the State, nor were many of our streams bridged, 
and some of our sloughs were almost impassable, and travel- 
ing was slow, tedious, w^earisome and vexatious. But the 
work was done, and the result was that he was triumphantly 
elected by over two thousand majority. 

This coalition was the funeral knell of both the Whig 
and Abolition parties in Iowa, as they were never heard of 
afterward. 

The Whig party, however, left to the State a dying 
legacy in the nomination by the Whig members of the Gen- 
eral Assembly the next winter, who resolved themselves into 
a self-constituted State convention, of a State ticket that was 
voted for and elected the next April, after being endorsed by 
the Know-Nothings in State Council assembled. 

But all political parties in the State except the Demo- 
cratic were this year in a state of "innocuous desuetude," 
and became wholly disbanded. 

On the third day of the following January there ap- 
peared in public print, where or by whom written it would 
now be difficult to ascertain, the following notice: 

TO THE CITIZENS OF IOWA : 

Believing that a large majority of the citizens of Iowa are opposed 
to the political principles of the present Administration, and to the in- 
troduction of slavery into territory now free, and that made free by the 
compromises of 1820, and that the party styling itself the " Democratic 
Party" are striving to make slavery a great national institution, con- 
trary to the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence 
and the Constitution as taught by the fathers of the Republic. We 
would call upon all such free citizens to meet in convention at Iowa 
City, on the 22d day of February, for the purpose of organizing a 
Republican party, to make common cause with a similar party already 
formed in several other of the States of the Union. 

January 3, 1856. Many Citizens. 



44 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

This was the conception of the Republican party in Iowa. 
Its birth took place on the 22d of the following month, when 
it was baptized and christened. Behind this call was no 
"central committee," no organization, no association, no 
club, nobody wjjth any official authority to issue it; but as 
soon as it met the public eye it went over the State like a 
prairie fire before a driving wind. The public mind was 
ripe for something better in the shape of a political organi- 
zation than any that then existed. The ''Many Citizens" 
and their friends came together. They met as "Abolition- 
ists," "Free Soilers," "Whigs," " Know Nothings," "Nat- 
uralized Foreigners," "Disgusted Democrats," and "the 
rest of mankind opposed to slavery extension;" but they all 
went home as " Eepublicans, " with one creed, one confession, 
one covenant and one baptism. There was a spontaneous 
uprising of the people, and that uprising culminated in the 
organization of the Eepublican party. Never was field more 
ripe for the harvest than was Iowa then for the gathering 
together and the uniting of the hosts of her people in oppo- 
sition to the encroachments of the slave power. 

The venerable Philip Yiele was made president of the 
convention, and among its members were such men as Price, 
of Scott; Grinnell, of Powesheik; Judge Hubbard, of Linn; 
Nourse and McCrary, of Van Buren; Finkbine and Kirk- 
wood, of Johnson. But it is invidious to make separate 
mention, when all were able and sound 

The late Alfred Sanders, then the able editor of the 
Davenport Gazettes and one of its members said of it: 

" It was much the largest convention that ever assembled in the 
State of Iowa. 'Men were there as delegates from Dallas, Cerro Gordo 
and other far-distant counties, many of them having traveled from 100 
to 150 miles. The greatest enthusiasm marked the proceedings, and 
the utmost unanimity prevailed upon the great question for which we 
had all assembled. Scores of speeches were made, all pointing to the 
great issue, and every one of them marked by ability. Men accus- 
tomed to attend political gathei'ings, and who had assembled in con- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 45 

ventions iu Eastern States, remarked that they had never witnessed 
such a manifestation of talent. During the afternoon and evening one 
after another took the floor in favor of the limitation of slave territory, 
sundered the ties that bound him to his old party, and gave in his alle- 
giance to the Republican party. It was an experience meeting, and 
men in the candor of their hearts briefly, tersely told of their bitter 
experience in the schools of the old parties. The happiest feeling pre- 
vailed, and men felt as though they had indeed assembled for a great 
and noble purpose, and that their constituents who had entrusted to 
them a question of such vital importance expected of them that they 
would do their work satisfactorilj'. 

It was done satisfactorily. A platform was constructed upon which 
every man opposed to the encroachments of slavery upon free territory 
could stand." 

Jacob Butler, afterwards Speaker in the General Assem- 
bly and Attorney-General of the State, a delegate from Mus- 
catine county, being one of the most enthusiastic among the 
members, after the unanimous adoption of the platform, 
jumped on to his desk swinging his hat, when he shouted, 
" Mr. President, 1 am now like Simeon of old — 'Mine eyes 
have seen the salvation of the Lord; now let thou thy servant 
depart in peace.'" His was but the expression of joy felt by 
a great many others. 

This convention was not called as a mass or delegate 
meeting, and some came simply as citizens of the State, and 
some as delegates from counties; but it was finally resolved 
into a delegate body, each county being entitled to a specified 
number of votes. It met in the morning and the formal 
business was completed soon after dinner. The committee 
on platform was sent out, and so many diverse opinions and 
interests were represented that had to be compromised and 
harmonized, that the committee were out not only a good 
part of the afternoon, but till late in the night, and the time 
of the convention was in the mean time spent in listening to 
speeches from various persons as the spirit moved them or 
as they Avere called out. 

The firm of Clark & Kirkwood, in addition to the farm 
and mill at Cox-alville, two miles up the river, had a store in 



46 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the city, and while Mr, Kirkwood superintended the farm 
and mill Mr. Clark took charge of the store. 

In the afternoon of the day on which the convention was 
held Mr. Clark went up to the mill and asked Mr. K. if he 
was not going down to it, when Mr, K, replied that "the 
members were all strangers to him, and, besides, there was 
so much to do in the mill he could not well leave, " Mr, C. 
answered: "There are one or two of your old Ohio friends 
there that would like to see you;" whereupon Mr. K. came 
down and spent the remainder of the day and evening in the 
meeting. There were several of Mr. K.'s neighbors, the 
writer among them, who were desirous of hearing him on 
the political questions of the day, and about half a dozen of 
them determined to take different positions in the crowd, for 
the room was full, and as soon as one called for him the others 
were to repeat the call till he responded. While the call was 
being made, as he was a stranger among them, loud whispers of, 
"Who's Kirkwood? Who's Kirkwood f w'ere heard around 
the room, one of the inquirers asking, in a louder voice than 
the others, and more earnestly, "Who in h — 1 is Kirkwood?" 

To these repeated calls Mr. K. came forward and, among 
other things, said that "he had always been a Democrat; 
had voted for Franklin Pierce, but that he had left the Dem- 
ocratic party, or rather the Democratic party had left him; 
they had deserted their former principles; that he could not 
now affiliate with them; that he did not know whether the 
party now to be formed by this meeting would be one that 
he could unite and work with."' But he talked long enough 
and strong enough to show that he was in harmony with the 
leading thought that inspired the convention, and he w^as 
enrolled a member and placed on a committee to prepare an 
address to the people of the State, having for his associates 
in that work J. B. Grinnell, H. AV. Lathrop, A. Sanders, 
J. B. How^ell, William M. Stone, Hiram Price, J. A. Parvin 
and L. A. Thomas. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 47 

This was Mr. Kirkwood's first introduction to the politi- 
cians and people of Iowa, and the question, "Who's Kirk- 
wood?" is not whispered into any one's ears to-day, for the 
answer to it is inscril)ed on the brightest pages of the State's 
history. 

The following summer Mr. Kirkwood was nominated for 
and elected to the Senate by the Republicans of Johnson and 
Iowa counties over his Democratic competitor, J. D. Temp- 
lin, by a good majority. 

One of the arguments made use of by his opponent to 
get the support of the voters of Iowa county was that Mr. 
Kirkwood was the owner of, and was supporting, a dam 
across the Iowa river, in Johnson county, that prevented the 
large fish from ascending it, and if he (Templin) should be 
elected, he would have a law passed so that the fish should 
not be obstructed in their ascent, and when the voters in Iowa 
county wanted to catch some large ones they would not have 
to travel twenty or thirty miles to the foot of Kirkwood's 
dam to do it. This is the first instance on record of a politi- 
cian trying to buy votes with fresh fish, and those fish 
running at large in the Iowa river. 

At this time the country was aroused on the subject of 
the encroachments of slavery into free territory in the settle- 
ment of the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and 
Governor Grimes, in the month of July of this year, in call- 
ing an extra session of the legislature to take action on the grant 
of land by Congress for the construction of railroads across the 
State, among other topics alluded to in his message, says: 

" Concurring in the general desire that your session may be short, 
and that your time may be occupied solely by matters relating to the 
State, I do not deem it proper to call your attention at length to the 
deplorable condition of affairs in Kansas and at our National Capital. 
It would be an error to su^jpose that my failure to do so is attributed 
to any want of sympathy with the patriotic and devoted men who are 
struggling for the right of free speech, free labor, free soil and a free 
press in that territorj^ and in the councils of the nation." 



48 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In his message to the legislature, in December, Governor 
Grimes refers to the subject again, but in connection with 
the treatment, by border ruffians from Missouri, of citizens 
of Iowa, who had settled in Kansas. 

On the first day of December, 1856, Mr. Kirkwood took 
his seat as a member of the State Senate. This body at this, 
the last session held under the old constitution, and the last 
regular one held at Iowa City, consisted of thirty-three mem- 
bers. Mr. K. had a place on three committees, they being 
those on Public Buildings, Railroads and Federal Relations, 
being chairman of the latter; and, from a partizan stand- 
point, this was the most important committee appointed, as 
to it would be referred all the matters relating to questions 
on the most important and exciting topics of the time, the 
relation of the States to each other, and to the General Gov- 
ernment on the question of slavery extension and slavery 
restriction. 

As indicating the interest manifested on this subject at 
the time it may be stated that the second bill introduced in 
the house at this session was a 

JOINT RESOLUTION 

entitled, Instructions to Our Senators and Representatives 
in Congress in Relation to Slavery and the Admission of 
Kansas into the Union. 

Whereas, Under the Constitution of tlie United States, Freedom is 
national and Slavery sectional, and believing that the peace, welfare 
and honor of the country imperatively require that our National 
domain shall be preserved Free, Free Homes, for Free Men; and be- 
lieving it to have been the settled policy of our Fathers dictated by 
reason and exalted patriotism, to prohibit the extension of Slavery and 
make Freedom the law of our National Progress. Therefore be it 

Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Iowa, That we are 
unqualifiedly opposed to the extension of Slavery within the jurisdic- 
tion or by the sanction of the General Government, and insist that 
Congress shall exert all constitutional power to preserve our National 
Territory Free. 

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be insti'ucted, and our 
Representatives be requested to exert their influence and vote for the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 49 

admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free State, and to oppose its 
admission witii a constitution establishing or tolerating Slavery. 

Resolved, That the Governor be and is hereby requested to transmit 
a copy of the above preamble and resolutions to each of our Senators 
and Representatives in Congress. 

Mr. Brigham, on the Democratic side of the Senate, 
offered the following substitute for the joint resolution: 

Resolved, That it is the imperative duty of the General Government 
to protect all actual residents in the respective Territories of the 
United States, and all persons seeking homes there, in the full and free 
enjoyments of all legal and constitutional rights of person and 
property. 

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our 
Representatives respectfully requested, to use all constitutional means 
in their power to cause an immediate repeal of all laws of the Terri- 
tory of Kansas which unreasonably abridge the right of suffrage, 
require extraordinary test oaths as a qualification for civil or political 
office, and are incompatible with the rights of free speech and a free 
press. 

Resolved, That while we entertain and express the confident hope, 
that the people of Kansas will at a proper time, organize and adopt 
for her government a constitution prohibiting the institution of 
domestic Slavery, we still recognize their right to determine and man- 
age their own domestic institutions in their own way, and be admitted 
as one of the States of this Union, 

Provided, Her constitution and form of government be republican. 

Mr. Kirkwood offered the following amendment to this 
Democratic substitute: 

To insert after the words "their own way" and befoi*e the words 
"and be admitted the following," 

Provided, That the power of the people who may settle in our Ter- 
ritories, to establish therein the systems of human slavery or poly- 
gamy, is not essential to the free enjoyment of all the rights of self- 
government. 

The writer hereof who was then a correspondent for a Chi- 
cago paper, but did not have a seat in the "reporter's gal- 
lery," for the Senate Chamber of that time had none, but 
had a seat alongside of an honorable Senator, then wrote: 

"Never have we seen more consternation in a friendly circle than 
this created among the dozen Democrats in the Senate. Had a bomb 
shell burst among them, they could not have been more disconcerted. 



50 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Here was a dilemma, they must either vote for polygamy and slavery, 
or vote against them, they could not ride the non-intervention hobby 
and say to slavery, 'we neither love nor hate you, go where you please, 
and to polygamy you may do the same.' 

"A motion was made by Mr. Thurston to strike out polygamy from 
the substitute, but it was voted down. 

"In introducing his amendment Mr. Kirkwood. made decidedly the 
best speech that has been delivered this session. He is the Ajax of the 
Senate, at least a head and shoulders above all his compeers. 

"He said he was opposed to generalities, and would come to the 
question at once. He was in favor of the principle of self-government, 
but the right of self-government does not imply the right, authority or 
power to take away any of the natural rights of others. If the 
Democratic doctrines of to-day are right, we present to the countries 
of Europe the sad spectacle that our General Government looks with 
equal approbation on freedom and slavery, and has not the power, or 
at best the independence to choose between the two. If our country 
has the power and right to acquire free territory, it has the power and 
right to keep it free. We got Utah and New Mexico free; not a slave 
breathed on the soil of either, and yet we are told by the Democratic 
party, that we have no power to keep them free. I have been a long 
time a Democrat, I voted for Franklin Pierce, but I do not now be- 
lieve this to be sound Democratic doctrine and never did while acting 
with that party. Before the final vote was taken the Senate ad- 
journed, which gave the Democrats a breathing spell in which to 
recover from their consternation." 

In a subsequent letter the same writer says: 

"The debate on the Kansas resolutions closed to-day. It has taken 
a very wide range, and the questions involved were ably discussed on 
both sides. Among the best speeches was that made by Mr. McPher- 
son of Warren county. Hailing from a senatorial distiict of new 
counties on the 'Missouri slope,' he was at first thought to be a kind 
of 'liusey woolsey' Senator from the wild frontier, but that impression 
is now wholly dissipated. He is but thirty years of age and though a 
North Carolinian by birth, he is one of the soundest Republicans on 
the floor of the Senate. 

y "That part of Mr. Kirkwood's amendment relating to polygamy 
elicited a warm debate and the 'latter day saints' had their doctrine 
closely analyzed and roughly handled. 

"Mr. Kirkwood said that progress was the watch-word of the Demo- 
cratic party. He traced the history of legislation in regard to the 
tei-ritories down to the year 1852, and demonstrated the fact that Con- 
gress had, till that time, recognized and exercised the power of repeal- 
ing all such law§ pf|S5ged by tjie territorial legislatures as they plej|§ed. 



THE LIFE ANn TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 51 

The doctrine of squatter sovereignty in the territories was 'Demo- 
cratic progress' in politics, and the doctrine of polygamy which was 
preached by Joseph Smith and is now promulgated by Brigham 
Young, and practiced by the settlers of Utah, is the corresponding 
'progress' in theology. 

"Mr. Test said it could not be proved that polygamy existed in 
Utah. The Mormons were married to but one wife, they were sealed 
to the others, and those to whom they were sealed were not their legal 
wives. 

"Mr. Kirkwood replied that all our commentators on common law 
called marriage a domestic institution. Polygamy is marriage, there- 
fore polygamy is a domestic institution. He read from an official 
report made to the President of the United States by certain terri- 
torial officers of Utah, showing that polygamy was boldly and openly 
practiced there, and recognized as one of their institutions by the citi- 
zens of that Territory, and if the Democratic members were in favor 
of permitting the people of Utah to cherish this as one of their insti- 
tutions, and come into the Union with it, he wanted them to say so on 
the record, and if not he wanted their negation equally on the record. 
This is soon to become a practical question, and as it is one in which 
Iowa is interested, our Senators in Congress should be instructed in 
relation to it. It was in a fair way to become as much of an institu- 
tion as slavery. It was growing up in the same way. Slavery was 
not recognized by law when introduced into the country. At first it 
was looked upon with apprehension, then tolerated, and finally 
established and protected by law, till in some parts of the country it 
had become interwoven with the whole net work of society. Just so 
it is with polygamy, and we should embrace the first opportunity to 
check it. 

"Upon a joint resolution instructing our Senators and request- 
ing our Representatives in Congress to vote against the alteration of 
our naturalization laws, and for the passage of a law prevent- 
ing the importation by foreign governments of felons and paupers, 
Mr. Kirkwood said he was in favor of the resolution presented, 
but he wished something further. It is well known that in some 
localities a large number of fraudulent naturalization papers had been 
issued on election da3', or a short time before, and those to whom they 
had been issued voted at some of the late State elections. The investi- 
gation in the late contested election case in Philadelphia, showed that 
many of these papers had been thrown into the houses, and clandes- 
tinely placed in the pockets of those who were not voters; that these 
had been used by those to whom they had been thus given, and he was 
in lavor of having something done to put a stop to such operations 
p,nd punish those engaged in them. 

■'Mr. Trimble thought the passage of these resolutions at this tim^ 



52 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIUKWOOD. 

would not affect our Representatives now either one way or the other. 
Two years ago it might have done something for them. There were 
many then who had great fears of the influence of Dutch Krout, Irish 
Whiskey and the Pope of Rome, but now that storm at one time so 
tlireatening had passed away, and had been succeeded by a calm. On 
the floor of the Senate there was but one who had remained firm in 
his first love. The principles embi-aced in the resolutions he had ever 
cherished and advocated. 

"Mr. Foster inquired who had left their first love. He knew of 
none who had gone further astray than Democratic Senators. They 
had left their first love iu deserting the principles of Jefferson. Cer- 
tainly the Democratic Senator from Marion (Mr. Neal) had left his 
first love in voting for Hale for president in 1852 and for Buchanan 
now. 

"Mr. Test said he did not know where the Republican party was on 
this question. It was made up of the fragments of the Know Nothing 
party. 

"Mr. Carter inquired why the Senator from Davis (Mr. Trimble) 
was elected in a count}' where the Know Nothings were once largely 
in the ascendency, if the Republicans had absorbed that party. 

"Mr. Brigham said the records of the election in Pennsylvania 
showed that Senators were in a party which had afiiliated with the 
Know Nothings. The Democratic party had always stood by the 
oppressed, and he hoped they always would. 

"Mr. Jenkins said he was glad to see Senators iu such good humor; 
when the Kansas resolutions were under consideration some of them 
were restive. Can they now be strangers to the fact that during the 
Presidential contest, the Democratic papers complimented the Ameri- 
can party and its candidates in the most honied words? Why the 
change? When this American party promised to become a formida- 
ble rival it was called by the hard names "Dark Lantei'nites, '' "Hin- 
doos,'' etc. What are now called by them the "patriotic Whigs," 
were once stigmatized by them as the worst enemies of their country. 
When the charge was made that the R^ublicans had absorbed the old 
Know Nothing party, he would take them to his county where a 
prominent Democrat had said 'he hoped he would be able soon to find 
a member of the Democratic party that had not been a member of a 
Know Nothing council.' 

"Mr. McPherson said he had never been a Know Nothing, he did 
not wish to abridge the period of naturalization, but he would punish 
the frauds in issuing false papers. 

"The l)ill appropriating $100,000 for the building for the Insane 
Asylum being under consideration, Mr Kii'kwood said he should sup- 
port the bill from economical considerations, and the duties we owe to 
the unfortunate insane of the State. Those for whom this building is 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 5a 

to be erected need prompt and efficient attention, and the longer means 
are delayed for their benefit so miu h more is the prospect of their 
recovery lessened. If this building is not soou put up, our insane, when 
they become maniacs, will have to be shut up in our jails, where they 
cannot receive the attention their case demand"!, and where their con- 
dition is becoming more and more hopeless." 

It was during the session of this General Assembly that 

Mr. Harlan was ousted from his seat in the United States 

Senate, and the correspondent writing upon this subject 

says: 

''The ousting of Mr. Harlan from his seat in the United States 
Senate, will devolve upon this Legislature the duty of filling the 
vacancy. He will be re-elected by the unanimous vote of his party. 
There are few men in the State that have a stronger hold on the affec- 
tions of the people of the State than he. In the spring of 1847 they 
elected him to the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. He 
entered upon the discharge of the duties of the office and was ousted 
from it on account of some informalities in the law providing for his 
election. At the succeeding election he was a candidate, and claimed 
to have been elected, but was again cheated out of it by a maneuver 
in canvassing the votes. His friends wishing to show the confidence 
they reposed in him, presented his name as a candidate for Governor 
at the next gubernatorial convention, where he received the nomina- 
tion without opposition ; but during the canvass it was ascertained that if 
elected he would not have reached the age required by the Constitu- 
tion, and, therefore, he declined the nomination. '^ 

Three days later this correspondent writes: 

"This is one of the proudest days in the political history of our 
State. She has to-day given the revolutionary and disorganizing 
clique which claims to be the Democratic party, one of the most signal 
rebukes ever administered. By a vote of sixty-three to thirty-six, the 
joint convention of the two houses re-elected Hon. Jas. Harlan to the 
United States Senate. 

''It has become the custom of political parties of all complexions 
to caucus for all candidates for all offices, and on all occasions, but 
so clear was the indication of the popular will in this instance, that 
the Republican members went into the joint convention without even 
the least consultation, and cast their undivided vote for Mr. Harlan. 
The unanimity with which this choice has been made, is no less 
remarkable than the dispatch with which Mr. Harlan has been 
returned. Last Monday the vote for his expulsion from the United 
States Senate was taken and within five days from that time, he has 
returned to his constituents, and is again on his return to Washington 



54 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOi). 

with his credentials in his pocket. Mr. Harlan arrived here yesterday 
and this evening addressed a meeting of the citizens and members of 
the Legislature, held in the Senate Chamber. 

"He reviewed the history of his case from its very inception, made 
a clear analysis of each event connected with it, and made some of the 
Democrats, who two years ago participated in the disgraceful scenes 
of that period, so ashamed of themselves that it will be with difficulty 
they can by any means sufficiently expiate their shame. He told them 
that their own political friends at Washington had denounced in the 
harshest language their disorganizing schemes to prevent an election 
two years ago. He told the Democratic membei's of the present legis- 
lature that it was in obedience to their express dictation, that Senator 
Jones had called up the protest against his (Harlan's) holding his seat, 
and had passed it to final action. He gave his auditors a brief exposi- 
tion of his position on the great issue of the times, and was frequently 
greeted with the most hearty applause. He told his friends that there 
was to be a grave question presented in a decision of the Supreme 
Court on the great issue now before the counti*y, and it was one they 
must be prepared to meet. He referred to an opinion delivered by 
Chief Justice Marshall, in which the court decided that "Congress in 
the Territories possessed all the powers of a State and the General 
Government combined," and he said he felt bound by that decision, 
and should support it; that it was made when it was not extorted from 
the court by the over-powering influence of a great political party. " 

Mr. Kirkwood has always been a friend of the State 
Historical society and on January 23, 1857, during the 
infancy of the institution, in his place in the Senate, he 
secured for it an appropriation from the State of two hundred 
and fifty dollars annually, and thirty copies of all documents 
printed by the General Assembly to be distributed by the 
society to like societies in the several states for the purpose 
of receiving the like from those states in exchange. 

Upon a proposition to tax railroads one hundred dollars 
per mile and exempt their lands from taxation, Mr. Kirk- 
wood said: 

"The opponents of this bill are called the enemies of the railroads, 
and those who live in towns where these roads already terminate, are 
charged with being opposed to the bill because they wish to retard the 
progress of the roads from their towns. When these lands pass into 
the hands of the railroad companies, they become private property 
and are subject to the same rules as other private property. It is true 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 55 

these lauds were granted to the State in trust, but that trust termin- 
ated when the lands were parted with by the State." 

At this time there were but two Congressional Districts 
in the State, one, the northern, largely Republican, and the 
other only slightly so. A change took Des Moines, Louisa 
and Washington from one and transferred them to the other, 
making them more equal in population and both strongly 
Republican, and it was charged that the change was made by 
the Republicans from political motives. Mr. Coolbnugh 
denounced the scheme in the most unmeasured term. 

Mr. Kirkwood (alluding to the stampede the Senator took 
when the Democratic part of the Senate ran away two years 
ago to prevent Mr. Harlan's election) said: 

" It came with an ill-grace from the Senator from Des Moines (Mr. 
Coolbaugh) to charge Senators with acting from political motives 
when the Senatorial stampede in which he was so active a participant 
was so fresh in the minds of all." 

The premonitory mutterings of the great storm thai was 
to break upon the country in 1861 were now being heard. 
One of these is thus alluded to in a letter from the corres- 
pondent heretofore quoted: 

" The Governor laid before the Senate a series of ' blood and thun- 
der ' resolutions passed by the Arkansas Legislature, and the response 
thereto by the Legislature of New Hampshire. They are worth a 
perusal, and I give a synopsis of them. They declare that property in 
slaves is recognized by the Constitution of the United States, and that 
each State by being a party to the compact has recognized the same 
and is bound by such recognition, aud that the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise is in accordance with this recognition. They assert that 
opposition to this repeal in the Northern States is at war with the 
letter and spirit of the constitution, violative of plighted faith, and a 
traitorous blow aimed at the rights of the South. They further declare 
that the people of Ohio have pursued an unjust and odious course in 
their fanatical hostility to an institution for which they are not respon- 
sible, in their encouragement of known felons, and endorsement of 
reputed and shameless violations of law and decency in their estab- 
lishment of Abolition presses and circulation of incendiary documents, 
and that it is the duty of the people of Arkansas to discontinue all 
social and commercial relations with the citizens of said State, and the 



56 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

same recommended as a punishment of past oiiti*ages and a preventive 
of future aggressions, 

" The Legislature of New Hampshire responded to these by denying 
that the constitution recognizes property in slaves, and they assert that 
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was a wanton outrage on the 
sentiments, rights and feelings of the people of the North, and a per- 
fidious and treacherous violation of national faith. They declare they 
will not consent to the admission of any slave State from any territory 
north of 36° 30', and that while they are attached to the Union, they 
will not, to avoid any crisis, submit to the introduction of slavery into 
any territory for thirty years consecrated to freedom; that threats of 
disunion coming from any of the slave States, unless they are permit- 
ted to regulate the policy of the General Government on the subject of 
slavery, have lost their terrors with the people of New Hampshire, 
and that they will maintain their right at all hazards consistent with 
the honor of the Constitution; that it will be time for the people of 
Arkansas to complain of the legislation of the free States relating to 
slavery when the slave States have corrected their own, and when the 
lives, liberty and property of the people of the free States are made 
safe therein. They state that they have no fears that the people of 
Ohio will be frightened from what they believe their duty or interest 
by any threats coming from Arkansas, or any other slave State, and 
that they will unite with and sustain the people of Ohio in all consist- 
ent efforts to resist the aggressions of the slave power." 



CHAPTER V. 

Republicans Elect Their Ticket in August— Are Defeated the Next April 
—Mr. Kirkwood Takes the Slump — Speaks at West Union iji 
Borrowed Clothes — Offers to Sup2)ori Orimes for Senator — (jovernor 
Orimes Elected — Nebraska Shin Plasters — Dred Scott Decision — 
Joint Resolutions — Personal of the Seventh Oeneral Assembly — Ba7i- 
quet to Slate Officers— Also to Citizetis — Nominated for Oovernor — 
JoiJii Canvass — Ride with Ox Team -Elected— Inaugural Address- 
Financial Failure in 1S57 — Railroad Prediction. 



The following August the Republicans elected the ticket 
nominated in February, 1856, by over seven thousand 
majority, but in the following April, when three State offi- 
cers were to be chosen, only one Republican was elected, and 
he by the meagre majority of 315, while the two Democrats 
got each over 500. With this showing it looked as though 
the State was falling back into the arms of Democracy again, 
and that the newly formed Republican party of Iowa was 
destined to be short lived. 

In August, 1857, Ralph P. Lowe was nominated by the 
Republicans for governor, and Ben M. Samuels their pet and 
idol by the Democrats, Mr. Samuels was a man of considera- 
ble talent, of fine presence, and withal a very fluent, attrac- 
tive and able speaker. 

Under such a state of affairs it looked as though the 
Republicans would have to put forth their best efforts to suc- 
ceed. Gov. Grimes, who had been on a visit to his old New 
Hampshire home, had previous to his going away made 
arrangements with J. W. Rankin of Keokuk, a neighbor and 
particular friend of Mr. Lowe, to stump with him a portion of 
the northeast part of the State, where Mr. Samuels was sup- 
posed to be very strong, and they were to meet for their 
start at Iowa City. In the mean time Mr. Rankin had been 
nominated for the Senate in his own county, and had to 



57 



58 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

remain at home to attend to the canvass there, a fact which 
Gov. Grimes learned on his arrival at Iowa City. 

The day of Gov, Grimes' arrival, Mr. Kirkwood had 
come into town from his mill on business connected with it, 
when on the sidewalk he met a hoy, sent for that purpose, 
who informed him that some men at the State House wanted 
to see him. Thither he went and found Gov, Grimes and 
several others, who in consultation had sent for him to take 
Mr. Rankin's place on the stump. Mr. Kirkwood at first 
peremptorily declined, stating that his partner, Mr. Clark, 
was away from home, and that in addition to the mill and 
a 1,200 acre farm, he had to keep an oversight of the store 
in town. But as there was to be a United States Senator 
elected the next winter, and it was necessary that every effort 
should be put forth to hold the State for the Republicans, 
and elect a Republican successor to Gov. Grimes, Mr. Kirk- 
wood consented to sacrifice his own personal interest for the 
public good and accompany Gov. Grimes, but only on the 
condition that he should be permitted to return in a few days 
as soon as someone else could be got to take his place, and 
so laying aside his flour-dusted coat, and packing his grip 
sack, they left Iowa City together, traveling as they had to 
in ante-railroad times in a two-horse buggy. 

The few days that Mr. Kirkwood was to spend in this 
work lengthened themselves to three weeks, the man to take 
his place was never found, and the Republicans in the six- 
teen counties got the benefit of the herculean labors of these 
two Republican "wheel horses." 

Previous to this time the acquaintance of these two men 
had not been very intimate, only such as they would get in 
an official intercourse as Governor and State Senator. But 
they had learned what each other was by reputation as a 
platform speaker, the one in his canvass through the State 
as candidate for Governor in 1854, and the other as candi- 
date for State Senator in the canvass in his own district 



J 



tHE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 59 

in 1856, as well as subsequently on the floor of the State 

Senate. ' ^. , o -j 

On their way they stopped over night at Cedar Rapids, 
where a competitor of E. N. Bates, who was an aspirant for 
lecrislative honors on the Republican side endeavored to 
secure the influence of Gov. Grimes against this aspirant, on 
the ground that he was opposed to the election of Gov. 
Grimes for Uuited States Senator. Gov. Grimes' advice to 
him was: -Let nothing for or against me have any part in 
this election, but choose some good Republican regardless of 
whom he will support for Senator." 

This conversation was overheard by Mr. Kirkwood and 
it left the impression with him that Gov. Grimes was labor- 
ing solely for the general good, instead of his own individual 

interest. . 

This was one of the very wet seasons in Iowa, and in 
traversing the county the rivers were found at flood tide, the 
creeks bank full, the sloughs themselves considerable streams, 
and our travelers often found themselves traveling much in 
the rain, sometimes being uncomfortably wet on arriving at 
their stopping place, but though made under difficulties, the 
appointments were all filled, good audiences addressed, and 
an increased Republican vote was the result of their com- 
bined labors and the whole ticket was elected by a good 
majority, and that majority was obtained measurably through 
the efforts of these two men in tliat few weeks' canvass. 

There was a little episode in this canvass that is not on 
the usual program of stump speakers. They had an appoint- 
ment to speak at West Union in the evemng, and had to 
make an all day's ride to reach the place. Most of that day s 
ride was in the rain, not a drizzle, but a good orthodox 
down pour, in which water was at a big discount, and the 
result was they were about as wet as water could make them, 
and it came down so plentifully that a couple of basins were 
found in the glazed leather cushions on which they were 



60 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

riding, and they finished their ride with these basins full and 
running over. 

Speaking under these circumstances was not to be thought 
of. They would have to spend the evening standing around 
the tire to get dry. The reputation of these speakers had 
preceded them. Political enthusiasm was at a white heat. 
A large crowd was gathering. Bat a couple of speakers, 
dripping wet from shirt collars to stocking, were not in a 
good condition to entertain an audience. Someone, rich in 
expedients, suggested that a couple of dry suits could be 
borrowed, and borrowed they wore, and a couple of comely 
clad speakers, in dry, if not ''glove fitting"" clothing, most 
interestingly entertained an eager and well instructed audi- 
ence. 

S. W. Cole, the hotel keeper where they put up, was in 
the "second-hand clothing" business long enough to obtain 
and furnish these "dry suits." 

During most of this canvass Mr. Kirkwood spoke first 
and Gov. Grimes last, but at an evening meeting held in 
Guttenburg the order was reversed. Gov. Grimes spoke 
longer and more eloquently than he was accustomed to do, 
leaving Mr. Kirkwood less time than he usually occupied, 
and he therefore concluded that instead of his usually elabo- 
rate speech, he would present only its best points, and eluci- 
date them with some aptly told stories, which were so telling 
they were cheered to the echo by frequent rounds of ap- 
plause. 

At the close of the meeting Frank Rodman, an enthusi- 
astic German Republican, who had been a member of the 
legislature, said to them: "You are shust the two men to go 
togedder. Gov. Kriraes makes grand, good speech, and Mr. 
Girkwood is full of good points, and he tells fine stories and 
makes fun for de boys." 

Before the close of their three weeks' canvass, and after 
they had made each others acquaintance quite fully, Mr. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 61 

Kirkwood, without a hint, solicitation or suggestion of any 
kind on the subject from him, told Gov. Grimes one day as 
they were riding along, that he ought to he our next United 
States Senator, and that as a member of the legislature he 
would like to support himfor that office, which was responded 
to by Gov. Grimes saying that he would like his support in 
case he was a candidate for the office as he probably 
would be. 

On his arrival home, Mr. Kirkwood found that W. Penn 
Clark, one of his immediate constituents and a near neio:hl)or, 
had become a candidate for United States Senator, and that 
he, of course, expected the support of his home member. 
Mr. Kirkwood, by letter, apprised Governor Grimes of this 
state of affairs, whereupon he replied, absolving Mr. K. from 
any obligation to support him under the circumstances. Mr, 
Clark got the support of his home member until it became 
certain that he could not be elected, when his friends endeav- 
ored to secure Mr. K.'s influence for another than Governor 
Grimes, but Mr. K. told them that his vote and influence had 
been due to, and had been used for, Mr. Clark, and it was 
not transferable by any one but himself, and having dis- 
charged all his obligations to Mr. Clark, neither he nor his 
friends had any more claim upon him. Mr. K. then threw 
his vote and influence for Governor Grimes and his election 
was secured. 

The year 1858 was a memorable one in the legislative 
history of Iowa. The State had spent the first twelve years 
of its existence under an anti-bank constitution, usinfir a cur- 
rency in all the commercial transactions of the people over 
which she had no control, and to which she could give no 
character, and the people were subjected to the use of the 
poorest and most irredeemable currency afloat in the country. 

During the latter part of this dozen years of history, 
those of our people who wished to engage in banking busi- 
ness crossed the Missouri river into Nebraska, and there 



62 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

established banks, whose notes Avere to be the main currency 
of the money users of Iowa, and then recrossed the river and 
put those notes afloat amongst us. How much we all then 
suffered from the use of what became to us at last worthless 
trash, in the form of money, is only known to those who 
then used it. In the financial crash of 1857 these notes were 
on a par with the forest leaves of autumn, and those bankers 
who had issued them found themselves bankrupt. 

An extract from Governor Lowe's inaugural address, 
delivered to the Seventh General Assembly, is a good index 
of the condition we were then in. He says: 

"In the absence of a national paper currency, and with an estab- 
lished policy of seventy years' standing in the use of a mixed currency 
of paper and metal by the States, each for itself providing and regu- 
lating its own circulating medium, it would seem to be the very climax 
of human folly for a single State possessing equal powers to lean 
wholly upon other States and foreign corporations for its currency. 
Yet Iowa from the beginning has been guilty of this great folly, the 
effect of which has been to keep out that amount of fair proportion of 
gold and silver which a wise and well-regulated banking system would 
have necessarily supplied, and subjected us to the necessity, as well as 
the hazard, of employing the paper of a thousand banking institutions 
in other States, at an immense annual cost in the shape of interest, 
failures and counterfeits, and now, when the whole country is over- 
taken by a money crisis in which many of their banks have gone into 
liquidation and others have withdrawn their issues, we find ourselves 
destitute of a circulating medium. 

" It is needless to disguise the fact that, like the balance of the civil- 
ized world, we aie greatly in debt, with no disposition, however, to 
break faith with our creditors. Possessing millions of produce and 
other good property, still we have no money or available credit to 
meet our liabilities." 

At this session Mr. Kirk wood was chairman of the com- 
mittee on Federal Relations and had a place on the commit- 
tees on Schools and Universities, on Banks and on Public 
Buildings. 

About this time the country was aroused by the decision 
of the Supreme Court of the United States, or rather the 
ppinions and dicta of some of the Judges of that court in the 



THK LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 63 

Dred Scott case, and no less so on the admission of Kansas 
into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, and the 
legislature took strong ground in criticising the court, as 
well as the National Administration, in both these cases. 

Governor Grimes, in his annual, and Governor Lowe, in 
his inaugural, message, took also strong and decided ground 
against the action of both, and they were in full accord with 
the legislature, which expressed itself on these subjects in the 
passage of a set of joint resolutions, in which the action of 
the court and the National Administration were both severely 
criticised and condemned, and our Senators in Congress were 
called upon to resign unless they could oppose the admission 
of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. 

The State of Iowa, like most others, has had its periods 
of infancy, childhood, youth and manhood. Its territorial 
days were its infancy, the administrations of Governors 
Briggs and Hempstead its childhood, those of Grimes and 
Lowe its youth, and those following its manhood. 

Never in the history of the State has there been an abler 
General Assembly than the Seventh, which was the first one 
to meet, in 1858, at Des Moines, the new capital, when the 
State was leaving its youthful condition and entering upon 
that of incipient manhood. It was the first to assemble un- 
der the new constitution. Adapting laws to its new provi- 
sions — enacting them for the creation of banks — considering 
means for the more thorough and efficient plans of county 
organization — passing upon measures for the relief of the 
people from their financial embarrassment, caused by the 
financial crisis of the previous year — reorganization of our 
system of popular education, in which they had the assist- 
ance of such able and experienced educators as Horace Mann 
and Amos Dean — remodeling the judiciary system — wrestling 
with the problem of the Des Moines River Improvement 
Company — rescuing our magnificent school fund from waste, 
caused by an unfaithful public officer — providing for a more 



64 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

prompt collection of taxes, and building up our reformatory, 
charitable, penal and higher educational institutions, were 
among the measures that demanded attention. 

To perform these labors there were in the Senate such 
men as Rankin, Brigham, Coolbaugh, Trimble, Saunders, 
Anderson, Pusey, Patterson, Kirkwood, Cattell, Grinnell 
and their associates, and in the House such men of age and 
experience as Lincoln Clark, Shelladay, Ayers, Streeter, 
with men younger in years, but equal in ability, like Casady 
of Mahaska, Seevers, Edwards and Bradley; while it con- 
tained a galaxy of sixteen young men, the equals of whom 
are rarely found in any legislative body. They were Bel- 
knapp, McCrary, Wilson, Gue, Wright, Bates, Carpenter, 
Drummond, Jackson, Curtis, Clune, Sprague, Woodward, 
Beal, Bennett and Casady of Woodbury. Some were but a 
few years out of their "teens," McCrary being but 22, and 
all were in the "twenties;" but there were giants among them. 

Of these, Belknapp afterwards became Secretary of War; 
McCrary, Secretary of War and afterwards a Judge on the 
bench of a United States Court; Wilson, a United States 
Senator; Carpenter, Governor of the State; Gue, Lieutenant- 
Governor and Wright a Brigadier-General, while others of 
them held high and responsible positions. Few brighter 
stars have shone in the intellectual firmament than Tom 
Drummond and T. Walter Jackson. It is a noteworthy fact 
that two of these youngsters, Wright and Gue, fought 
through and procured the passage of the bill establishing the 
Agricultural College, by a vote of 49 to 5, in face of an 
adverse report upon it from the Committee of Ways and 
Means. Eight years later these same two youngsters, as 
presiding oflScers in the two branches of the Eleventh Gen- 
eral Assembly, one as Lieutenant-Governor and the other as 
Speaker of the House, certified the election to the United 
States Senate of Samuel J. Kirkwood, one of their co-law- 
makers at this session. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 65 

The average age of members of the House was under 
forty years. Mr. Kirkwood was chairman of the committee 
on Federal Relations, and it was an important one, for at this 
time those relations were not of the most friendly character. 
As chairman of that committee he introduced the following 

JOINT RESOLUTIONS : 

Of the General Assembly of the State of Iowa touching the oinnions 
of some of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States on polit- 
ical questions, ijicorporated in the opinion of that court, in the case of 
Scott vs. Sandford. 

Whereas, The Supreme Court of the United States, in the recent 
ease of Scott vs. Sandford, after expressly deciding that it had not 
jurisdiction of the case by deciding that the ijlaintilf, Scott, could not, 
by reason of his descent, sue in the courts of the United States, has 
undertaken to pronounce an extra judicial opinion prohibiting the 
people of the United States, through Congress, and the people of the 
territories, through their local governments, instituted under the a(i- 
thority of Congress, from any control of the question of slavery within 
the territories of the United States, and legalizing slaverj' in all those 
territories; and. 

Whereas, Such extra judicial opinion subordinates the political 
power and interests of our whole people to the cupidity and ambition 
of a few thousand slave-holders, who are thereby enabled to caiTy the 
odious institution of slavery wherever the national power extends, 
thereby degrading free labor in all the territories which the United 
States now have, or may hereafter acquire, by bringing slave labor in 
direct competition therewith, predooming such territory to all the 
blighting influences of the system of human slavery; and. 

Whereas, Such extra judicial opinion of the Supreme Court is 
conclusive proof of the settled determination of the slaverj' pi'opa- 
gandists to subvert all those high and holy principles of freedom upon 
which the American Union was formed, and to degrade it from its in- 
tended lofty position as the exemplar and bulwark of freedom into a 
mere engine for the extension and perpetuation of the barbarous and 
detestable system of chattel slavery. Therefore, it is as the sense of 
the people of Iowa, 

Resolved, That the extra judicial opinion of the Supreme Court in 
the ease of Dred Scutt is not binding in law or conscience upon the 
Government or people of the United States, and that it is of an import 
so alarming and dangerous as to demand the insiant and emphatic 
reprobation of every good citizen. 

Besolved, That one of the most dangerous of the poliiical heresies. 



66 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

thus illegitimately announced is that Avhich denies the equality of llie 
free States, and renders them, on account of their free institutions, in- 
ferior and subordinate to the slave States by declaring that, bj' virtue 
of the Constitution of the United States, slavery goes into all our 
territories to the exclusion of freedom, and is sustained and protected 
therein, until the people of the territories form for themselves State 
Constitutions, at which time, if at all, but certainly not till then, they 
may rid themselves of the system; and we would be ungrateful to 
those whose care and foresight provided for us free homes, and dere- 
lict in our duty to those who will come after us. did we not promptly 
and sternly denounce this new doctrine, which, if established, degrades 
the free States and either confines free labor within its present limits 
or sends it into our new territories in degi'ading competition with 
slave labor. 

Resolved, That we still recognize and sustain the time-honored doc- 
trines taught by the early fathers of our political faith, that freedom is 
the great cardinal principle which underlies, pervades and exalts our 
whole political system; that the Constitution of the United States does 
not, in any waj'', recognize the right of property in man; that slaver}^ 
as a system is exceptional and purely local, deriving its existence and 
support wholly from local law. Any person held to service or labor 
in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another State m-iy 
b ' I'eclaimed, not as property, but as a person, who, by the laws of the 
State whence he escaped owes, or, by the Constitution of the United 
States, is capable of owing, a debt of service or labor which he must 
discharge. 

Resolved, That the State of Iowa will not allow slavery within her 
borders, in any form or under any pretext, for any time, however 
short, be the consequences what they maj'. 

It had been a time-honored cnstom for the citizens of the 
Capital, while it was at Iowa City, to give a ball and social 
party in honor of the Members of the Legislature and State 
officers, and afterwards one in return was given by them to 
the citizens. 

At the first session held at Des Moines this custom was 
observed by the people of that city at a banquet and ball in 
Sherman's Hall, on the 22d of February, and the citizens 
were treated to one in the Capitol by the members and State 
officers on the 18th day of March. Mr. Kirkwood was 
chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. Representa- 
tives' Hall was occupied by the dancers, the Senate Chamber 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 67 

by the promenaders, and supper was furnished in the library 
and Supreme Court rooms. 

The subscription paper providing funds was drawn up 
and headed by Mr. Kirkwood. It contains the autograph of 
each member and State officer, and is now preserved in the 
archives of the State Historical Society as one of the relics of 
those early days. 

Following closely in the wake of the new constitution and 
laws enacted under it by this General Assembly during the 
State's incipient manhood, agriculture, its leading industry, 
entered upon a new and more promising era; improved stock 
of all breeds and races began to be introduced, new styles of 
farm implements were adopted, the horse-mower replaced 
the old scythe, the reaper the hand-cradle, the horse-planter 
and check rower the hoe and hand-planter, the two-horse corn 
cultivator the old shovel plow, and the sulky rake, hay- 
loader and horse-fork their slow-working, labor-imposing 
predecessors, till half the boys can now leave the farm, and 
those left on it can raise more stock and more grain, and do 
it more easily, than they all could in former days. These 
things, with our telegraph and railroad systems, then just 
beginning, have contributed to the development of our State 
into its present condition of stalwart manhood. 

The labors of the Seventh General Assembly being 
ended, Mr. Kirkwood returned from his legislative duties 
and honors to his farm and mill, having no political aspira- 
tions, and intending to spend there the remainder of his days 
in the care and oversight of both. But he was not permit- 
ted to remain long in the care of them. The following year 
a new Governor was to be chosen, and though Mr. Kirk- 
wood had no thought or desire of })eing a candidate for the 
place, and was not seeking it, still the place sought him. 

The Republican State Convention met June 22, 1859, 
and he was nominated by acclamation, without even an in- 
formal ballot being taken. Probably no man in the State did 



68 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

more to bring Mr. Kirkwood forward for that position than 
Governor Grimes. The knowledge he had acquired of Mr. 
Kirkwood's power as a stump speaker in the few weeks they 
were together in the active work of the canvass of a previous 
year, in some sixteen counties in the northeast part of the 
State, satisfied Governor Grimes that Mr. Kirkwood was the 
man of all others who could canvass the State as a candidate 
for Governor and carry the people with him. 

Augustus Caesar Dodge was the nominee of the Demo- 
crats at this election. He had been in official life during his 
whole residence in the State; had for thirteen years been a 
member of Congress from Iowa, and for the four years pre- 
vious to his nomination had been Minister to Spain. During 
all this time he had been the most popular man in his 
party in the State, and it was he who they thought could 
redeem it from the thraldom of Republicanism into which 
they claimed it had fallen. He had a high estimate of his 
own power and ability. He seemed to think he stood in his 
relation to Iowa as Webster, in his palmiest days, did to 
Massachusetts; Clay, to Kentucky, and Benton to Missouri; 
that the highest shifts of the State would be given him for the 
asking, and that in the gubernatorial canvass he would 
sweep all before bim, and his own partisans entertained the 
same views. 

He looked upon his competitor as a man who might be 
a very good rustic Iowa farmer, or a fair country miller, but 
could not be a match for Iowa's once favorite statesman, in 
the race for gubernatorial honors. Had he informed himself 
in the outset, he would have learned that this rustic farmer 
had at one time, and that quite recently, been one of Ohio's 
ablest lawyers, and also one of her experienced legislators. 

The Democratic party at this time looked upon the State 
of Iowa, "the first born child of the Missouri compromise," 
and the first free State carved out of the Louisiana purchase 
as an heir loom that had come down to them from Mr. Van 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 69 

Buren, through successive Democratic administrations, and 
that the Republicans had stolen it from them; that it must 
be recovered at all hazards; that it was presumption on the 
part of the Republicans to think they had any right to keep 
it. It must be retaken, and Gen. Dodge was the man chosen 
to lead the Democratic hosts to its rescue, they not dreaming 
that a political Waterloo was in store for them, where their 
Napoleon would have to meet a political Wellington and 
Blucher combined, in the person of a dust-covered miller and 
a soil-begrimed farmer. 

The first speech of the campaign was made by Mr. Kirk- 
wood at Davenport, on the 13th of July, but a list of 
appointments was made for him commencing at Muscatine 
on the 25th, but an arrangement was finally made by which 
the two should canvass the State together, and it opened at 
Oskaloosa on the 30th of July. 

The questions discussed were those of State policy and 
national afi'airs. At this time many of our charitable insti- 
tutions were in their infancy, and large expenditures had 
been necessary in the erection of buildings for their use, and 
charges of Republican extravagance in these matters had to 
be met and refuted. It was charged by Mr. Dodge that the 
building for the insane at Mt. Pleasant was so extravagantly 
large that it would not be filled for fifty years, the fallacy of 
which charge seems most apparent when in less than thirty- 
five years from that time we have three such, with not much 
unoccupied room in any one of them, but the exciting topics 
for discussion were those relating to the compromise mea.s- 
ures on slavery and the Fugitive Slave Law, and the attitude 
of the two parties on them. On these matters Mr. Kirkwood 
had much the advantage of Gen. Dodge; while the latter had 
been spending the last four years hob nobbing with royalty 
at the court of Spain, remote from the discussions of home 
political questions and not familiar with them; the former 
had been an active participant in them all, and was well in- 



70 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

formed on them in all their bearings. The general was 
placed at such a disadvantage in the discussions that bitter 
personalities were often indulged in by him, when sound 
argument failed. 

At their first meeting which was at Oskaloosa, and which 
was held in the day time, Mr. Kirkwood spoke very plainly 
and forcibly againt the Dred Scott decision, the blighting 
influences of slave labor, and of the efforts of the Democracy 
to extend and perpetuate that institution. 

In reply, Gen. Dodge said in regard to Kansas and the 
Lecompton Constitution, his sympathies were all in favor 
of a slave State, stating that the Fugitive Slave Law is a 
part of the constitution, and he asked Mr. Kirkwood if he 
supported the Compromise measures of 1850. Mr. Kirk- 
wood replied that in common with the great body of the peo- 
ple of the country he accepted those measures as a settle- 
ment of the slavery question. Gen. Dodge then asked if 
he would aid in carrying out the Fugitive Slave Law. Mr. 
Kirkwood replied that he would not resist the enforcement 
of that law, but he would suffer the loss of his right arm, 
and every dollar's worth of property he possessed, rather 
than aid in catching a fugitive slave. Mr. Kirkwood then 
asked Gen, Dodge if he would aid in running down and 
catching a fugitive slave. Gen. Dodge replied that he would, 
and that he would do whatever the law commanded him 
to do. 

At the meeting in the evening, Mr. Kirkwood having a 
very strong aversion to joining the slave hunters, either with 
or without their blood hounds in the pursuit and recapture 
of their runaway property, again referred to this matter with 
the remark, that Gen. Dodge was the first man to avow his 
willingness to help capture runaway negroes he had found in 
Iowa. To this Gen. Dodge replied that the stringent pro- 
visions of the fugitive slave law were necessary to render it 
effective. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 71 

At the evening meeting, which Gen. Dodge announced 
in the afternoon would be held, he took the stand, stated how 
long he had served the people of Iowa, what he had done for 
his country, connecting himself in his eulogies upon them 
with Clay, Webster, Douglass and Buchanan, stating that 
the two former were his friends, that Douglass was his "dear 
bosom friend, " and that Buchanan was his life-long friend. 
He said Mr. Kirkwood had depicted slavery in its worst 
aspect. Gen. Dodge declared that slavery in its influence 
on the blacks was christianizino^ and civilizino-. That the 
negroes were brought from the jungles of Africa, and in this 
country were enlightened, christianized and prepared for 
heaven. In old times, continued he, when a slave ship from 
Africa reached our shores, the negroes were welcomed with 
open arms because the people realized that another cargo of 
human beings was saved from heathenism and perdition. 

Replying, Mr. Kirkwood remarked that those present in 
the afternoon would remember that he had predicted that 
before long the Democracy would be advocating the revival 
of the slave trade, because slavery as they would aflSrm is a 
christianizing institution, "but I did not expect my competi- 
tor would commence it so soon. " 

Viewing these questions from the standpoint of to-day, it 
can easily be seen at what a disadvantage Gen. Dodge was 
put, in his discussion with Mr. Kirkwood. 

An amusing incident occurred on their visit to Washing- 
ton in that county. They had spoken the previous day at 
Sigourney, and from that place Hon. G. D. Woodin was 
Mr. Kirkwood' s attendant. To give Gen. Dodge a taste of 
the royal style he had been accustomed to in Spain, his 
friends had engaged a "coach and four," the only rig of the 
kind in town, and had gone out on the Sigourney road to 
meet him and give him a royal w^elcome and a grand entry 
into the city. The account of this affair given in a local 
paper of the time is as follows: 



<Z THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

"About ten o'clock our friend Bacon, of fine stock notoriety, 
brought a 'rig' got up as only Bacon can get up such things, a splen- 
did carriage and four, with a few gentlemen as escort, went out to 
meet Gen Dodge, and bring him into town. This state of things com- 
ing to the knowledge of the Republican brethren, it was determined 
that an escort befitting the head of the 'plow handle ticket' should be 
despatched for Mr. Kirkwood. Accordingly a good sized wagon, with 
a bay rack on, with two yoke of oxen under the guidance of our 
esteemed fellow citizen, Mr. Jonathan Wilson, and some dozen others, 
was sent out on the road. Mr. Woodin on coming in sight of the 
coach, says to Mr. Kirkwood, 'Well, I guess they have come out to 
meet you in fine style.' However on the other side of the road a little 
further on, was another vehicle. W^hen within speaking distance one 
of the men hailing said, 'Be you Sam Kirkwood? ' On receiving an 
affirmative answer, the ox team men said they wei'e a reception com- 
mittee, and desired Mr. Kirkwood to take a seat in their wagon at 
once, saying they would explain matters on their way to town. Mr. 
Kirkwood took a seat with the committee, and with a crack of the 
whip off they started. In due time tlie wagon returned with Mr. 
Kirkwood seated therein, and as it approached the Public Square, 
hundreds crowded both sides of the sti'eet to welcome the novel 
cortege. Loud and lusty cheers went up from the multitude on all 
sides, to the no small beAvilderment of the astonished oxen, who though 
civilly enough disposed concluded that something was loose and 
stopped for deliberation. The continued cheering, however, they con- 
strued into some belligerent demonstration, and began to make off at 
such a rapid rate as to bring Mr. Wilson from his place on the wagon, 
to administer a few blows of the whip and then he drove them around 
the square in true farmer style. The wagon stopped in front of the 
Iowa House where cheer after cheer was given, and Mr. Kirkwood 
alighted amid the congratulations of his friends. 

Soon after, Gen. Dodge and his friends arrived carrying various 
hickory poles, and made a turn or two about the square in fine style 
and alighted at the same house, but most of the enthusiasm had been 
expended on the arrival of the ox wagon.'' 

So hot had Mr, Kirkwood made the discussion for his 
opponent, and so far short of being a match for him had he 
proved to be, that he finally refused to continue it to comple- 
tion, and Mr. Kirkwood carried on the canvass without 
him, completing it in those parts of the State not previously 
visited. 

On the 13th of August, Hon. Abraham Lincoln made a 
political speech at Council Bluffs, advocating the election of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 73 

Mr. Kirkwood. It will be remembered that this was the 
year before he was nominated for president. 

Seldom has the State been better or more thoroughly 
canvassed than it was during this campaign. It was opened 
formally on the 25th of July, and it was not closed tiU the 
8th day of October. Some two weeks' sickness in his family 
prevented the filling of some appointments by Mr. Kirk- 
wood. 

Mr. Kirkwood was elected by a majority of 3,200. being 
629 more votes than was received by any other candidate on 
the ticket. 

On the 11th day of January, 1860, before a joint con- 
vention of the two houses of the legislature. Gov. Kirkwood 
took the oath of oflBce and delivered the following 

INAUGURAL ADDRESS: 

Oenllemen of the Senate, and the House of Bepresentatives: The 
people of Iowa have placed in your hands, for the time being, the law- 
making power of the State, and therefore they look to you, that dur- 
ing the time you hold this trust, such course of policy shall be pursued 
and such laws enacted, as will tend to promote the honor and welfare 
of the State. 

The office to which I have been elected, and the responsibilities 
which I have just assumed, associate me with you to a certain extent 
in this work, by imposing upon me, among other duties, that of com- 
municating to you such infoi'mation, as will aid you in the perform- 
ance of your duties, and recommending to you such measures as in 
my opinion will, if adopted by you, advance the public welfare. 

Under a government like ours, Avhere the people are the source of 
all political power, the laws are necessarily a fair reflex of the intel- 
ligence and morals of the people, and therefore it becomes of the first 
importance that the standard of intelligence and morality should be 
raised as high as possible. In this view it has been the settled policy 
of the State to foster and encourage in all suitable ways, the education 
of the youths of the State, so that when at a more advanced period of 
life, they take part in the direction and control of public affairs, they 
can do so understandingly, and with an intelligent regard to the pub- 
lic welfare. Under our constitution the subject of education has been 
almost wholly withdrawn from you, and placed in the hands of a 
board specially constituted for that purpose, leaving with you, how- 
ever, the power of revising and amending their action. This board 



74 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 

has just closed a session at which they have made such changes in and 
amendments to the school law as they deemed expedient and proper, 
and in my opinion it would be prudent for you to interfere with their 
action only in case that you shall find, upon examination, an ovei'- 
powering necessity for so doing. 

Not only is it highly important that the voice of our people, as ex- 
pressed through the ballot box, shall be enlightened and intelligent, 
but it is imperatively necessary that the uttei'ings of that voice be 
correctly and honestly reported. In a government like ours, without 
privileged classes, and where the laws affect all alike, we need not 
fear that a majority of our people will deliberately pursue a policy 
intended to operate injuriously upon the public welfare, because by so 
doing they would be acting contrary to their own best interests. We 
therefore feel at all times safe in submitting quietly and cheerfully to 
the will of the majority fairly and constitutionally expressed, confi- 
dent that if at any time, from any cause, the people are led into error, 
they have the sagacity speedily to detect and the honesty promptly to 
connect the error. But if through fraud or violence, the ballot box 
shall cease to report to us correctly and honestly the will of the 
majority, if corrupt and interested men are enabled to substitute their 
will for that of the people, then the assurance of safety derived to us 
from the honesty, the intelligence, and the interest of the people, no 
longer exists— our confidence in our government is lost, and we feel 
that we are at Ihe mercy of dishonest men, who seek the control of 
our affairs, for the purpose of promoting their own private interests 
rather than the public good. We cannot, therefore, guard with too 
much care, the sanctity and purity of the ballot box. In my opinion, 
there is no measure so well calculated to effect this object, as a care- 
fully prepared and well guarded registry law; and I respectfully 
recommend that measure to your consideration. It may be objected 
by some, that the operation of such a law is burdensome to the elect- 
ors. I am satisfied that the supposed difficulty in this respect, is much 
over-estimated, and even wei'e it not, I cannot conceive that any 
elector who properly appreciates the value of the privilege he enjoys 
as such will deem burdensome any reasonable amount of time 
and attention that it may be necessary for him to bestow, in order 
to prevent his honest vote from being destroyed by a fi-audulent 
one. 

The institutions for the care of the insane, and for the education of 
the mute and the blind, will, I doubt not, receive from you prompt 
and cheerful attention and support. Established as they have been, in 
answer to the requirements of those better feelings of our nature, 
which prompt us to protect the weak and succor the unfortunate, you 
may rely with confidence upon the approval by our people, of all 
reasonable and proper efforts on your part to make them useful and 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 75 

efficient means for carrying out the noble purposes for whicli Ihey 
were created. 

I Avould also recommend to your favorable consideration, the State 
University, at Iowa City. It is based upon a grant made by the Con- 
gress of the United States to this State, for the support of such an 
institution, and, having accepted the grant, we are bound by a proper 
sense of State pride, liy our duty properl3rto execute the trust confided 
to us, and by the interests of education, in which ai'e involved the best 
interests of the State, to render the institution such au one as will be 
useful and creditable to the State. 

The condition and affairs of the penitentiai'y, located at Fort Madi 
son, will necessarily engage your careful and serious attention. The 
safety of society requires that the building be such as will afford 
proper facilities for the safe confinement of those vicious persons 
whose liberty is dangerous to the lives and property of peaceful and 
law abiding citizens. 

An agricultural college was originated at the last session of the 
General Assembly, and has since been located in Story county. Agri- 
culture will be for many years to come, as it has been in times past, 
tliat interest which underlies and supports all other interests in our 
State; and any aid that can legitimately be given to it, should be given 
generously and not grudgingl}'. I have not sufficient information 
touching this institution, to enable me to make any specific sugges- 
tions in regai'd to it, and can only recommend the whole matter to 
your careful and friendly consideration. 

The present condition and future management of the permanent 
school fund of the State deserve your serious investigation and delib- 
ei'ation. Under former and existing laws, this fund has been lent to 
individuals, and in many cases either through the carelessness or dis- 
honesty of the officers by whom it has been lent, the securities taken 
therefor have proved to be entirely inadequate, so that large losses to 
the fund must ensue. By a pi-ovision of our Constitution, all these 
losses fall upon the State and become a funded debt upon which the 
State must forever p:iy the interest. Many of the loans thus made, are 
now or soon will be falling due, and it becomes a matter of grave im- 
portance to determine in what manner the moneys w^hen paid shall be 
again disposed of. I consider the present system open to much objec- 
tion. Not only are losses of the principal constantly occurring under 
it, which the State is bound to make good, but even the interest is not 
promptly paid, so that the active fund for the support of schools is 
fluctuating and uncertain. I am strongly inclined to the opinion that 
a better policy would be to direct the payment of the principal, as it 
falls due, into the State Treasury, to be used as other moneys for State 
purposes, bind the State to pay the interest on the same for school pur- 
poses. In this way the money would, in the first instance, go to the 



76 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

benefit of all the people of the State alike by lessening to that extent 
the amount of money to be raised by taxation, and the interest would, 
in like manner, be paid by the people and be applied directly to their 
use in the support of the public schools. If this shall be deemed 
objectionable, I would recommend that the money when paid in, be 
invested either in stocks of the United States or in the best stocks of 
interest-paying States. In case you shall deem it proper to adopt this 
or a similar policy, it will be advisable to vest in the officers to whom 
the money shall be paid, in the first place, discretionary power to 
grant indulgence of time to those borrowers whose loans are amply 
secured, so as not to cause unnecessary hardship or disti'ess, during 
our present financial difficulties. 

I would also suggest to you the propriety of a careful examination 
of our revenue system, with a view to ascertain if it cannot be made 
more certain and efficient. Any system of revenue which permits 
large amounts of taxes to become delinquent and to be ultimately lost 
to the State, must be defective, and must operate unjustly and un- 
fairly upon our people. The deficiencies thus created in the revenue 
must be provided for by additional taxation upon those who have 
already discharged their duty as citizens by paying the taxes assessed 
upon them, and they are thus compelled to bear more than their due 
proportion of the public burden. The laws should provide for the 
most rigid and exact accountability of all officers charged with the 
collection, control or disbursement of the public money. Any vague- 
ness of the laws which permits an officer to retain in his bands, with- 
out detection, any portion of the public moneys, or to use them for his 
private benefit, not only defrauds the revenue, but introduces among 
officials a laxity of morals highly dangerous to the public interest. 
The Governor is authorized, by a law passed at the last session of the 
General Assembly, to institute a careful examination of the accounts 
of the State officers once in each yea:% and I have not any doubt the 
law will be found beneficial in its operations. But the amount of 
money paid by our people into the State Ti'easury is but a small pro- 
portion of the total amount paid by them in the shape of taxes. A 
much larger amount is paid for county and other purposes, and, in my 
opinion, the existing laws are defective in not requiring a more care- 
ful scrutiny of the accounts of those to whom this money is paid and 
by whom it is disbursed. I therefore recommend to your considera- 
tion, in addition to any other measures your wisdom may suggest, the 
passage of a law requiring the Judge of each Judicial District to ap- 
point once in each year a skillful accountant in each county of his 
district, whose duty it shall be to examine carefully the books of each 
county officer, and to state and record an account between such officer 
and his county, and, when necessary, between officer and officer. 
Such examinations by disinterested persons would, in my opinion, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 77 

have a decidedly beneficial effect; the expense attending them woidd 
be very small, and I have no doubt the people of the counties would 
cheerfully bear that expense for the satisfaction of knowing that the 
large amounts of money they pay as taxes are applied to the proper 
object. 

I apprehend it is scarcely' necessary for me to recommend to you 
as close and rigid an economy in the matter of appropriations as is 
consistent with a proper administration of the affairs of the State. 
The scai'city of money, consequent upon the financial revulsion of 
1857, and the failure of our crops to a great extent since that time, has 
caused the payment of the taxes necessary to the support of our gov- 
ernment to be felt as a sensible burden by our people, and they have 
the right to demand, and I think do demand, at our hands that until 
the present pressure is somewhat removed, and our financial affairs 
have become somewhat more easy and prosperous, we shall limit the 
expenses of the State to the smallest sum compatible with a due regard 
to the public interest. 

An event has recently occuiTed in our sister State of Virginia, 
causing in that State an intense excitement, which has, to a greater or 
less degree, extended throughout our country. I allude, of course, to 
the late unlawful invasion of that State by John Brown and his asso- 
ciates. The moving causes that led these misguded men to that mad 
attempt, in my opinion, may be easilj^ and certainly found. On the 
4th of March, 1853, President Pierce was inaugurated as the Chief 
Magistrate of a happy and united people. The administration of his 
predecessor had been marked by a settlement of the agitation of the 
question of slavery, growing out of the acquisition of territory from 
Mexico, as the administi-ation of Mr. Monroe had been marked by the 
settlement of a similar agitation in connection with the territory pur- 
chased from France during the Presidency of Mr. Jefferson, and as 
these two settlements covered all the territory then belonging to our 
government, our people fondly hoped that for a long period of time 
this vexed and irritating question would be kept out of our national 
councils, and that the angry and embittered feelings always arising 
from its discussion would then die out for want of food. As an addi- 
tional basis upon which to rest this hope, our people had the solemn 
pledge of honor of the political party then dominant in all the branches 
of our national government, deliberately given at the time Mr. Pierce 
was nominated by them for the Presidency, that if placed in power 
they would resist, to the extent of their power, the agitation of that 
dangerous question, both in the Congress of the United States and out 
of it. Unfortunately for the peace of the country, and for the pi'eser- 
vation of those kindly and fraternal feelings which should always ex- 
ist among our people, Mr. Pierce and his political friends did not 
redeem that pledge. On the contrary, the first important act of his 



78 THK LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

admiuistration was the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, bywhich 
the settlement made during Mr. Monroe's administration of the ques- 
tion of slavery' in the territory acquired from France, was set aside, 
and the fountains of strife so recently closed, again opened to pour 
forth among our people their bitter waters. The excuse offered for 
this wanton, uncalled-for and most unfortunate act was the alleged 
desire, on the part of those who did it, to settle the question of slavery, 
then in a state of perfect quietude and repose; and thiswasto be done 
by introducing into our legislation a new policy which denies to Con- 
gress a power claimed for it by the foxmders of our government, and 
exercised by it from the beginning; which declares that to be uncon- 
stitutional which the makers of the constitution declared to be consti- 
tutional, and which rests upon the strange assumption that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States cannot set up and maintain in the Terri- 
tories of the United States a form of government demanded by a 
majority of our people, and identical in the disputed particular, 
with the form of government of a majority of the States 
of our confederacy. If the men who did this thing did 
not know that their action would again produce among us 
agitation, heartburning, jealousy and ill-will, they were so whollj- 
ignorant of the temper and feelings of our people as to make them un- 
safe public servants. If they did know, they wei-e unfaithful. In 
either view, they were faithless to the pledges they had given as the 
inducement for placing power in their hands. The Kansas-Nebraska 
bill was long pending, and its passage was strenuously resisted in Con- 
gress. The debates in that body upon it were acrimonious and excit- 
ing; the discussions in the public press were bitter and inflammatory, 
and when the passions of the people in the different sections of our 
country had been thoroughly aroused, their prejudices inflamed, and 
their pride enlisted in the contest going on in the halls of Congress, 
that contest was by the passage of the bill, transferred from these halls 
to the plains of Kansas; fi'om the repi'esentatives in Congx'ess to our 
entire people; and thus was cast into the arena as a prize to be strug- 
gled for by an aroused and excited people, a territory which, in size, in 
soil and in climate, is equal to some of the most powerful monarchies 
of the old world. Did the men who passed that act expect and desire 
that struggle to be a friendly and peaceful one? The country would 
fain so believe; yet such belief requires that we should attribute to 
them a want of knowledge and foresight but little less criminal in men 
in their position than would have been the expectation and desire by 
them that the struggle should be as it was, a hostile and a bloody one. 

It is my deliberate conviction that on the day on which the oppo- 
nents of this new and most unfortunate measure, aided by a few of its 
original friends, defeated its legitimate consummation bj' defeating 
the passage of the so called Lecompton bill, which sought to enforce 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 79 

upon the people of Kansas a constitution they abhorred, and which 
would have required for its enforcement the aid of federal bayonets 
— on that day, the union of these States met and escaped the greatest 
peril to which it has yet been subjected. But, hapi^ily for all, unex- 
pectedly to the fears of many, adversely perhaps to the wishes of 
some, that great peril was escaped, and Kansas, with a constitution 
which accords with the legislation, which in the last generation dedi- 
cated her to freedom, and, with the wishes of her people, stands ready 
to ask admission into our Union as a free State. I do not recur to 
these past transactions for the purpose of again stirring up ill feelings 
now measurably appeased, but for the light which, in my opinion, 
they throw upon present events. It is as true now as it was in the 
olden time, that " they who sow the wind shall reap the whirlwind." 

During the struggle in Kansas, which makes her story a blot on 
the page of our country's history, the free State men of that territorj' 
were treated by their pro-slavery brethren in that territory and in the 
States, and by the General Government, as if they had not any rights, 
legal or natural, which either were bound to respect. Is it strange that 
some of them should have ceased to respect the rights of those whom 
they looked upon as their oppressors? — should have learued to hate the 
institution for whose advancement they were oppressed? During the 
same period that other new policy called fillibusterism, and the doc- 
trines by which it is sought to be upheld, attained full force and vigor. 
It was insisted in substance by our Southern brethren, and either 
openly or tacitly approved b}^ many in the North, that if our people 
should find upon our borders, or within reasonable reach of us, a weak 
and helpless nation, who could be attacked with comparative safety, 
and whose form of government did not attain to our standard of per- 
fection, it was not only the privilege but the mission of such of our 
people as desired to engage in the laudable undertaking to invade her 
territory with fire and sword, to bring upon her peaceful inhabitants, 
men, women and children, all the horrors of war, aud having thus 
carried through and perfected a process of "I'egeneration" to establish 
on the ruins of her government our own free institutions, prominent 
among which, according to the advocates of this doctrine, stands 
human slavery. 

Is it strange that the bare promulgation of these doctrines, acting 
upon the minds of men maddened by the recollection of wrongs inflic- 
ted upon them in Kansas because of their love of freedom should lead 
them to the conclusion that they should do and dare as much at home 
for libert^y, as those who have oppressed them were doing abroad for 
slavery? It seems to me most natural, and while I deeply deplore and 
most unqualifiedly condemn, I cannot wonder at, the recent unfortu- 
nate and bloody occurrence at Harper's Ferry. But while we raaj' not 
wonder at, we must condemn it. It was an act of war — of war against 



80 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

brethren, and in that a greater crime than the invaders of Cuba and 
Nicaragua were guilty of, relieved to some extent of its guilt, in the 
minds of many, by the fact that the blow was struck for freedom, and 
not for slavery. Still it was a wrong, and as such the deliberate publ.c 
sentiment of the north, as well as of the south, condemns it. In my 
opinion, much misapprehension exists on this subject among our 
.southern brethi'en, and this misapprehension renders proper the pres- 
ent allusion to it. The mass of them relying upon the statements of 
the leading men of the south, who should know better, and of promi- 
nent men in the north, who do know better, but falsify for a purpose, 
believe that the sympathy expressed by many of our northern people 
for the leader of that invasion, covers and contains an approval of his 
act. This is a great, and it may become a dangerous error. While 
the great mass of our northern people utterly condemn the act of 
John Brown, they feel and express admiration and sympathy for the 
disinterestedness of purpose by which they believe he was governed, 
and for the unfiinching courage and calm cheerfulness with which he 
met the consequences of his failure. Many, very many, of our north- 
ern people felt deep sympathy for the gallant Crittenden, who died so 
bravely in Cuba, for an act they sti'ongly condemned, and the tears of 
many of the best and bravest of our revolutionary sires bedewed the 
grave of Andre, who, by their own judgment, died the death of a spy, 
his sentence approved by Washington. When passion has passed 
away, and calm reason has resumed its place in the minds of our 
southern brethren, they will fully appreciate our feelings, and then, if 
I do not mistake them, while with us they condemn yet pity John 
Brown as a misguided but not base minded man, they will also with us 
detest and scorn these men in our midst who now seek by distorting 
our language and falsifying our sentiments, to use the passions and 
prejudices of our southern brethren as a means to pave their own base 
way to power and place. 

I cannot concur in the opinion expressed by some persons, that the 
constituted authorities of the States of this Union have discharged 
their entire duty, when they have looked to and cared for their own 
internal affairs, and that they travel out of their legitimate sphere 
when they in any manner concern themselves with the affairs of our 
General Government. The several States, as such, ax'e the constituents 
of one branch of the National Congress, and if it be true that the con- 
stituent may and should concern himself with what is done by his 
representative, it must be true that each State may and should con- 
cern herself with the actions of that General Government of which her 
repi'esentatives are a part; if it be true that the States of our Confed- 
eracy are interested in the administration and preservation of that 
compact but for which they would be wholly independent and rival, 
perhaps hostile sovereignties, instead of one great and united nation, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 81 

it must be true that they may and should concern themselves with the 
manner in which those to whose hands that administration and preser- 
vation are committed, discharge their trust. 

The passage by Congress of the measure commonly known as the 
Homestead Bill, would, in my opinion, be productive of much good, 
preventing in a great degree the acquisition, by speculators, of large 
bodies of the public lands, to the injury of the actual settlers, and by 
enabling many honest and industrious poor men who cannot now do so- 
to enrol themselves in the class of independent farmers who are the sup- 
port and strength of our counti'y. The government price of a quarter 
section of land may appear to many a small and insignificant sum, but 
the many thousands of the farmers of the west who have opened farms 
either "in the woods" or "on the prairies," can more justly appreciate 
the great benefits deriveable from that small amount in their woi-k of 
toil and privation. I respectfully recommend that you memorialize 
Congress for the passage of such a law. 

The building of a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, is a measure which, 
in my opinion, is demanded by the best interests of our whole country. 
In case of war with any of the great maratime powers, the States on 
the Pacific would be peculiarly open to attack, and our Government 
could afford them the necessary aid for their defense only at great risk 
and enormous expense. Troops could not be sent to their assistance 
through our own country, except by the overland route, which expe- 
rience has shown to be, for an army, almost impracticable; while if 
sent by any other route, they might be compelled to fight their way to 
the States they are sent to defend. It seems to me to be a bad policy 
that would compel us to depend upon other nations for a right of way 
to our own possessions and our own homes, when we can have such 
way within our own limits. 

A great central trunk route, with branches at either end to accom- 
modate all parts of our country, both upon the Atlantic and Pacific, 
would meet our wants and commend itself to the sound sense and 
calm judgment of our people. I also recommend that you memorial- 
ize Congress in favor of that measure. 

There is one aspect of the vexed and exciting question of slavery to 
which I wish to direct your attention as one upon which per- 
haps our whole country can harmonize. Recent events in Virginia 
have drawn the attention of our Southern brethren to the danger sur- 
rounding them, by reason of the great number of free colored persons 
among them in contact with their slaves, and the excitement of the 
moment has caused some of their State Legislatures seriously to enter- 
tain the terrible proposition to compel this unfortunate people either 
to become involuntary exiles from the land of their birth or to become 
slaves. The repugnance, tlie prejudice, if you will, of the people of 
the Free States, especially of the northwestern States, against allowing 



82 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 

auy large influx of these unfortunates among them, is well known and 
must be heeded by those who make laws for those States. The dangers 
and difficulties attendant upon the presence of free colored persons in 
a slaveholding community, prevent emancipation by many who would 
otherwise gladly set free their slaves, and have in some States cause I 
the passage of laws prohibiting or greatly hindering emancipation. 
Indeed the dangers and difficulties are to-day the great hinderance to 
the abolition of slavery in and by the Slave States, and the appre- 
hended danger that in case the Southern States should abolish slavery, 
the Free States would at once be overrun by the ignorant slaves just 
manumitted, is skillfully used by partizan politicians among us, to 
reconcile the northern mind to the extension of slavery in other direc- 
tions. Moved by these considerations, 1 deem it my duty to i"ecom- 
mend to your careful and favorable consideration, a plan for the coloni- 
zation of the free colored population of our country in Central or South 
America, under the pi'otection of our General Government, brought 
forward in the Congress of the United States, by a distinguished mem- 
ber of that body from the State of Missouri, with the view that if the 
measure shall meet your approbation, you may memorialize Congress 
in its favor. The substance of this plan as subsequently presented in 
the U. S. Senate, by one of the Senators from Wisconsin, is that our 
Government shall bj' treaty with some of the Central or South Ameri- 
can Governments acquire "the rights and privileges of settlement and 
of citizenship for the benefit of such persons of color of African de- 
scent, as may voluntarily desire to emigrate from the United States, 
and form themselves into a colony or colonies under the laws of the 
State or States to which they may emigrate, the United States, in con- 
sideration of the.commercial advantages of free trade with such colony 
or colonies making and' securing the necessary and pro'per engage- 
ments to maintain them in the enjoyment of the rights and privileges 
acquired by such treaty or treaties." The colonization of this unfoi-- 
tunate race in some country peculiarly adapted by climate and pro- 
duction to their use and occupation, has long been a favorite scheme 
with a large portion of the people in all sections of our country, and 
until time and experience had shown the operations of the Society 
which proposed to colonize them in their native country, to be, by 
reason of the expense, impracticable as a means for relieving our 
.country of the vast numbers of these people among us, that Society 
received, as it justly deserved, a great degree of public favor. That 
the operations of that Society have produced and will produce great 
good to Africa, I have no doubt, and I shall rejoice to see its ability 
for usefulness largely extended. But experience has shown it to be 
wholly inefficient as a means of removing from amongus this large and 
rapidly increasing population. Colonization in Central or South Amer- 
ica by means of the proximity of the proposed colonies, would be much 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 83 

less expensive, and therefore more effective, and if the General Gov- 
ernment, supported by the several States, should take the matter in 
hand with earnestness and zeal, it seems to me that we might coii- 
•j^ratulate ourselves upon having done a work which would not only be 
productive of great good to ourselves, but also enable us to commence 
the payment of that vast aud accumulated debt we owe this wronged 
aud unfortunate race, and which would, perhaps, enable us to see the 
lieginning of that most desirable end, when our land shall be in truth 
• the land of the free" as it has been aud is "the home of the brave. ■" 
In conclusion, permit me to say that although our political horizon 
is not unclouded, although anger aud jealousy have to some extent 
taken the place of brotherly kindness and good will among our peo- 
ple, although some men occupying high position under our Federal 
and in some of our State Governments, influenced by pride and 
passion, under sentiments disloyal to our Union, and others in like 
liigh position, but governed by baser motives, either openly or silently 
approve the sentiments; still, in my opinion, those who love our Con- 
stitution and our Union, have not very great cause for alarm. Passion 
will subside, reason will resume its sway, aud then our southern breth- 
ren will discover that they have been deceived and misled, as to our 
feelings and purposes; that the people of the north, while hoping and 
praying for the day when no slave shall press our soil, yet do neither 
claim nor desire any power to interfere with slavery in any of the 
States where it exists; and that the good old ways wherein we walked, 
when to talk of disunion openly or to approve it silently, was to incur 
the scorn due a traitoi", are ways of pleasantness, and that the good 
o!d paths our fathers taught us to tread, are paths of peace. And they 
will join with us in believing that the men who achieved our inde- 
pendence and framed our Constitution, were as true patriots, and 
understood the Constitution as well as the statesmen of the present 
day — will unite with us in following their teachings and walking in 
their footsteps, and in discarding these new measures, and this new 
policy which have produced no fruits but those of discord and bitter- 
ness, and will again pledge themselves as we to-day pledge ourselves 
in the full depth and force of its meaning to the sentiment of the true 
and stern old patriot of the Hermitage— "The Union— it must aud 
shall be preserved. " 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

The Legislature was in harmony with the Governor on 
all subjects presented in the Inaugural Address, and took 
action on them all except those relating to the Registry law 
and the colonization of the black population. Our charitable 
institutions and our Agricultural College were then in their 



84 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

infancy, and as liberal appropriations were needed for them 
as the state of our finances would permit. 

The Governor entered upon the discharge of his 
duties during a period that was very unpropitious 
in many respects. In the year 1856, we had a frost 
in the month of August that so injured the corn that 
the crop of that year sold as high as eighty cents a 
bushel before another was raised. During the following 
year, 1857, the worst financial cyclone of the century swept 
over the whole country, breaking up or suspending nearly all 
our banks and bankrupting nearly every one who had any 
considerable debts to pay. The next year was one of our 
very wet seasons, rendering it almost impossible to tend corn, 
and rusting and blasting our wheat crop to such an extent 
that whole fields were not worth harvesting, and those that 
were yielded a product that was very inferior, if not worth- 
less. The currency then in circulation, consisting in great 
part of "Nebraska Shinplasters," and the issues of banks of 
the State of Illinois, founded upon State stocks, whose 
market value was constantly declining, had been blighted by 
a commercial mildew that shrunk and shriveled it almost as 
badly as the weather had our wheat crop. These causes, all 
combined, called for the strictest and most rigid economy in 
public expenditures, and the Governor recommended that 
the treasury should be well guarded. 

In the address the project of building a Pacific railroad 
was discussed. This was not the first time the Governor had 
discussed that topic. 

In the year 1848, before any railroad had reached 
Chicago, a great meeting was held near East Palestine, on 
the State line between Ohio and Pennsylvania, to celebrate 
the commencement of work on the first fifty miles of the 
Pittsburgh and Ft. Wayne road, when the President of the 
road would be there to throw the first spadeful of dirt, a free 
dinner would be given and speeches made. A participant at 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 85 

that scene, Samuel Beeson, now of Liscomb, in this State, 
says that among the speakers was a lawyer from Mansfield 
by the name of Kirkwood, and that among other things said 
by him was that ' • in spite of all opposition, the road would 
be built, and at no distant day railroads, like wagon roads, 
would be built where they were needed, and that in time the 
Atlantic and Pacific would be united and bound together 
with bands of iron, and then, with our North and South river 
system, we could defy the powers of Europe combined." 
This prediction, made at that railroad meeting forty-five 
years ago, the Governor has lived to see more than fulfilled. 




CHAPTER VI. 

Attends the National Convetitioii^ Supports M?-. Lincoln — Presidential 
Candidates — Spirit Lake Massacre — A Call for the Surrender of 
Coppoc— Special Message — Presidential Election — Challenge from 
Mr. Byington — Answer to Him — invited to Speak at His Old Home 
in Mansfield, O. — Electoral and Popular Votes Contrasted — Visits 
Mr. Lincoln — Attends His Inauguration — Letters to Gov. Orimes — 
To the Governor of Maryland — Military Companies Tendered to the 
Governor. 



The year 1860, while not memorable for its stirring 
events, except the election of Mr. Lincoln, was noted for 
those incidents which gave vent to the undergromid rumb- 
lings that were to burst forth in the following year in an 
eruptive volcanic explosion of secession that would make the 
country tremble from centre to circumference. John Brown's 
body was mouldering in the soil of Virginia, but his soul, 
typical of that freedom of thought which could not be put 
down or trammeled by the intolerance and insolence of the 
slave power, was marching on. Its spirit seemed in its 
marching to have, if not invaded the Democratic party, at 
least to have been skirmishing around and hovering over it 
and so distracted it that it gave us two National Democratic 
Conventions that year, and made possible the defeat of both 
their candidates and the election of the nominee of the 
Republican party whoever he might be. 

Governor Kirkwood was favorable to the nomination of 
Mr. Lincoln as the Republican standard-bearer; and he did 
not need the letter he received from John A. Kasson, saying, 
"Pray beat Chicago, if possible, to aid and influence the 
indiscreet by your counsel," to induce him to do all he could 
to secure Mr. Lincoln's nomination. He attended that con- 
v^ention in Mr. Lincoln's interest. 

86 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 87 

The candidates before the convention were Mr. Seward, 
Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Chase, Mr. Bates, Mr. 
Dayton, Mr. McLean, Mr. Collamer, Mr. Fremont and Mr. 
Sumner, and on the first ballot they ranked in the order 
named, Mr. Seward getting 173|^ votes, it requiring 232 to 
elect. On the second ballot the vote stood: Seward, 184-|; 
Lincoln, 181; Chase, 42^; Bates, 35, Pennsylvania deserting 
Cameron and voting for liincoln. 

Before the third ballot, Governor Kirkwood, with others, 
had won over to Mr. Lincoln most of the Ohio delegation, 
with many of whom he was acquainted, and the result was 
that on this ballot Mr. Lincoln got four votes more than 
enough to elect, when, on motion of Mr. Evarts, the bead of 
the New York delegation and the particular friend of Mr. 
Seward, the nomination was made unanimous. 

It is a noteworthy fact that after Mr. Lincoln's election 
he made the four strongest competitors he had in this con- 
vention members of his cabinet, bringing to himself more 
support, and giving to his administration more strength than 
he could have done by the appointment of any other four 
men. 

In the year 1857, near the close of one of the most severe 
winters in this climate, both on account of the depth of the 
snow and the intensity of the cold, a band of 200 Indians, 
led on by their chief, Inkpaduta, committed one of the most 
barbarous massacres near Spirit Lake that ever took place 
on our Western frontiers, in which forty-one persons were 
killed, twelve others were missing, probably killed; three 
badly wounded, and four women were taken prisoners and 
carried off into captivity. Three companies of troops, under 
the command of Major Williams, were hastily raised and 
sent to the theatre of the outrage. They did not arrive till 
the carnage had taken place, but on their march and return 
the}^ encountered incredible hardships and endured untold 
sufferings, many of them freezing their hands and feet, and 



88 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

two of them freezing to death. As their claims had not all 
been liquidated, an act was passed at this session making 
provision for their final payment in full. 

For the purpose of enabling the citizens of the North- 
western frontier to defend themselves against marauding: 
bands of Indians, the Governor was authorized to furnish 
them with arms and ammunition. A small company of min- 
ute men was enrolled and an active police employed to act in 
case of any emergency that might arise in repelling the 
attacks of hostile Indians, and $500 was appropriated for 
this purpose. 

On the 3d day of December, 1859, the vengeance and 
supposed honor of the people of the State of Virginia was 

partially satisfied by the execution of John Brown, 

Cook and Edward Coppoc; but some others had escaped 
their vengeance, and among them was Barclay Coppoc, a 
brother of Edward and a citizen of the State of Iowa, and a 
requisition was made upon the Governor of Iowa by the 
Governor of Virginia for his delivery, which the Governor 
of Iowa refused to grant, and he so informed the Virginia 
Governor, giving his reasons for his action in the premises. 
It was hinted by some of the pliant tools of the slave power 
that Governor Kirkv/ood was not acting in good faith, and 
was resorting to frivolous excuses for not complying with 
the requisition. To bring the subject all before them and 
the public, on the second day of March the House of Repre- 
sentatives passed the following preamble and resolution: 

Whereas, There has lately appeared in the public press a message, 
purporting to have been sent by the Governor of the State of Virginia 
to the Legislature of that State, in which it is stated that a requisition 
had been made upon the Executive of this State for the rendition of 
one Barclay Coppoc as a fugitive from justice, and that "the requisi- 
tion had been refused for I'easous stated in said message to be frivol- 
ous, aud such as have iu no previous iustauces, as the Governor says, 
to my knowledge, influenced the action of any State Executive in its 
intercoui'se with this Commonwealth." Therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Governor of this State is requested to communi- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 89 

cate to this House all the facts, together with a copy of all papers and 
correspondence connected with, or growing out of, said requisition 
and its refusal. 

In answer to this resolution , the Governor sent the fol- 
lowing special message: 

Epecutive Office, ) 
March 3. 1860. J 

Oentlemcn of the House of Beprescniatives: I have received your 
resolution of yesterday, requesting me to communicate to you all the 
facts and correspondence connected with or in any way growing out 
of the demand made upon me for the arrest of Barclay Coppoc, and 
his surrender to the State of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, and 
my reasons for refusing that demand. 

The Special Message of the Governor of Virginia referred to in the 
preamble to your resolution, is of such extraordinary character as in 
my judgment to render proper the publicity of the information asked 
for by your resolution. All the papers and correspondence connected 
with, or in anj' way growing out of this matter, are the requisition of 
the Governor of Virginia, a copy of which I transmit, marked A; the 
affidavit upon which said requisition is based, which I copy in the body 
of this communication; my letter to the Governor of Virginia, dated 
January 23, 1860, a copy of which I transmit, marked B; and my let- 
ter to him dated January 24, 1860, a copy of which I transmit, marked 
C. I have not received from the Governor of Virginia a reply to either 
of my letters to him, and I have not had correspondence upon this 
subject with any other person. 

The facts touching that requisition were these: On the 23d day of 
January last, an agent of Virginia called upon me and presented his 
commission from the Governor of that State, as such agent, to receive 
Coppoc, who was demanded in the same commission as a fugitive from 
justice, as appeared by an annexed document, of which the following 
is an exact copy: 

"City of Rich;nond, and State of Virginia, to-wit: 

"Andrew Hunter maketh oath and saith, that from information 
received from several of the prisoners recently condemned and execu- 
ted at Charleston, Jefferson county, Virginia, and from other facts 
which have come to his knowledge, he verily believes that a certain 
Barclay Coppoc was aiding and abetting certain John Brown, and 
others, w^ho on the sixteenth and seventeenth days of October, in the 
year 1859, did feloniously and treasonably rebel and commit treason 
against the commonwealth of Virginia, at a certain place called Har- 
per's Ferry, in said county of Jefferson, and who did then and there 
feloniously conspire with and advise certain slaves in the county 
aforesaid to rebel and make insurrection against their masters, and 



90 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF. SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

against the authority of the laws of said Comnionweallh of Virginia — 
and who did then and there feloniously kill and murder certain Hay- 
ward Sheppard, a free negro, and George W. Turner, Fontaine Beck- 
ham and Thomas Barclay — and aflfiant further states that from infor- 
mation recently received, he verilj'- believes that said Barclay Coppoc 
is a fugitive from justice, now escaping in the State of Iowa. 

"Sworn to before me, a Notary Public, in and for the City of Rich- 
mond, in the State of Virginia, this ninth day of January, 1860. 

"S. H. BOYKIN, N. P." 

Upon examination of this paper, I declined to issue my warrant for 
the arrest of the alleged fugitive, because, in ray judgment, no author- 
ity so to do was conferred upon me by law, in a case resting upon 
such a basis. 

It is a high prerogative of ofl&eial power in any case, to seize a citi- 
zen of the State and send him upon an exparte statement, and without 
any preliminary examination, and without confronting him with a 
single witness, to a distant State for trial. It is a prerogative so high 
that the law tolerates its exercise only on certain fixed conditions, and 
I certainly shall not exercise that power to the peril of any citizen of 
Iowa, upon the demand of the State of Virginia, or of any other State, 
unless these conditions are complied with. 

The act of Congress provides that besides the Executive demand for 
the fugitive, there shall be produced "the cop3' of an indictment found, 
or an affidavit made before a magistrate of any State or Territory, as 
aforesaid, charging the person so demanded with having committed 
treason, felony or other crime, certified as authentic by the Governor," 
«fec., &c., upon the presentation of which it becomes my dutj^ to cause 
the arrest to be made. There was not any "copy of an indictment 
found" presented to me, and of course the case rested upon the 
affidavit. 

I refused the order of arrest in this case for the following reasons: 

1st — The affidavit presented was not made before "a magistrate," 
but before a Notarj^ Public. 

2d — Even had the law recognized an affidavit made before a Notarj' 
Public, the affidavit in this case was not authenticated by the Notary's 
seal. 

3d — The affidavit does not show unless it be inferentially, that Cop- 
poc was in the State of Virginia at the time he "aided and abetted 
John Brown and others," as stated thei'ein. 

4th — It did not legally "charge him" with commission of "treason, 
felony or other crime." 

I Avill consider the lirst and second reasons in connection. It will 
not be pretended that a Notary Public, an officer unknoAvn to the com- 
mon law, and equally unknown to the administration of justice, and 
never charged directly or indirectly Avith any step from first to last in 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



91 



the trial of criminal offenses, is "a magistrate within the meaning of 
the term" as used here or elsewhere. The Governor of Virginia does 
hot so pretend, but seeks to avoid the force of this objection by citing 
an act of Congress, passed September, 1850. He says: "But the Gov- 
ernor of Iowa has failed to see that by ai. act of Congress, passed on 
the 16th day of September, 1850. it is provided that in all cases in 
which under the laws of the United States, oaths or affirmations, or 
acknowledgments may be taken before any Justice of the Peace of any 
State or Territory, such oaths, affirmations or acknowledgments may 
hereafter be also 'taken or made by or before any Notary Public duly 
appointed in any State or Territory." "This act," he adds, 'com- 
pletely overthrows the reasons assigned by the Governor of Iowa, and 
makes the case so plain that argument and illustration can add noth- 
ing to it " It is true, I had not seen this act when I refused the war- 
rant for Coppoc's arrest; but if I had seen it, my action would have 
been the same. In answer to my objection that the seal of the Notary 
was not attached to the affidavit, he says: "The Notary before whom 
the affidavit was made, was duly appointed in pursuance of the laws 
of this Commonwealth, (Virginia) and his signature was accompanied 
by a scroll, in precise conformity with established usage and the decis- 
ions of our courts, which recognize scrolls as seals." 

If the Governor of Virginia has not "failed to see" the "act of Con- 
gress, passed September 16, 1850, he has certainly failed to read it. lo 
suppose that he had read it would be to suppose that he had quoted 
just so much of said law as tended to support the position he had 
taken, and suppressed so much of it as showed that position to be 
untenable-a supposition which my sense of "comity" forbids nay 
- entertaining for a moment . I supply that portion of the law which he 
has, doubtless through inadvertence, omitted. The last words quoted 
by him the words "State or Territory," are in the law as printed fol- 
lowed by a comma, and then in immediate connection follow these 
words- "a«rf when certified under the hand and official seal of such 
Notary shall have the same force and effect, as if taken and made by 
or before such justice or justices of the peace. [See 9th U. S. Statutes 
at large, page 458] From this it appears by express provision of the 
law of Congress, an affidavit made before a Notary Public, shall have 
"force and effect" only when '^certified under his hand and official seal. 
Now the affidavit made in this case before a Notary Public, is not cer- 
tified under his hand and official seal, and I regret to be compelled to 
add that the statement of Governor Letcher, that the signature of the 
Notary to the affidavit "was accompanied by a scroll" is wholly 
unfounded in fact. So far is this from being correct, that to this 
document received from him and still in my possession, there is neither 
seal, nor scroll, nor mark, nor device whatever. "Comity ' requires 
that I shall express my belief that in so radical an error of fact, the 



92 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Governor of Virginia was misled by the information of otiiei's, or by a 
defective memory, rather than by a desire to support his argument by 
a misrepresentation. 

To recapitulate upon these points: The law of 1793 provides that 
when in this class of cases, an affidavit is used, such affidavit must 
be made "before a magistrate." The Governor of Virginia does not 
pretend that a Notary Public is "a magistrate" within the meaning of 
that law, but claims that by the law of 1850, the law of 1793 was so 
modified as to permit the use of affidavits made before Notaries Pub- 
lic. But the same law of 1850 which modifies the law of 1798, expressly 
and in terms provides that such affidavits, made before a Notary Pub- 
lic, "shall have force and effect" only when ''certified under his hand 
and official seal,"" and the affidavit in this case was not so certified. 
Not being so certified, it did not have "force and effect," and not hav- 
ing "force and effect" no warrant could issue upon it. It will be ob- 
served that the official seal of the Notary is expressly required by the 
act of Congress, and being so required, I could not waive it if I would. 
It appears to me that upon these points "the case is so plain that argu- 
ments and illustration can add nothing to it." 

I leave this part of the discussion here, waiving the question 
whether the law of 1850, so general in its terms, can be construed as 
lepealing or amending the specific requisites of the special act provid- 
ing in all respects the mode by which fugitives from justice are to be 
surrendered to another sovereignty for trial. I am advised that this 
construction would not be admitted by the courts, and is altogether 
untenable and is without precedent in this State. 

My third and fourth reasons, (which I shall also consider in con- 
nection) are that the affidavits did not show otherwise than by in- 
ference that Coppoc was in Virginia at the time he "aided and abet- 
ted" John Brown and others, as stated; and did not legally charge him 
with crime. What is the substance of the affidavit? Stripped of all 
vei'biage, it is this and this only: Andrew Hunter swears "that John 
Brown and others on certain days and at a certain place in the State 
of Virginia, committed certain crimes," and "that from information 
received from several persons" recently condemned and executed in 
Virginia, and "from other facts that have come to his knowledge," he 
"vmZj/ fteZiews" that Barclay Coppoc, "aided and abetted" said John 
Brown and others in the commission of said crimes, and that from 
other information more recently received, he "verily believes said Bar- 
clay Coppoc is a fugitive from justice now escaping in the State of 
Iowa." 

Now what is the law? I quote a note from Brightly's Digest of the 
laws of the United States, page 293: "The affidavit, when that form of 
evidence is adopted, must be at least so explicit and certain that if it 
were laid before a magistrate it would justify him in committing the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 93 

accused to answer the charge: 6 Penn.Laiv Jour. 414, 418. It must 
8ta,te positively tliat the alleged crime was committed in the State from 
which the pai'ty is alleged to be a fugitive, and that the pai'ty is 
SLCtuaUy a, tugit'we from that State. -"Exparte Smith, S McLean 121, 
122, Fetters case 3 Zabr. 311. In the matter of Hayward, 1 Sandf. S. 
C, 701; Degatit vs. Michael, 2 Carter, 396. I quote further from 3 
McLean 135: "Again the affidavit charges the shooting on the 6th of 
May in the County of Jackson State of Missouri, that he believes and 
has good reason to believe from evidence and information now [then] in 
his possession, that Joseph Smith ivas accessory before the fact, aiul is a 
resident or citizen of Illinois.'''' The Court go on to say: "There are 
several objections to this. Mr. Boggs, [the affiant in that case] having 
the evidence and information in his possession, should have incorpo- 
rated it in the affidavit, to enable the Court to judge of their sufficiency 
to support his belief. Again he SAvears to a legal conclusion when he 
says Smith was an accessory before the fact. What constitutes a man 
an accessory is a question of law, and not always easy of solution. Mr. 
Boggs' opinion then is not authoi'ity. He should have given the facts. 
He should have shown that they were committed in Missouri, to enable 
the Court to test them by the laws of Missouri, to see if they amounted 
to a crime. Again, the affidavit is fatally defective in this, that Boggs 
swears to his belief." 

Let us apply these rules to the affidavit under consideration. An- 
drew Hunter does not swear positively that CopiX)c was ever in Vir- 
ginia. He says certain persons other than Coppoc committed certain 
crimes at certain places in that State, and that Coppoc "aided and 
abetted" them, leaving to be inferred that he was with them in Vir- 
ginia; but he might have furnished arms from Ohio, or ammunition 
from Pennsylvania, or aid and comfort from Maryland; thus "aiding 
and abetting " the crime committed in Virginia, without being there 
in person, and yet not liable to be tried in Virginia for so doing. Mr. 
Hunter says Coppoc is "a fugitive from justice escaping in the State 
of Iowa." From what State? Fi'om Virginia, or Maryland, or Penn- 
sylvania, or Ohio? It may be inferred the escape was from Vii'ginia, 
but it is not "positively " so stated, nor is there on either point that 
" certainty that would justify a magistrate in committing an accused 
party." Again, Mr. Hunter "having the evidence and information in 
his possession, should have incorporated it in the affidavit." He 
swears to a legal conclusion when he says " Co-p-poc aided and abetted.^' 
What constitutes aiding and abetting "is a question of law and not 
always of easy solution." Mr. Hunter's "opinion is not authoritj'. 
He should have sworn to the facts." "The affidavit is fatally defective 
in this that Hunter swears to his belief." The whole case is this: A 
paper was presented to me purporting to be an affidavit made under a 
law of Congress, but not made before an officer recognized by that 



94 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

law, or if the laAV of 1850 applies to this class of cases, lacking to its 
authenticity au essential requisite prescribed by that law. That paper 
was made the basis of a demand that I should arrest and surrender for 
trial for crime in a distant State, a citizen of this State, while it con- 
tained only the statement of a person wholly unknown to me that he 
believed the citizen was guilty of a crime; Avhich crime,' if committed 
at all, might, for aught appearing in the papei", have been committed 
in any other State as well as Vii'ginia. I refused the demand made 
upon me; and now, after a more full and careful consideration of the 
matter than I then gave it, I am content with the decision then made. 

My action in this matter is not without precedent in our own Stale. 
My immediate predecessor refused a warrant for a citizen of this State. 
upon a requisition from the State of Indiana, ujDon the ground that the 
aflSdavit upon which the requisition was based, although sufficient in 
substance, was made before a notary public. The (joveruor of Indiana 
did not, as I am advised, consider this refusal as evidence that the 
people or authorities of Iowa were unwilling to perform their consti- 
tutional obligations, or a matter of sufficient importance to be the 
subject of a special message to the General Assembly of that State. 

The Governor of Virginia complains that I did not cause Coppoc 
to be arrested and held until another requisition in proper form could 
have been sent to me. The law of the State provides the manner in 
which such provisional arrest shall be made (Code, Sec. 3284, and the 
remaining sections of that chapter). 1 called the attention of the agent 
of Virginia specially to this law, read it to him and placed it in his 
hands, and requested him to advise with counsel in relation thereto 
and act upon that advice. For some reason, doubtless satisfactory 1o 
himself, but wholly unknown to me, he did not, so far as I have 
learned, act under the provisions of that law. If the Govei'nor of 
Virginia has cause for complaint against any person on this point, it 
is against his own agent, and not against me. 

The Governor of Virginia also complains that the first of my letters 
to him was published in the papers of this State before it had reached 
him. This is probably true. During the afternoon of the day on 
which the requisition was presented to me, and after that fact had 
become public, many inquiries were made of me touching the matter, 
and great desire expressed to know my i-easons for refusing the Avar- 
rant. It would have been useless and absurd in me to have affected 
secrecy in regard to the matter when the agent of Virginia had him- 
self made it public; and I answered inquiries by stating the facts, and 
for my reasons referred to my letter, a copy of which I had kept. 
Some of the gentlemen who read the letter suggested that, as the mat- 
ter would probably excite some public interest, it Avould be well to 
publish the letter, and not being able to see how, under the circum- 
stances, any possible injury could result from its publication. I allowed 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL .1. KIRKWOOD. 95 

copies to be taken for that purpose. It is to me a matter of profound 
regret that the Govei'nor of Virgmia did not, in his special message, 
content himself with an examination of the legality of the documents 
sent by him to me, and of my official action thereon, without attempt- 
ing to convert a question of official power and duty into a question of 
personal motives. Not satisfying himself, apparently, that he had a 
good cause of complaint against me upon the law or the facts of the 
case, he repeats some hearsay, some suspicions of his own or his 
agents, some broken extracts from my inaugural address, and from all 
these, attempts to justify his insinuations of my sympathy with the 
crimes lately committed in Virginia, and of my desire, perhaps efforts, 
for the escape of this alleged fugitive. I repel all such suggestions, 
coming from him or from others, with the scorn they deserve; and 1 
would not dignify them by any notice were it not for this considera- 
tion. Right-minded men in other States may well suppose that the 
Chief Magistrate of Virginia could not make charges so grossly viola- 
tive of the courtesy due by him to the Chief Magistrate of a sister 
State, unless he knew the charges to be sustained by the facts, and 
might construe my silence into an admission of their truth. 

The fact that an agent of Virginia was hei'e with a requisition for 
Coppoc became publicly known in this place solely through the acts of 
that agent himself. I denied myself what I greatly desired, the privi- 
lege of consultation with gentlemen, in whose opinions I had confi- 
dence, touching the legality of the papers submitted to me, lest the 
matter might thereby, through inadvertance, become known. After I 
had communicated to him my determination not to grant the warrant 
demanded, he sat in my office conversing freely with me on the sub- 
ject. During our conversation, other persons came in on business 
with me, and, to my surprise, he continued the conversation in their 
presence. I said to him that I had supposed he did not wish his busi- 
ness to be made public; to which he replied that, as the warrant had 
been refused, he did not care who knew his business, and continued 
the conversation. In this manner the fact that a requisition had been 
made for Coppoc became known in this place; and I am credibly in- 
formed that it was well known in Iowa City to many persons there, 
that the agent of Virginia was on his way to this place with such 
requisition before he reached here. 

The insinuation that I had anything to do, directly or indirectly, 
with sending information to Coppoc that a requisition had been made 
tor him, is simply and unqualifiedly untrue; nor have I any means of 
knowing whether such information was sent by others, or, if so, by 
whom sent, other than that common to all persons then at the Capital 
— common rumor. 

Were I disposed to follow the course pursued by the Governor of 
Virginia, I might, perhaps, find in this matter sufficient to justify the 



96 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

conclusion, thai he has been throughout more anxious to lay a founda- 
tion for complaint against Iowa, for the purpose of inflaming sec- 
tional prejudice, than to procure the return of Coppoc to Virginia. 
The facts that the papers transmitted are so grossly defective; that the 
agent sent with them was so careless to keep secret his mission; that 
when his demand for a warrant was refused on the ground that his 
papers were insufficient, he failed to make use of the law pointed out 
to him for the provisional arrest of the alleged fugitive until new 
papers could be procured; and that the Governor of Virginia, without 
answering my letters or asking any explanations, has seen fit to pro- 
mulgate his extraordinary special message, might justify that conclu- 
sion to those who are astute to discover, and deem it consistent with 
fair dealing to impute bad motives for all acts done by others; and the 
same process of reasoning might lead me to conclude that his declara- 
tions of attachment to the Union are but a cover to conceal, on his 
pai't, the design openly proclaimed by many with whom he fraternizes, 
politically, to destroy that Union if they cannot control it. 

The people of Iowa need no defense at my bauds. They love the 
Union and are determined it shall be preserved. Their fealty to it is 
not determined by the fact whether or not they control its policy and 
enjoy its honor and emoluments, and although they may believe at 
times that that policy is controlled for improper purposes, and those 
honors and emoluments placed in unworthy hands, they will still 
quietly wait until a change shall be made in a legitimate and constitu- 
tional way, and when that time shall have come they will see to it that 
the Union shall still be pi'eserved. 

Permit me to say, in conclusion, that, in my judgment, one of the 
most important duties of the official position I hold is to see that no 
citizen of Iowa is carried beyond her border, and subjected to the 
ignominy of imprisonment and the perils of trial for crimes in another 
State, otherwise than by due process of law. That duty I shall per- 
form. Whenever the Governor of Virginia, or of any other State, 
shall transmit to me papers, properly executed and containing proper 
proof, demanding the surrender of any one of our people, I shall 
promptly issue a warrant for his rendition — and not till then . 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

A. 

The Commonwealth of Virginia, to the Executive Authority 
OF THE State of Iowa: 

Whereas it appears by the annexed document, which is hereby 
certified as authentic, that Barclay Coppoc is a fugitive from justice 
from this State, charged with the crime of treason, conspiring with 
and advising slaves to rebel and make insurrection, and with murder 
perpetrated at the town of Harper's Ferry, in this Commonwealth, on 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 97 

the sixteenth and seventeenth days of October, in the year 1859: Now 
therefore I. John Letcher, Governor of the State of Virginia, have 
thought proper, by virtue of the provisions of the Constitution of the 
United States, in such cases made and provided, and of the laws of 
Congress in pursuance thereof, to demand of the Executive authority 
of Iowa, the arrest and surrender of Barclay Coppoc, and that he be 
delivered to C. Camp, who is hereby appointed the agent to receive 
him on the part of this Commonwealth. 

, — -^-^^ Given under my hand as Governor, and under the Great 
■j L. S. Seal of the State, at Richmond, this 10th day of January. 
'^^'^ 1860, and in the eighty-fourth year of the Commonwealth. 

JOHN LETCHER. 



B. 

Executive Chamber, Iowa, ) 
Des Moines, January 23, 1860. } 

To His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia: 

Sir: — Your requisition for Barclay Coppoc, alleged to be a fugitive 
from justice from the State of Virginia, was this day placed in my 
hands by Mr. Camp. Having carefully considered the same, 1 am of 
opinion that I cannot, in the proper discharge of my duty as Execu- 
tive of this State, grant the requisition, because it does not, in my 
opinion, come within the provisions of the Constitution of the United 
States, and of the laws of Congress, passed in pursuance thereof. The 
certificate of the Notary Public, that the paper purporting to be the 
affidavit of Andrew Hunter, was sworn to, is not authenticated by his 
Notarial Seal, and for that reason, is no higher evidence of that fact, 
than would be the statement of any other citizen. Were this the only 
difficulty, 1 would, as it is in its nature technical, feel disposed to 
waive it in this case; but there is a further defect, which in my judg- 
ment is fatal, and which my duty will not allow me to overlook. 

The law provides that the Executive authority of a State demand- 
ing any person as a fugitive from justice, shall produce to the Execu- 
tive authority of the State on which the demand is made "the copy of 
an indictment found, or an affidavit made before a magistrate" of the 
State by which the demand is made. In this case, there is not a copy 
of any indictment produced, and the affidavit produced, is made be- 
fore a Notary Public, who is not, in my judgment, a magistrate, within 
the meaning of the law of Congress. 

This is a matter In which, as I understand, I have no discretionary 
power. Had the application l^een made to me in proper form, charg- 
ing the offense charged in this case, the requisition must have been 
granted; and as it is, I have not any more authority to surrender the 
person demanded, than if requested to do so by a priv:ite letter. 

Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



98 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

C. 

Executive Office, Iowa, ) 
Des Moines, January 24, 1860. \ 
To His Excellency, the Oovernor of Virginia: 

On yestei'day, Mr. Camp, of your State, presented to me a requisi- 
tion for Barclay Coppoc, which I declined to grant, for reasons staled 
in a letter to you, which I handed to him, (Mr. Camp). 

I have since examined more carefully the body of the affidavit of 
Andrew Hunter, and beg leave to call your attention to it. Mr. Hunter 
states that from information received by him from cei'tain persons con- 
demned and executed in your State and from other facts which have 
come to his knowledge, he believes that Coppoc was aiding and abet- 
ting John Brown and others, who on certain days, in Virginia, com- 
mitted certain crimes, and that from information recently received, he 
verily believes Coppoc is a fugitive from justice, escaping in this State. 
It is not stated, unless it be inferentially, that Coppoc committed the 
acts charged, in the State of Virginia, nor are any of the facts upon 
which affiant bases his belief of Coppoc's guilt stated. 

It seems to me very desirable that in case you shall deem it your 
duty again to demand Coppoc from the Executive authority of this 
State, that no question may arise upon the sufficiency of the papers 
upon which the demand shall be made, and I have therefore deemed it 
proper to make to you the above suggestions. 

Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



A VETO MESSAGE— MUST HAVE GOOD MONEY. 

Executive Office, ) 
March 30, 1860. j 

Oentlevficn of the Senate: — I herewith return to your house, in 
which it originated, without my approval, "An act to amend an act 
entitled, an act authorizing general banking in the State of Iowa," 
passed by the Seventh General Assembly. 

Should the proposed act become a law, it would change the existing 
law in these particulars: First, by permitting banks to be organized 
thereunder, with a paid-up capital of $25,000 instead of $50,000 as now 
provided. Second, by abolishing the office of Bank Commissioners as 
provided by the original law, and dispensing with the supervision nnd 
control by these commissioners of the banks that might be established; 
and, third, by permitting the establishment of banks in towns witli a 
population of two hundred and fifty inhabitants instead of live hundred 
as requix'ed by the original law. 

It seems very clear to me that the second and third of these 
changes would be very injurious to our people by bringing into disre- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 99 

pute our etitiie baukiug system and iutiicting upon us an irredeemable 
paper currency. 

The Bank Commissioners (whose duties it is proposed to dispense 
with) are now required to make semi-annually, and as much ofteuer as 
ihey may deem advisable, thoi'ough aud searching examinations of 
• ach bank for the purpose of ascertaining if the law has been complied 
with, and the public are safe in receiving the bills in circulation; and, 
in case they iind the law has not been complied with, and that the pub- 
lic are not safe, they are empowered to take proper steps to secure the 
public safety. These commissioners cannot be either directly or indi- 
rectly engaged in banking under the law, and must be sworn to a 
faithful and impartial discharge of their duties. I am well satisfied 
that the provisions of the law providing for the appointment of these 
commissioners, and defining their powers and duties, are wise and 
salutary, and that the performance of these duties is essential to the 
protection of the people, and I cannot approve an act which proposes 
1o leave our people without that protection which is so essential to 
their safety. 

The provisions of the original law prohibiting the establishment of 
a bank in any city or town with a population less than five hundred 
are also, in my judgment, eminently Avise and proper. 

The object of the law was to prevent the establishment of banks at 
points remote and inaccessible to those who might wish to present 
their bills for redemption; in other words, to prevent the flooding of 
our State with a paper currency practically irredeemable, and at the 
same time to prevent the establishment of banks of issue at points 
where they could not do a legitimate business, and must, therefore, be 
necessarily unsafe. Banks of issue can be tolerated only when their 
bills are at all times convertible into specie, aud any laws which prac- 
tically prevent such convenience are unwise and injurious. The States 
of Wisconsin and Illinois have now a paper currency practically irre- 
deemable, and our people, as well as the people of those States, are an- 
nually suffering a heavy loss in consequence. It does not appear to 
me to be wise aud prudent to increase the evil by adding to the cur- 
rency now in circulation largely among us an additional amount of 
like character issued in cur own State. 

It may be urged that the General Assembly and Executive of the 
State are not required to examine banking laws with the same care 
and caution as others, because banking laws, after having been passed 
by the General Assembly and approved by the Governor, do not take 
effect unless approved by the people. I cannot concur in this opinion. 
In my judgment, the constitutional requiremeut that laws of this 
character should be approved by the people before going into effect, 
was not designed as a license to the General Asseml^ly and Governor 
to shirk their duties and responsibilities, and pass and approve such 



100 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

laws without examination and deliberation, because the people were 
to pass finally upon them, but was intended to provide an additional 
onleal through which such laws should pass after the General Assem- 
l)ly and Governor had done their whole duty as in other cases. 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 

By this timely veto we were saved from the calamities 
that would have followed the establishment in our State of a 
system of " Wild Cat " banking that had from beyond our 
eastern and western borders cursed us for years. 

Writing to Suel Foster, one of the trustees of and the 

father of the Agricultural College in the early days of that 

institution, in regard to the economical expenditure of funds 

for it, the Governor says: 

"For one, I will not consent to have standing on the farm a pile of 
unfinished buildings as a monument of my folly and business capacity.''' 

It was the "economy" and "business capacity" of the 
Governor and friends of the college during its infancy that 
contributed to make it the noble institution it is to-day. 

The Presidential election of this year was a very exciting 
one. With four tickets in the field, and with Mr. Lincoln, 
personally the strongest man on either, as the standard- 
bearer of the Republican party, it looked from the start as 
though he would have a "walk over" in the Presidential 
race; and such it proved to be, yet there never had such an 
array of able speakers been engaged in the field as then. 
Mr. Douglass took the stump and canvassed nearly the whole 
country, and Mr. Breckenridge advocated his cause in his 
own State. 

The defection by Mr. Seward's friends that was counted 
on in New York and by those of Mr. Bates in Missouri did 
not materialize, and Mr. Lincoln had no more ardent and 
active supporters than were his competitors in the Chicago 
Convention. The canvass was one of principle alone. All 
personalities were kept in the background. Never in any 
political campaign did our people get such excellent lessons, 
or so much good instruction on the subject of civil libert^% 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMIEL J. KIRK WOOD. lUl 

the true functions of our government, the relation of the 
General government to the States, of the States to each 
other, and especially to the Territories, or from such able 
teachers as they got that year from speakers on the stump, 
and never did our people give so much thought and atten- 
tion to questions presented by public speakers as they did 
then. 

There were at this time but two congressional districts in 
the State. Wm. Vandever and Ben M. Samuels were oppos- 
ing candidates in the northern, and Samuel R. Curtis and C. 
C. Cole in the southern district, all first-class speakers, and 
they spent two whole months on the stum]), speaking nearly 
every day. C. C. Noursc, one of the be^t of our platform 
speakers, candidate for Attorney General, made a thorough 
canvass of the State, and the candidates for electors filled 
numerous appointment!?; that silver-tongued orator, the gal- 
lant Henry O'Connor, thivw himself into the work with his 
wh(jle soul. '"Wide Awake"' clubs were formed, and local 
speakers put to work all over the State. Gov. Kirkwood 
was put into the harness as one of the wheel horses, and his 
voice and pen were neither of them silent. He used the lat- 
ter with telling efi'ect in re[)ly to LeGrand Byington, a 
Democratic politician of more than a local reputation, and 
au assistant elector on his own ticket, who challenged him to 
a joint debate. Mr. Byington had business to attend to in 
several counties where he proposed to speak, and made it a 
condition that between each debate, while he spent forty- 
eight hours in attending to business. Gov. Kirkwood was to 
sit around on store boxes or something not much better, and 
spend the time in idleness before another debate should take 
l)lMce. l)ut the letter tells its own story: 

Iowa City, Sept. 3, 1860. 
LeGrand Bijinglon, A'.svy., 

Sir: — In your letter to me iu the State Press of 29lh of August, you 
make a speech and give me ;i challenge. Courtesy requires that I 
should reply to both. Of the Whig Party I have only this to say. It 



102 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

is not a living organization. The time has not come to write its his- 
tory, nor is either of us its proper historian. Its name and the names 
of the statesmen and soldiers it has given in our country will be cher- 
ished in our State, when your name and mine will be forgotten. The 
Republican party is a living organization, you either misunderstand 
or misrepresent its purposes and its hislory. It is not "thoroughly 
abolitionized," unless "abolitionism" consists in an earnest and deier- 
mined, but peaceable and constitutional opposition to the extension of 
slavery into free territory. Its convention was a National and not a 
sectional one. True all the States were not represented in that con- 
vention, not because any were excluded by the call, but because some 
did not choose to send delegates, but more States were represented 
bv full delegations than in either of the remnants of the convention at 
Baltimore that nominated Mr. Douglass and Mr. Breckenridge. 

Its candidate, Mr. Lincoln, is 7iot nor has ever been an "abolition- 
ist," unless the term is to be understood as above stated, nor did he 
exhibit "factious hostility in Congress" to the Mexican war. I may 
not properly undei'stand what you mean by the assertion that Mr. 
Lincoln "acknowledged his obligation" to the "higher law," but if you 
mean that if he shall find himself commanded by the law of man to do 
or not to do an act under penalty, the doing or not doing of which is 
expressly prohibited to or enjoined on him by the law of God, he will 
in such case "obey God rather than man, "you define his position truly. 

You say in substance that you and I acted together politically in 1848, 
as members of the then Democratic party, and that now while you are 
a member of the same Democratic party, I am a member of the Repub- 
lican party. You err somewhat in this. You are a member of but a 
faction of the Democratic party, and the members of the other faction 
of the same party, apply to you and your associates the term "aboli- 
tionist," as flippantly, as unctuously and as justly as you apply it to 
the Republicans. You are a Douglassite and not a Democrat. 

Why I am not one or the other I will state briefl3^ I believe the 
men who made the Constitution, and the men who received it from 
their hands and put it in motion, understood the meaning of that in- 
strument better than Mr. Pierce, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Douglass and 
Mr. Breckenridge. I know that those men and the men who for many 
years followed them in the control of our National Government be- 
lieved and acted upon the belief that Congress had power to prohibit 
slavery in the Territories, and therefore I cannot accept the teachings 
of the new men of the Democratic Party, who deny Congress that 
power. The Breckenridge faction directly favor the introduction of 
slavery into all the Territories, while the best that can be said for the 
Douglass faction is, that it "don't care" whether slavery be so intro- 
duced or not. In my judgment neither faction occupies the ground held 
by the Democratic party in 1848, nor does either faction occupy the right 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL .T KIRKWOOD. 103 

ground, and therefore I cannot act with either, but I can and do cor- 
dially sympathize with the Republican party, which while earnest'ly 
deprecating and opposing the extension of slavery into free Territory, 
seeks to use no means to that end not sanctioned by the fathers of the 
Constitution and the Union. So much for your speech, now for your 
challenge. 

I very much regret that I cannot accept it. My entire time for the 
next two weeks is already engaged. I have also accepted several in- 
vitations to attend Republican mass meetings after that time, at points 
quite distant from each other, and with several days between their 
dates. Besides I do not desire to confine myself wholly to counties 
south of the M. & M. (now the Rock Island) Railroad, nor would I be 
willing to waste so much time as would result from allowing 'an 
interval of at least forty-eight hours between the different meetings 
out of Keokuk county." For these reasons I must respectfully decline 
your challenge. Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Such a reputation as a platform speaker had the Gov- 
ernor made in his canvass with Mr, Dodge, the previous 
year, that he was flooded with invitations trom all parts of 
the State to address large public meetings, several counties 
often uniting to get up monster demonstrations, and some of 
them were so large that two and three different stands were 
erected and occupied by different speakers at the same time. 

From his old home in Ohio came this invitation: 

Maxsfield, Ohio, Sept. 12, 1860. 
Eon. Samuel J. Kirkwood ; 

Dear Sie — Our County Central Committee have appointed Friday, 
the 5th day of October, for a mass meeting of the Republicans of this 
and adjoining counties, designed to be the gathering of the campaign 
for '' all this region." We are instructed to invite you to be present 
with us on that day to address the people with whom you are held 
now more than ever in grateful remembrance for distinguished 
services as the leader of the opposition in this county to Mr. Douglass' 
tii'st labored effort for the Presidential chair. 

Will you not be with us? We shall confidently expect you. 
Please reply at your earliest convenience, and oblige, 

Your friends, 

Z. S. Stocking, 
I. H. Ford, 
R. Brinkerhoff, 
G. Gass, 

Committee. 



104 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL .1. KIRKWOOD. 

Since the establishment of our Government, with the ex 
ception of the Presidential election when Mr. Jefferson was 
elected over Mr. Adams, no one election was more hotly 
contested, nor did any one attract more attention or call forth 
more effort than the one of 1860. The result with reference 
to the four candidates was peculiar. The popular vote was 
as follows: Lincoln, 1,857,610; Douglass, 1,365,976; 
Breckenridge, 847,953; Bell, 590,631. Of votes in the 
electoral college Lincoln had 180; Douglass, 12; Brecken- 
ridge, 72; Bell, 39. 

It seems very singular that under our form of govern- 
ment Messrs. Breckenridge and Bell should get more than 
nine times as many electoral votes, while they got but few 
more popular votes, than Mr. Douglass, and that Mr. Bell 
should get more than three times as many electoral votes as 
Mr. Douglass, while Mr. Douglass had more than twice as 
mvir\y popular YoiQS. But such was the case, and that un- 
der a legal count. 

Soon after election Governor Kirk wood wrote Mr. 
Lincoln: 

Executive Office, Iowa, Nov. 15, 1860. 
Eon. Abraham Lincoln, President- Elect of the United States : 

Dear Sir— Permit me to congratulate you, and I most heartily do, 
upon the result of the recent Presidential election, and to express the 
earnest hope that your administration may prove as useful to our 
country and as honorable to yourself as you yourself can desire. 

Very respectfully, 

Samuel J. Kiekwood. 

The result of the election created a great deal of dissatis- 
faction at the South, and muttorings of discontent and 
threats not to abide by it were quite frequent, and the 
threats were growing bolder every day, and they created a 
feverish feeling in the public mind at the North. 

Under this state of feeling Governor Kirkwood deter- 
mined to visit the President-elect at his home in Springfield, 
III., and learn, from a personal interview, "what manner of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 105 

man he was," and whether he could be depended upon to 
meet the difficulties in store for him and the Union-loving 
people of the country. 

The account of that interview is given in the Governor's 
own words in an article written by himself and published in 
the Iowa Historical Record : 

Editor Iowa Historical Record : — In compliance with your request, 
I submit an account of my first meeting with Abraham Lincoln. His 
nominatiou by the Republicans, in 1860, as the candidate for the Pres- 
idency was very favorably received by the great body of the party, 
although there was some disappointment felt in some of the Eastern 
States, particularly by the friends of Mr. Seward, and to a less extent 
by the friends of Mr. Chase. But in the West, especially by that por- 
tion of our people whom Mi\ Lincoln so aptly afterwards called " the 
plain people," the feeling of his party friends in his favor was earnest 
and enthusiastic His great debate with Mr. Douglass in 1858, and 
his Cooper Institute speech in 1860, had convinced everybody of his 
great ability, his thorough understanding of the great questions in- 
volved in the pending contest, his conservative views on those ques- 
tions, his sterling honesty, his candor and his courage. In short, it 
was thoroughly believed that although he was not, as the term was 
then understood, a politician — that he was a statesman in the better 
sense of the term. 

After his election two elements of opposition to his administration 
rapidly developed. Firstly, the secession element, composed of those 
who had, ever since the days of Nullification, determined upon the 
dissolution of the Union; and, secondly, of those who earnestly sought 
to force Mr. Lincoln anti his friends, through fear, into some compro- 
mise which would give to slavery all it contended for. 

I had never met Mr Lincoln, nor did I expect to attend his in- 
auguration. But, as time passed on, I thought it due to him and to 
the official position I then held in my State to pay my respects to him 
before he left his home for Washington. I was further led to do this 
by the increasing excitement and alarm in the country growing out of 
the increasing boldness and power of the secession movement in the 
South, and the increasing efforts of those North and South who clam- 
ored for "peace at any price;" and it is but candid to say that I 
desired to form for myself, from a personal interview with Mr. Lin- 
coln, a more satisfactory opinion than I otherwise could of his " equip- 
ment" to meet the unexpected and terrible responsibilities that he 
would probably have to meet. 

Accordingly, early in January, 1861, I went to Springfield, 111. 
I did not expect that I should meet any one there whom I knew, un- 



106 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

less it might be Mr. Hatch, who was then the Secretary of State of 
Illinois, whom I had met at Chicago at the Republican National Con- 
vention in 1860, and with whom I had there formed a slight acquaint- 
ance. I did meet him, either on the evening of my arrival at Spring- 
field or the next morning. He introduced me to Governor Yates. I 
told them in general terms the object of my visit, and that I was em- 
barrassed to know when and where I could have an^ interview with 
Mr. Lincoln. They told me that he had a room, or rooms, in the city, 
at which he attended every day between certain hours, but that his 
time, on such occasions, was so occupied by his many callers that there 
was neither time nor opportunity for such an interview as they under- 
stood I wanted, and they proposed that at an hour they named they 
would accompany me to his residence and introduce me to him, and I 
could have my interview there. I hesitated somewhat about going to 
his residence, as he miglit perhaps consider it an intrusion, but they 
insisted he would not so consider it, and as I was anxious to accom- 
plish my purpose and to return home as soon as possible, I consented 
to go with them. We started at the time appointed and on our way 
we saw at some distance before us a tall man of somewhat remark- 
able appearance. Before we met, either Governor Yates or Secretary 
Hatch said, "There is Lincoln now." As we met they shook hands 
and I was introduced to Mr. Lincoln, and after a short conversation I 
told him in general terms the purpose of my visit, and that, at the 
suggestion of the Governor and Secretary, we were on our way to visit 
him at his residence, as they had informed me there would not be a very 
favorable opportunity for a private conversation with him at his rooms 
uptown. He replied in substance that was all right; that he was 
going up town on an errand, and that the gentlemen with me and my- 
self should go on to his home and he would soon return. As we were 
about to separate he said to me that if it would suit me as well, he 
would call on me at my room in the hotel at which I was stopping, 
and that we would be less liable to interruption there than at his 
house. I was not then (nor am I now) much acquainted with the 
etiquette of calls upon or by Presidents or Presidents-elect, and I have 
since thought that he did not know much more on that somewhat in- 
tricate subject than I did or care any more about it. I gladly assented 
to his suggestion and we separated, I going to my room at the hotel. 
Within an hour Mr. Lincoln came to my room and we had a long and 
what was to me a very interesting conversation. I cannot, of course, 
undertake to give his language or my own. I told him in substance 
that our Iowa people were very much excited over the condition of 
the country North and South —that they were devotedly attached to 
the union of the States, and would never consent to its dissolution on 
any terms; that they were not to be frightened into abandoning their 
principles by bluster and bravado, and that he might depend upon 



THE LIFE ANT> TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOB. 107 

them to sustain him to the utmost of their power in preserving th(^ 
peace, if that could be faiii}' done, and in preserving the Union in any 
event and at whatever cost. 

Mr. Lincolu listened with great attention and apparent interest and 
expressed great satisfaction at what I had said touching the intention 
of the people of Iowa to give their earnest support to his administra- 
tion. He proceeded to say that he still had strong hope that a peace- 
ful and safe solution might j'et be had of our present troubles— that it 
seemed to him incredible that any large portion of our people, even in 
the States threatening secession, could really desire a dissolution of 
the Union that had done them nothing but good; that his own opinion 
that Congress had not the power to abolish slavery in the States where 
it existed was well known before his nomination; that the convention 
by Avhich he was nominated, with full knowledge of that opinion, had 
nominated him, and that with full knowledge of both these facts he 
had been constitutionally elected; that he would not consent to or ad- 
vise his friends to consent to any bai'gain or so-called compromise that 
amounted to a purchase of the constitutional rights growing out of the 
late election, because the so doing would be an invitation to the 
defeated party, or parties, in future elections to pursue the course now 
being pursued with the hope of achieving like success by like means, 
thus reducing our Government to the level of Mexico, which was then 
in a constant state of I'evolution; that he would bear and forbear much 
to preserve peace and the integrity of the Union, but if the issue 
was clearly made between war and a dissolution of the Union, 
then, however much he might regret the necessity, he would use 
all the constitutional powers of the Government for its preser- 
vation, relying on God's justice and the patriotism of the people for 
success. 

It is now about thirty years since 1 had this interview withMr. Lin- 
coln, and my life for sevei'al years after was a busy one. I, therefore, do 
not claim to give his words — only his ideas — nor do I claim that what 
was said consisted as herein stated of a continued opening statement 
by me and a continued reply by him; on the contrary, the interview 
was, to some extent, conversational, although much the greater part 
of what was said was said by him. He spoke calmly, earnestly and 
with great feeling. I listened with anxious interest and heard with 
profound satisfaction. 

When he left I went with him to the door of the hotel, and when I 
retui'ned to the office I found myself an object of considerable atten- 
tion. It was known that Mr. Lincoln was up stairs with somebody, 
and when it appeared that I was that body, a good many people about 
the hotel seemed anxious to learn who I was and where I had come 
from. 

I left for home with a strong conviction, which never left me, that 



108 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

he was the right man in the right place, and the longer he lived thp 
stronger that conviction grew. 

S. J. KiRKWOOD. 

Iowa City, January 14, 1891. 

Five states, South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia 
and Arkansas, seceded before the inauguration of Mr. Lin- 
coln, not waiting to see what his policy would be. They 
seemed to have a foreknowledge that their favorite institu- 
tion was doomed; for they remembered that Mr. Lincoln had 
prophesied that this country must eventually become all free 
or all slave territory, and they very well knew that slavery 
was an institution that never could cross Mason and 
Dixon's line. 

Gov. Kirkwood went to Washington and was present at 
Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, and with some Ohio friends 
assisted in getting Mr. Chase into the cabinet as Secretary of 
the Treasury, a most fortunate appointment for both the 
Administration and the country. 

The nervousness of the country during the early months 
of the year 1861 in regard to the unsettled state of affairs, 
is indicated by the letter of Gov. Kirkwood to Senator 
Grimes, and by captains of various military companies in the 
State tendering to the President and the Governor their 
services. 

Des Moines, 1a., January 12, 1861. 
Hon. James W. Orimes: 

Dear Sir: — It really appears to me as though our Southern friends 
are determined on the destruction of our Government, unless they can 
change its whole basis and make it a government for the growth and 
spread of slavery. The real point of controversy is in regard to 
slavery in the territories. On that point I would be willing to go 
thus far: Restore the question of slavery in our present territories to 
the position in which it was placed by the compromise measures of 
1850, and before passing the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and admit Kansas 
as a free state at once. The whole country agreed to do this once, 
and therefore could do bo again. As to future acquisitions of terri- 
tory, do either one of two things: let. Prohibit future acquisitions 
except by the vote of two thirds of each branch of Congress, or: 2nd, 



THE LIFE AND TLMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 109 

Make the condition of the Territory at the time of its acquisition its 
permanent condition until admitted as a state. 

I think neither of these requires an abandonment of principles, or 
involves disgrace to either party, North or South. 

But at all hazards the Union mu.st be honored; the laws must be 
enforced. What can I do in the pi-emises? Shall I tender the aid of 
the State to Mr. Buchanan? Some of our people desire an extra 
session — I do not. My present intention is not to call an extra session 
till after the 4th of March. If after that time an extra session be nec- 
essary to support the Government, I will so far as in me lies see to it 
that the last fighting man in the State, and the last dollar in the 
treasury are devoted to that object, and our people will sustain me. 
If such aid is required by Mr. Buchanan, it is at his service. Please 
consult our delegation and write me fully such course as you think 
best to be pursued. Very truly, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

P. S.— Can anything be done in the way of procuring arms for this 
State beyond the regular quota for the current year? Cannot an 
arsenal be established and supplied in some North-western free state? 

K. 

Executive Office, } 
Iowa, Jan. 22, 1861. f 

His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Maryland: 

SiR: — Permit me to tender you my hearty thanks, and those of the 
people of Iowa, for the patriotic and manly stand you have taken 
against disunion and treason. 

I am a native of the State of Maryland and I feel a great, and I 
trust an honest pride in knowing that the good old State stands firmly 
to the Constitution and the Union in these trying days, when so many 
aie disposed to abandon both. This I am satisfied is in a great meas- 
ure due to the bold stand you have taken, and when passion shall have 
subsided, and when reason and love of country shall have assumed 
the ascendant, your name will stand high on the roll of those whom 
the people delight to honor. 

With sentiments of high regard I remain 

Your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Executive Office, \ 
Jan. 28, 1861. J 

To Hon. Jas. Harlan, Jas. W. Orimes, Samuel R. Curtis and Wvi. 

Vandever: 

Gentlemen: — You will find herewith a paper requesting you, if you 

consider it advisable, to attend a meeting of the commissioners of the 

different Stfttes at Washington City on the 4th of February next. I 



110 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

wish you to be guided wholly by your own discretion as to your 
attendance. 

I confess the whole thing strikes me unfavorably. The very early 
day named renders it impossible for the distant States to select and 
send commissioners, and also it is liable to the'construction that it was 
the intention to force action both upon the meeting and upon Cou- 
gi'ess before the 4th of March next and without proper time for delib- 
eration. Again the fact that the basis of adjustment proposed in the 
resolutions is one that all the free States rejected by an overwhelming 
majority at the presidential election (the votes for Lincoln and Doug- 
lass being all against it) indicate that either in expectation that the 
free Stases shall stultify and degrade themselves or a purpose by the 
failure of the commissioners to agree upon terms of adjustment to 
afford excuse and justification to those who are already determined to 
leave the Union. You upon the ground can judge of these things 
more correctly than I can here. 

Should you tiad the meeting disposed to act in earnest for the pre- 
sei'vation of the Union without seeking the degradation of any of the 
States for that end permit me to make a fcAV suggestions. 

The true policy for every good citizen to pursue is to set his face 
like a flint against secession, to call it by its true name — treason — to 
use his influence in all legitimate ways to put it down; strictly and 
cordially to obey the laws and to stand by the government in all law- 
ful measures it may adopt for the preservation of the Union, and to 
trust to the people and the constituted authorities to correct under the 
present constitution, and errors that may have been committed or any 
evils or wrongs that have been suffered. 

But if compromise must be the order of the du}' then that compro- 
mise should not be a concession by one side of all the other side de- 
mands and of all for which the conceding side has been contending. 
In other words the North must not be expected to yield all the South 
asks, all the North has contended for and won, and then call that com- 
promise. That is not compromise and would not bring peace. Such 
"compromise" would not become dry on the parchment on which it 
would be written before "agitation" for its repeal would have com- 
menced. A compromise that would restore good feeling must not de- 
grade either side. Let me suggest how in my opinion this can be 
done. Restore the Missouri compromise line to the territoiy we got 
from France. We all agreed to that once and can, without degrada- 
tion do so again. 

The repeal of that line brought on our present troubles; its restora- 
tion ought to go far to remove them. As to New Mexico and Utali 
leave them under the laws passed for their government in 1850 — the 
so-called compromise of that year. We all stood there once and can 
do so again without degradation. This settles the question of slavery 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. Ill 

in all our present territories. As to future acquisitions say we can't 
make any. We thus avoid the slavery question in future. We have 
enough territory for our expansion for a century and let the men of 
that day make another to suit themselves. It says merely we prefer 
our Union as it is to conquest that may endanger it. The fugitive 
slave law was made by the South. The reason of its non-existence is 
its severity. It is in direct antagonism to the public sentiment of the 
people among whom it is to be executed. If something were done to 
modify it so as to require the alleged fugitive to be taken before the 
officer of the court of the county from which he has alleged to have 
tied and there have a trial if he demand it, in my opinion the law 
would be much more effective than it is. 

The personal liberty laws are the acts of the States that have them 
and I doubt not would be i-epealed when the present excitement dies 
away. Iowa never has had nor does she want one. 

Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

The following is the "paper" above referred to: 

Executive Office, Iowa, } 
Jan. 28, 1861. S 

Hon. James W. Orvmes, James Earlan, Samuel R. Curtis and Wm. 
Vandever: 

Gentlemen: — I received in the evening of the 21st inst. by mail a 
copy of a preamble and resolutions passed by the General Assembly 
of the State of Virginia on the 19th inst. inviting the other States of 
the Union to send commissioners to Washington City to meet there on 
the 4th of February next, commissioners appointed by the State of 
Virginia to consult upon the present unfortunate condition of public 
affairs. I did not receive a copy of said preamble and resolutions by 
telegi'aph as is contemplated thereby. 

It is impossible for me now to select persons in different parts of 
this State and inform them of their appointment in time for them to 
reach Washington City and participate in the convention at the time 
named. 

Under these circumstances I have determined to request you to 
attend said meeting on the part of this State if you shall think it 
advisable so to do in view of your official position, of the attendance 
of commissioners from other States and of all the surrounding circum- 
stances. 

Should you deem it advisable and proper so to attend these will be 
your credentials. 

Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL. J. KIRKWOOD. 



112 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

South Carolina seceded on the 20th of December, 186(J, 
Louisiana followed on the 23d, and Georgia and Alabama 
went out in January following, and public affairs were 
assuming an alarming aspect and the dark clouds of war 
were gathering in the political horizon, and though no call 
for troops had been made by either the President or the 
Governor, and no military preparations had been made to 
put down secession, Capt. F. J. Herron, of the "Governor's 
Greys" at Dubuque, Capt. R. R. Cowles, of the "Washing- 
ton Light Guards," Capt. J. L. Matthies, of the "Bur- 
lington Rifles" and the captain of the "Mt. Pleasant Greys," 
all tendered the services of their companies to the Governor, 
all of which were accepted, and the Governor wrote Capt. 
Cowles as follows, and to the other captains in the same strain: 

Executive Office, | 
Iowa, Jan. 17, 1861. \ 

R. JR. Cowles, Captain Washington Light Guards, Washington, Iowa: 

Sir: — In these days when cabinet officers abet treason, and use their 
official positions to bankrupt and disarm the government they are 
sworn to support, when members of both branches of our national 
councils are openly engaged in endeavoi'ing to overthrow the govern- 
ment of which they are the sworn servants, and retain places and 
prostitute their powers to thwart the efforts of those who loyally seek 
to maintain that government— when in one portion of our country 
many men delirious with passion, regard the firing upon our National 
Hag, the forcible seizure of our National forts, and the plunder of our 
National arsenals and treasuries as manly, honorable and patriotic 
service — when in another portion of our country a few men blinded by 
partisan prejudice can be found who justify these acts, and say the 
l)erpetrators of them must not be punished — when, in short, men ai'e 
found in high places so lost to patriotism as to emulate the treason of 
Benedict Arnold, and so lost to shame as to glory in their infamy, and 
can find followers and apologists— it is gratifying to know that the 
gallant yeomanry of Iowa are still determined "to march under the 
flag and to keep step to the music of the Union.'" 

I accept with pleasure the services of the "Washington Light 
Guards" so frankly tendered, and should events I'ender it necessary, 
shall promptly call you to the field to defend that flag under which 
our fathers fought so bravelj', and to maintain that govei*nment thej* 
founded so wisely and so well. Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Sumter Fired On — Troops Called For — Oovernor's Proclamation — 
Calls an Extra Session of the Legislature — Raises Money for the Sol- 
diers — Sends Ezekiel Clark ajid Hiram Pi-ice to Disburse It — Special 
Messages — State Banks Offer Money — Laws of Extra Session — ' omr. 
Audit Claims on ^'War and Defense Fund'"' — Caleb Baldwin — G. 
M. Dodge Adjutant. 



On the 12th of April the telegraph flashed the news from 
one end of the country to the other that Sumter had been 
tired on, and our ling had been insulted by traitors, and the 
lightning that carried the news seemed to fire every loyal 
heart at the North. Never before had the loyal people of 
the country been fused into one homogeneous mass, where 
i)ut one pulsation moved every heart, and every throb was a 
loyal one, as did the startling announcement that our countrj^ 
had been assailed at home by organized and armed traitors. 
The shock was so great, that part}^ sect and everything else 
subordinate to National life, were momentarily forgotten, 
and the expression seemed to fall from every lip, ''all else 
must be sacrificed to save the country. The country and the 
Union lost, all is lost; the country saved, all will be safe." 

But three days of this tremulous excitement was per- 
mitted to exist till the President issued the call for 75,000 
volunteer troops, of which the quota for Iowa was one regi- 
ment. Preparations were to be made for engaging in one of 
the most severe of civil wars. None fiercer, more relentless, 
more bloody or fratricidal than this promised to be. had ever 
been recorded in history. 

No State could be more poorly prepared for such work 
than was Iowa at this time. She had no military organiza- 
tion, except a few independent companies, and they were not 
well armed or equipped. Her laws on the subject were few 



114 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

and of a general nature, and during a long period of peace 
had been almost a de:id letter, or there had been no call for 
their enforcement. Divisions, brigades, regiments and bat- 
tallions were mentioned in the law, but not one had ever 
existed in fact. The constitution made the Governor com- 
mander of the army, navy and militia of the State, but he 
had no troops belonging to either arm of the service that he 
could command. But troops had to be raised, and he for 
that purpose issued the following: 

Proclamation. 

Whereas, The President of tlie United States has made a requisi- 
tion on the Executive of the State of Iowa ior one regiment of militia, 
to aid the Federal Government in enforcing its laws and suppressing 
rebellion. Now therefore I, Samuel J. Kix'kwood, Governor of the 
State of Iowa, do issue this proclamation and hereby call upon the 
militia of this State immediately to form in the different counties vol- 
unteer companies, with the view of entering the active military service- 
of the United States for the purpose aforesaid. The regiment at pres- 
ent required Avill consist of ten companies of at least seventy-eight 
men each, one captain and two lieutenants to be elected by each com- 
pany. 

Under the present requisition onlj' one regiment can be accepted, 
and the companies accepted must hold themselves in readiness for 
duty by the 20th of May next at farthest. If a sufficient number of 
companies are tendered, their service maybe required. If more com- 
panies are formed and reported than can be i-eceived under the present 
call, their services will be required in the event of another requisition 
upon this State. The nation is in peril. A fearful attempt is being 
made to overthrow the Constitution and dissolve the Union. The aid 
of every loyal citizen is invoked to sustain the General Government. 

For the honor of our State let the requirement of the President be 
cheerfully and promptly met. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Iowa City, April 17, A. D. 1861. 

At this time our Governor happened not to be a military 
man. His whole life had been devoted to "the useful arts 
of peace." His life study had been how to make men better, 
how best to preserve and ennoble life, rather than how easiest 
and quickest to destroy it. 

The telegram from the President to the Governor calling 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 115 

for a regiment of troops reached Davenport, then the most 
western telegraph station, and was taken from there in hot 
haste by Wm. Vandever, then member of Congress, but 
later a general in the army, to Iowa City where he found the 
Governor on his farm, in his overalls and stoga boots, look 
ing after his stock, and after reading the despatch he ex. 
claimed, "Why the President wants vb whole regiment of men! 
Do you sup})()se, Mr. Vandever, I can raise that many?" 

That he might be within reach of the General Govern- 
ment by telegraph he repaired at once to Davenport, and got 
there in time to take part in one of the most enthusiastic 
meetings ever held in Iowa, The meeting was presided over 
by Mayor French; speeches were made by Messrs. C. C. 
Nourse, Wm. Vandever, Jiu^ob Butler, Judge Dillon, Rev. 
Collier, Gov. Kirkwood, and Mr. Booth, the latter an old 
time Democrat. During his speech Gov, Kirkwood is re- 
ported to have said: "He would raise the regiment as 
required. He would not call a session of the Legislature, as 
it would involve great expense, and it could be dispensed 
with. The expense of enlistment and sending away the regi 
ment would cost about $10,000, and this matter could be 
attended to without the present intervention of the Legisla- 
ture. The Governor said he would see that these expenses 
were paid till the regiment was handed over to the govern- 
ment. He said that $10,000 would be raised for this pur- 
pose if he had to pledge every dollar of his own property " 

The report adds: "He made an eloquent appeal to the 
patriotism of his listeners, and though sick, gave them one 
of the most stirring addresses of the evening." 

The Governor had not now found out how great a labor 
had been devolved upon him, nor how great the task before 
him. In less than a month from the time of making this 
speech he called an extra session of the Legislature, and it 
was not done any too early. In his ignorance relating to 
military affairs he called to bis assistance Judge Dillon of the 



116 THE LIFK AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Supreme Court, only to find that the judge's knowledge on 
such matters was quite as meagre as his own, and in his 
dilemma he sent for Gen. McKean, a citizen of Marion in 
Linn county, and a graduate of the West Point Military 
School, who had been in the military service of the country, 
who was well informed on all military affairs in every detail, 
and he came and assisted in the organization of the com- 
panies and the regiment until it was proposed to elect him 
its colonel by a vote of the regiment. This seemed in some 
way contrary to his military ideas, when he went home 
refusing to stay any longer. The regiment was organized 
with J. F. Bates as Colonel, Wm. H. Merritt, Lieut. Colonel. 

Here at once began that watchful care of "his boys," as 
the Governor always called the Iowa soldiers, that he exer- 
cised over them during his whole administration. In camp, 
in field, on the march, in hospital, wherever they were, his 
best efforts were exerted for their welfare and comfort, and 
he was never more sensitive than when their wants were 
unprovided for, their valor questioned, their courage doubted 
or their patriotism impugned. 

Before this regiment was fully organized offers of several 
more were made. As the Governor quaintly expressed it, 
he was "embarrassed with riches in the offers made of men," 
for the call on him was for but one regiment and he had 
offers of four; but as he thought more men would be needed, 
enlistments for more regiments were encouraged, but his 
recommendation was that they should remain at their homes 
attending to their usual business, and get together for fre- 
quent drill till they were wanted, as it was much better than 
to be idling away their time in camp without organization, 
officers, arms and equipments. That time was not far in the 
future, for on the third of May the President issued his 
proclamation for the raising of 200,000 additional troops. 
:ind soon thereafter two additional roginicnts were in camp 
Ellsworth at Keokuk, and another at Council Bluffs. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMT'EL J. KIRKWOOD. 117 

Keokuk was fixed upon as the place and the 20th of May 
as the time for the rendezvous of the first regiment. There 
NA'as at this time not a thing with which to equip or clothe 
the soldiers, no money in the treasury, and no provision for 
raising any. Finally some very poor, thin, sleazy gray sati- 
nett, half cotton and half wool, only fit for summer wear 
was obtained and of this the patriotic ladies in the various 
localities where the companies were raised associated them' 
selves together as "Soldier's Aid Societies'' and made up the 
clothins:. It was thouo;ht that it would be sufficient for the 
first regiment, as they would have but three months to serve, 
and that during the warm months of summer, but the boys, 
before the march to Springfield in Missouri, had got their 
thin clothes badly worn out, especially behind, and many of 
them took flour sacks and made themselves aprons and wore 
them there instead of in front. When Gen. Lyon saw the 
first one of these on a soldier, he ordered him to remove it at 
once, but when he found its removal left the whole fighting 
force of that soldier without a "rear guard" and exposed to 
the jibes and jokes of friend and foe, he ordered it quickly 
replaced. 

So ragged an appearance did the First Iowa present on 
its march to Springfield, that Gen. Lyon called them his 
"tatterdemalion gypsies," and when afterward they out- 
marched all his other troops, he called them his ' 'Iowa Grey- 
hounds." Had he survived the battle of Wilson's Creek, he 
would have undoubtedly rechristencd them his "valiant 
patriotic Iowa heroes," for they saved our troops from defeat 
there, by doing some most persistent and desperate fighting, 
after their term of enlistment had expired, and by thinning 
their ranks wuth the loss of 160 men. 

On the 4th of June, after the adjournment of the Legis- 
lature, the Governor and several of the members of the 
General Assembly visited the soldiers in camp and found 
there a very unpleasant condition of things. There was at 



118 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

this time a stringency in the mone}- market, and the boys 
were without funds. But few of them had money enough \o 
buy a cigar, a plug of tobacco, or .a postage-stamp. The;, 
had been hurried from home into camp mostly by steamboats 
on the Mississippi river. Their departure from home was so 
hurried that they had but little time to prepare for it. 

At the extra session a law had been passed providing that 
the State should pay the soldiers from the time of their en- 
listment until they were mustered into the United States 
Service, and this was called their "State pay." The soldiers 
had learned of the passage of this law, and not knowing the 
depleted condition of the State Treasury, supposed the money 
would be paid them at once, and as the Governor passed 
through the camp he would hear the soldiers, not knowing 
him, say, " It's a burning shame that the Governor will not 
furnish us our ' State pay.' " Some of the members of the 
legislature who knew the depleted condition of the Treasury 
and the situation of things as well as he did, instead of tell- 
ing them he had no money, said to them, '-The Governor 
ought to pay you. ' ' 

To say that this condu(;t on their part displeased him 
would be expressing it too mildly — it really angered him; it 
stirred that usually placid temper of his to its profoundest 
depths. 

He went back to Des Moines, and as a large appro- 
priation had been made for a Governor's contingent fund to 
meet his expenses, which it was expected would be quite 
heavy, he drew the money from the Treasury, brought it to 
Iowa City, went into the branch of the State Bank there, of 
which his brother-in law, Ezekiel Clark, was president, and 
told him he had called to get for the State just as much 
money as the bank could spare. He stated that he had no 
authority to do this other than the general law that the 
soldiers who had enlisted were entitled to their pay, and 
should be paid. Having secured what he could from Mr. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 119 

Clark's bank, with it and the contingent fund, he sent that 
gentleman to Davenport to see what could be got fiom the 
branch of the State Bank there, of which Hiram Price was 
president. As security for the payment of these loans so 
made from these banks, he gave his notes as Governor of 
the State, making himself individually liable for their pay- 
ment, by his individual indorsement of them. For the money 
to be got at Davenport he sent a blank note, signed and 
indorsed, to be filled up when the money was obtained. Mr. 
Clark's name was on the note for the money got here. There 
was no authority of law for these transactions, but "neces- 
sity knows no law," and, as a "war measure," it was the 
best and only thing that could be done to get the "boys" 
their pay; and it was well for them and the State that we 
had a Governor who knew what was best to be done, who 
had the ability and courage, and who would " take the 
responsibility" to do it, and do it at once. 

With this money Messrs. Price and Clark were sent by 
the Governor to Keokuk to act as State Paymasters — to 
furnish the soldiers with their much^ and long needed pay. 
Before they reached Keokuk, however, the troops had been 
ordered into Missouri, and they followed closely on, but as 
that State was then bristling with bushwackers and guerrillas, 
they obtained an escort to accompany them, overtaking the 
troops at Booneville, furnishing them their pay, and where 
they had not enough to pay in full, made an equitable divi- 
sion so that all got a share. 

By the action of the mob in Baltimore, all communica- 
tion with Washington was cut off, and the Governor needed 
to be in constant communication with the war oflScers of the 
Government, and as he could not be, either by telegraph or 
mail, ho was at his wit's end, and in this dilemma he went 
down to Burlington to consult Governor Grimes and induce 
him to go to Washington for him. He thought it would be 
hard work to prevail upon him to go, but if he went, he felt 



120 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

assured all would be done that could be. He met Governor 
Grimes in his front yard, Avhere they had some talk about 
the condition of affairs; but he waited till they got into thi; 
house before the purpose of his coming was made known. 
As he was acquainted with Mrs. Grimes, he wanted her help 
in the furtherance of his plans, which were that, as he was 
shut off from all communication by telegraph and by mail 
with the Government, Governor Grimes should proceed at 
once to Washington, and there do what was necessar}^ to be 
done for us in raising, arming, equipping and sending for- 
ward our troops. 

He at first was averse to going, for he said, ' ' I cannot 
get through." But the result was that Governor Grimes 
packed his grip-sack and the two Governors left Burlington 
together, the one for home and the other for Washington, 
and Governor Grimes got through with the first regiment 
that left Baltimore. No other man in the State than Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood could hav^e induced Governor Grimes to un- 
dertake this business. 

The President had concluded that the uprising of the 
South was to be no such small affair as the Whiskey Rebellion 
in Western Pennsylvania in 1794, suppressed by Washing- 
ton, or the Shays Insurrection in Massachusetts in 1787, put 
down by Gen. Lincoln, and he called a special session of 
Congress to meet on the 4th of July to make full and com- 
plete arrangements for a protracted war; and the Governor's 
call was out for an extra session of the Legislature to meet 
on the 15th of May. On their assembling, he delivered to 
them this 

SPECIAL MESSAGE. 



Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: 

The Constitution requii-es that I shall state to you the purpose for 

which you have been convened in Extraordinary Session. 

When, a little more than a year ago, your regular session closed. 

the whole country was in the enjoyment of peace and prosperity. At 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 121 

home, life, liberty and property were secure, and abroad the title of 
an American citizen was claimed with pride, and a full assurance that 
it was a sure guaranty of respect and protection to all who could make 
good tlie claim. To-<-!ay civil war is upon us, and a wide-spread con- 
spiracy against the General Government, which we now know has 
been maturing for years, has been developed, and the whole country 
is filled with the din of arms. On the one hand, and from one section 
of the country, men who should be loyal citizens, if benefits conferred 
by a government should make men loyal to it, are mustering in armed 
l)ands with the intent to dissolve the Union and destroy our govern- 
ment, and on the other hand, partially from the same section, and as 
one man, from the other, our loyal people are rallying around our 
Union and our government, and pledging for their maintenance what 
our fathers so freely pei'iled to secure for them — life, fortune and 
honor. 

In this emergency Iowa must not and does not occupy a doubtful 
position. For the Union as our fathers formed it, and for the govern- 
ment they founded so wisely and so well, the people of Iowa are ready 
to pledge every fighting man in the State and every dollar of her 
money and credit; and I have called you together in extraordinary 
session for the pui'pose of enabling them to make that pledge formal 
and effective. 

Those who, to gratify their mad ambition, have brought upon the 
country this great evil, seek to disguise their true intent, to cover their 
true purpose. They say they do not desire to destroy our Govern- 
ment, but that it has become hostile to them, and they only wish to 
peacefully withdraw themselves fx'om it, which they claim the right to 
do whenever, in their judgment, their interest or safety may require 
such action. Many loyal men, deceived by their professions and not 
perceiving that " peaceful secession " was destructive alike of the Con- 
stitution and Union, were unwilling that any coercive measures should 
be used to bring them back to a sense of their duty. How are the 
facts? Our government is based on these great central, controlling 
ideas. The people are the only true source of power. In the exercise 
of their power, they have created our present form of government, 
retaining in their own hands its management and control. They have 
honesty enough to desire, and intelligence enough to discern, the 
right, and if at any time they should, by reason of excitement or 
passion, misdirect the action of government and do wrong to any por- 
tion of themselves, their honesty and their intelligence can be surely 
relied upon to correct such wrongs. These are the fundamental ideas 
of our form of government, and when any section of our country or 
any portion of our people, alleging that wrongs have been done them, 
declare they cannot and will not rely upon the honesty and intelli- 
gence of our people to right such wrongs, but will right their wrongs 



122 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

in their own way and by their own hands, tl.e^- strike a blow which, if 
not arrested, will crumble the fabric of our government into ruins. 

Has the Government been hostile to them? At the time this un- 
natural rebellion commenced there was not on the statute books ol' the 
United States a single law that had not been dictated or assented to by 
their Representatives. The recent election, of the result of which they 
so loudly complain, had placed in the Presidential chair a person 
opposed to their policy upon one important question, but had left 
them in possession of two other independent and co-ordinate branches 
of the Government, so that it was utterly impossible any injury could 
result to them from the election of a President who was not their 
choice. Under these circumstances, without waiting to see what 
would be the disposition of the newly elected President, without trust- 
ing to Congress and the Judiciary yet under their control, without 
waiting for an appeal to the honesty and intelligence of the people to 
right any wrongs that might be attempted against tliem, they rebelled 
against the Government, and sousrht to destroy it by arms. They have 
seized by force the forts, arsenals, ships and treasure, and have set at 
defiance the laws and officers of the United States, and they have 
sought to set up within the Union another and independent govern- 
ment. They have for months past been levying troops, building forts 
and gathering munitions of war, with intent to make war upon our 
Government, if it .should attempt to perform its lawful functions, and, 
after mouths of preparation, have attacked witli overwhelming num- 
bers and captured the troops of the United States, holding a fort of the 
United States, and have, so far as in them lies, dishonored that proud 
flag, which thi'oughout the world is the emblem of the power, the 
honor and the glory of our nation. 

What in the meantime has been the action of our Government 
towards these misguided men? The history of the world cannot show 
equal moderation and forbearance by any government towards a por- 
tion of its people in rebellion against its laws. For months some of 
these men were allowed to hold high positions in the Cabinet, and used 
their official power only to beti'ay the government of which they were 
the sworn and trusted servants. For months many of them were 
allowed to retain their seats in both bi'anches of Congress, and used 
their positions to defeat the enactment of wholesome laws necessary 
for the protection of the government. For months many of them were 
permitted to hold high command in the army and navy, and used their 
position to betray and dishonor the flag they had sworn to protect and 
defend. For months the government yielded, step by step, and had 
used only words of kindness and good-will. But forbearance, moder- 
ation and kindness were regarded only as evidences of weakness, im- 
becility and cowardice, until at last the crowning outrage at Fort 
Sumter convinced all men that further forbearance had indeed ceased 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 123 

to be a virtue, and would make those charged with the safety of the 
government as criminal as those who were seeking to destroy it. At 
last the Government has spoken, and has called the loyal men of the 
country to rally to its support, and the answer has been such as to 
show the world the strength of a government founded on the love of a 
free peojjle. 

On the 15th day of April last the President issued his Proclamation, 
calling upon the loyal States for aid to enforce the laws. On the goth 
day of the same month, I received from the Secretary of War a requi- 
sition on this State dated on the loth, calling for one regiment of 
troops. Having been before advised by telegraph that such requisi- 
tion had been issued, I ielt well assured that I would be carrying out 
your will and the will of the people of the State, in responding to the 
call as promptly as possible. I therefore did not wait the receipt of 
the formal requisition, but proceeded at once to take such steps as 
seemed to me best adapted to speedily effect that object. I was met at 
the outset by two difficulties. There were not any funds under ray 
control to meet the necessary expenses, nor was there any efficient 
military law under which to operate. Your action only could furnish 
these aids in a legal way, and yet to await your action would involve 
great, perhaps dangerous, delay. 

The first difficulty was obviated by the patriotic action of the char- 
tered Banks and citizens of the State, who promptly placed at my 
disposal all the money I might need, and I determined, although with- 
out authority of law, to accept their offer, trusting that you would 
legalize my acts. One difficulty thus avoided, I trusted, as the result 
shows, safely, to the patriotism of the people for the removal of the 
other, and on the 17th day of April issued my Proclamation calling for 
the requisite number of troops. 

The telegraphic dispatch of the Secretary of War informed me that it 
would be sufficient if the troops required of this State were in rendez- 
vous at Keokuk, by the 20th inst. The prompt and patriotic action of 
the people enabled me to place them there in uniform on the 8th, 
twelve days in advance of the time fixed, and they would have been 
there a week sooner had not the action of the mob at Baltimore cut off 
all communication with the seat of Government, and left me without 
any instructions for two weeks. I recommend that you make suitable 
appropriations, covering expenses thus incurred. 

Tenders of troops were made altogether beyond the amount re- 
quired, and learning from the newspapers and other sources, that an- 
other requisition would probably be made on this State, I took the 
responsibility of ordering into quarters, in the respective counties 
where raised, enough companies to form a second regiment in antici- 
pation of such requisition, that they might acquire the necessary dis- 
cipline and drill. The second requisition has not yet reached me, but 



124 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

I am expecting it daily, and ara prepared to respond to it pronaptly 
when made. 

The officers and men composing the first regiment were in quarters 
for some time before being mustered into the service of the United 
States, and those called out iu anticipation of a second requisition, will 
have been in quarters a considerable time before they will be called 
into service, if at all. It is but just that provision be made for pay- 
ment of the men who have thus promptly and patriotically stepped 
forth in defense of the country, for the time lost by them before being 
actually received by the United States, and I recommend that you 
make the necessary appropriations for that pui-pose. 

In addition to the two regiments thus accepted by me, I have 
already received tenders of companies enough to make up five regi- 
ments more, and I have been strongly urged by them, and by many 
other good citizens, to accept the whole, and place them in quarters at 
the expense of the State. In view of the facts that all I had done was 
without authority of law, and the further fact that you, the lawmaking 
power of the State, was so soon to assemble, I did not feel justified in 
so doing, but have recommended in all cases that all such companies 
should if possible keep up their organization, and should devote as 
much of their time as possible to the drill without interfering mate- 
rially with their ordinary business, thus keeping in reserve a large 
organized and partially drilled force, to meet emergencies. 

In several localities patriotic citizens have at their own expense 
furnished subsistence for companies thus oi-ganized, and not accepted, 
and they have been in quarters drilling daily. Whether any of the 
expenses thus incurred shall be paid by the State, or whether anj' 
compensation shall be made to the men for the time thus spent in 
quarters, is peculiarly within your province to determine. 

In addition to the passage of laws legalizing what has thiis far been 
done, and providing for expenses thus far incurred, it will be your 
duty carefully to examine what further the State should do to meet 
present necessities, and future contingencies. 

In my judgment there are two objects which in 3-our deliberation 
your should keep steadily in view, and which I recommend to your 
serious consideration, viz: the protection of our State against invasion 
and the prompt supply to the General Government of any further aid 
it may require. 

Our State is supposed by many to be exposed to attack, on two 
sides— our Southern and Western borders— on the South by reckless 
men from Missouri; on the West by Indians. Missouri is unfortu- 
nately strongly infected with the heresy of secession, which is hurry- 
ing 80 many of the Southern States to ruin. What may be the ultimate 
result in that State, we do not know. Should she unfortunately 
attempt to dissolve her connection with the Union, serious trouble 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 125 

may, and probably will, spring up along our Southern border. Even 
in that event I can hardly anticipate an armed invasion by regular 
military forces from that State. Surrounded as she is by Kansas, 
Illinois and Iowa such invasion by her would be sheer madness, and 
it seems to me we are guarded against such danger if not by her calm 
judgment and her neighborly good will, at least by her instinct of self- 
preservation. But lawless, reckless men within her limits may take 
advantage of the unsettled condition of public affairs to organize a 
system of border warfare, for the purpose of plunder, and it is your 
duty to properly guard against this danger. 

The known facts that the troops have wholly or in a great part been 
withdrawn from the forts in the territories west of us, and the restraint 
of their presence thus removed from the Indian tribes on our border, 
that the Indians have received, jjrobably highly-colored statements in 
regard to the war now upon us, and that since the massacre at Spirit 
Lake in our State, some years since, which went wholly unpunished, 
they have shown an aggressive disposition, coupled with the proba- 
bility that they may be tampered with by bad men, render it, in my 
judgment, matter of imperative necessity that proper measures be 
taken to guard against danger from that quarter. 

I have already done what I could, with the limited means at my 
command, to furnish arms on both borders. 

Two modes for the protection of the State and furnishing further 
aid, if needed, to the General Government, suggest themselves lo me. 
One is the mustering into the service of the State, arming, equipping 
and placing in camp to acquire discipline and drill, a number of legi- 
ments of volunteers. The advantages of this are, that we would have 
at hand a disciplined force, read}' to meet any emergency. State or 
National. The disadvantages are its expense, and its insufficiency, by 
reason of the great extent of our border, to protect our frontier against 
the lawless bauds to which we are exposed. The other plan is to 
ox'ganize along our Southern and Western frontier, arm and equip but 
not muster into active service, a sufficient force of minute men, who 
may be called upon at any moment to meet any emergency that may 
arise at any point. This will be the more effective plan for home pro- 
tection, but will not place the State in position to render such effective 
aid to the General Government. Which, if either, of these plans, or 
whether a combination of both, or whether something wholly distinct 
from either shall be adopted. I leave for your wisdom to decide. 

It will be necessary that you enact a military law, authorizing, 
among other things, the formation of a military staff under which I 
can have the assistance and advice of such officers as compose it, in 
raising, ai miug, equipping and supporting such further troops as you 
may direct to be raised for the use of the State or as may be required 
by the United States, 



126 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

It will also be necessary to use the credit of the State to raise means 
to meet the extraordinary expenses incurred, and to be incurred. You 
have tlie power to do this under that provision of the Constitution 
which authorizes without a vote of the people tlie contracting of a 
debt "to repel invasion" or to "defend the State in war." 

In most or all of the counties in which companies have thus far 
been accepted, the Board of Supervisors or public spirited citizens 
have raised means for the support of the families of volunteers who 
have left families dependent on them for support. This action is emi- 
nently praiseworthy and yet its operation is partial and unequal. It is 
scarcely to be pi-esumed that companies will be received from all the 
counties of the State, or equally from those counties from which they 
may be received, and it seems to me much more equitable and just 
that the expense be borne by the State, and the burden thus equally 
distributed among our people. 

The procuring of a liberal supply of arms for the use of the State, 
is a matter that I earnestly recommend to your early and serious con- 
sideration. The last four weeks have taught us a lesson which I 
trust we may never forget, that during peace is the proper time to 
prepare for war. 

I feel assured the State can readily raise the means necessary to 
place her in a position consistent alike with her honor and her safety. 
Her territory of great extent and uusui'passed fertility, inviting and 
constantly receiving a desirable immigration, her population of near 
three quarters of a million of intelligent, industrious, energetic and 
liberty-loving people, her rapid past, and prospective growth, her 
present financial condition, having a debt of only about one quarter of 
a million of dollai's, unite to make her bonds among the most desira- 
ble investments that our country affords. 

The people of Iowa, your constituents and mine, remembering that 
money is the sinews of war, will consider alike criminal a mistaken 
parsimony which stops short of doing whatever is necessary for the 
honor and safety of the State and a wild extravagance which would 
unnecessarily squander the public treasure. 

Our revenue law is, in my judgment, defective in some particulars, 
requiring, perhaps, some unnecessary expense and not being sufB- 
ciently stringent to compel the prompt payment of taxes. At all times, 
and more especially at a time like this, every good citizen should 
cheerfully contribute his share of the public burdens, and those who 
are not disposed to do so sliould fetl the force of stringent laws insur- 
ing the performance of that duty. A failure to pny taxes promptl}' 
compels the State to use her warrants instead of cash, to carry on the 
operations of the government, and adds to the expense of the Stale, 
not only the increased prices she is compelled to pay for articles pur- 
chased for her use over and above the prices at which she could buy 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 127 

for cash, but also the interest upon the warrants issued until the same 
are paid. 

I earnestly i-ecommend a careful examination and a full use of your 
Constitutional powers to punish the men, if any there be, in our State 
who may feel disposed to furnish aid in any way to those who are or 
may be in rebellion against the United States or engaged in acts of hos- 
tility to this State. 

The great haste in which, amidst the pressure of other duties, I 
have been compelled to prepare this message, renders it very probable 
that I may have overlooked some subjects that you may deem of im- 
portance in the present emergenc}'. When convened in extra session, 
your powers of legislation have the same scope and limit as at your 
regular sessions, and I feel confident your wisdom and foresight will 
supply all such omissions. 

Permit me in conclusion to express the hope that what you do, may 
be done promptly, calmly and thoroughly. Let us take no counsel 
from passion, nor give way to excitement. Let us look our situation 
boldly and squarely in the face, and address ourselves to and do our 
duty like men who believe that while we hold to our father's faith and 
tread in our father "'s steps, the God of our fathers will stand by us in 
the time of our trial as He stood by them in the time of theirs. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 
On learning the condition of tlie Treasury, and the finan- 
cial needs of the State, W. T. Smith, President of the 
branch of the State Bank at Oskaloosa, wrote to the Gover- 
nor: " Draw on us for what you want and we will let you 
have all we can spare." J. K. Graves, at Dubuque, wrote : 
'• Our bank will honor your drafts to the amount of $30,- 
000." And it seemed that the patriotism of the people had 
opened and invaded nearly every bank vault in the State, for 
responses like these came from nearly every one of them, 
and the Governor availed himself of nearly all these offers to 
obtain funds; but to draw for all he wanted would have 
crippled the banks, and it was not good policy or justice to 
do that. Even the few railroads we had in the State became 
imbued with patriotism, for offers came from them all offer- 
ing free transportation for all our troops. 

The members of the Legislature were almost unanimously 
ill harmony with the Governor in the recommendations con- 
tained in the message. Party affiliations were for the time 



128 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

forgotten, and officers of the Legislature were chosen from 
both parties. That foul brood of political serpents known 
as "Copperheads" had not then been hatched, but incubation 
for that purpose was not long delayed. 

In the Revised Statutes of 1843, known as the "Blue 
Book" of territorial days, there was a very full and complete 
militia law, but we look in vain in the codes of 1851 and 
1860 for any such statutes. 

The Legislature was in session from the 15th to the 29th 
of May, and during that time, among others, they passed a 
general militia law, and one for raising two regiments of in- 
fantry, one battalion of not less than three companies of 
artillery, one squadron of not less than five companies of 
cavalry and one regiment of mounted riflemen. This force 
was State troops for the protection of our southern borders 
from the inroads of Southern traitors, and our western 
and northern borders from the incursions of hostile Indians. 
A law was passed authorizing the Governor to purchase 
arms, powder, clothing and other munitions of war; one for 
bidding the commencement of civil suits at law against any 
volunteer soldier during the term of his enlistment, and con- 
tinuing those that had been commenced; one for the issue of 
$800,000 of State bonds for a "War and Defense Fund;'" 
one for the payment of volunteer soldiers of the State till 
they were mustered into the service of the United States; 
one for the support of the families of volunteer soldiers by 
the different counties of the State, and one to regulate the 
staflf of the Governor as commander-in-chief of the forces of 
the State. 

On his staff he afterwards appointed as aides : William 
B. Allison, Rush Clark, Add H. Sanders and John C. Cul- 
bertson, with the rank and pay of a lieutenant-colonel of 
cavalry. 

Although the law provided for the issuing of 1800,000 
of bonds, drawing 7 per cent, interest, the Governor of the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 129 

State, Charles Mason, William Smyth, James Baker and 
C. W. Slagle were made a Board of Commissioners to deter- 
mine from time to time how many bonds it was necessary to 
issue. The sale of these bonds was advertised in the papers 
in New York, Boston and Chicago, but before they were 
offered some of the Copperhead newspapers of the State, like 
the dirty bird that befouls its own nest, had begun to decry 
them, claiming that the law providing for their issue was 
unconstitutional. 

One man in New York offered to take a large quantity of 
them at a discount of 25 per cent, and pay for them in cloth- 
ing for the soldiers at a high price. It was supposed that a 
company in the State had been, or was about to be, formed 
to buy them up at a big discount, but the Governor was 
anxious that no great sacrifice should be made on them, as 
he thought that a State as rich as Iowa in natural resources, 
though they had then not been fully developed, would, in 
the near future, be able to redeem them. There was also a 
large amount of uncollected taxes that could be made avail- 
able for keeping up the credit of the State, and there would 
be ready money when those taxes were paid. 

When it was found that a general sale of them in the 
open market at the stock boards of the country could not be 
made, except at a ruinous discount, in order that a market 
value might be put upon them, a few were offered in the open 
market in New York, and Mr. Ezekiel Clark, President of 
the branch bank of the State at Iowa Cit}', bought them for 
94 cents on the dollar, and those afterwards sold at home 
were sold at that rate. There was a provision of law that 
they should not be sold for less price than they brought on 
the Open Stock Board in New York. Mr. Clark had been 
recalled by telegraph from Missouri, where he had been sent 
to pay the members of the First Iowa Regiment, and was 
sent East on this business. 

The bonds not finding a market at the East were brought 



130 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

back, when Mr. E. C. Lyon, of Iowa City, took $25,000 of 
them, and some of the State banks took a purtion. Every 
effort was made to find a market for them at home and most 
of those efforts were eventually, bat not immediately, suc- 
cessful. 

When soldiers were rendezvoused in camp at various 
places, many of those who furnished them supplies took part 
payment for those supplies in bonds, and in different parts 
of the State they were disposed of at only a small discount, 
and by the Governor's prudent management with their dis- 
position and sale a large amount w^as saved to the State. 
The money raised by their sale was called the '^War and 
Defense Fund," and its disbursement was committed to a 
Board of Commissioners, composed of John N. Dewey, 
Isaac W. Griffith and S. R. Ingham, and that Board had the 
privilege of meeting at any place in the State where troops 
were or had been quartered, and such meetings were held for 
the convenience of those in the neighborhood who had claims 
on the ' 'War and Defense Fund" for supplies they had fur- 
nished, and these claims had to be audited and allowed or 
rejected by this Board. All payments into and from this 
fund were made in coin as provided by law. Isaac W. 
Griffith afterwards resigned as one of the commissioners and 
F. R. West was appointed to fill the vacancy. 

Only $300,000 of these bonds were sold; the other 
$500,000 were destroyed, after being passed over to Gover- 
nor Kirkwood's successor. 

Under authority of the law passed for that purpose, the 
families of enlisted soldiers were looked after during their 
absence in the service and their wants supplied in most of 
the counties by Boards of Supervisors or agents appointed 
by them for that purpose. 

During the session of the Legislature several messages 
weri' sent from the Governor to the body calling for informa- 
tion. Here is one that explains itself: 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 131 

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: — In reply to your reso- 
lutions of inquiry in regard to clothing furnished the First Iowa Regi- 
ment, I have the honor to say: 

Wlieu the telegi'aphic dispatch from the Secretary of War informiug 
me of the requisition for the First Regiment reached me, I did not an- 
ticipate the u liforming the men at the expense of the State, as such 
course had not, so far as I knew or could learn, been pursued in the 
Mexican War. Fearing, however, that the suddenness of the danger 
might render it desirable to furnish uniforms, I immediately wrote to 
the Secretary of War askiug information on that point; but the inter- 
ruption of communication at Baltimore prevented me from receiving 
any answer. Judging from the fact that other States were preparing 
for uniforming their volunteers, that it would be desirable to have the 
same done here, I sent an agent to Chicago to purchase materials for 
uniforms; but the sudden and great demand for that kind of goods had 
exhausted the supplies in that city. On learning this by telegraph, 
and fearing there would not be time to await a supply from New York, 
I immediately instructed the persons acting as Commissaries to pur- 
chase materials and make uniforms at the points where the several 
companies had been raised. The persons who had the matter in 
charge at the several points were, at Dubuque, D. N. Cooley Esq. and 
Capt. F. J. Herron. Capt. Herrou was sent specially from Davenpori 
to Dubuque to select the materials and direct the uniforms in sucli 
manner as the companies preferred. At Cedar Rapids, Dr. Carpenter; 
at Davenport, Hiram Price Esq.; at Muscatine, Hon. Jos. A. Greene, 
and at Burlington, Major J. G. Liiuman. At Muscatine and Iowa City 
the material was purchased and the maki ig of the clothes superin- 
tended by committees of citizens. Under these cii'cumstances it was 
impossible to procure the same uniform for the whole regiment. All 
that coidd be done was to have the men of each company clothed alike, 
but dlfTering from those of other companies. It was also impossible to 
procure as good material as would have been desirable, had more time 
been allowed. Much of the clothing Avas made by the ladies, which to 
that extent lessened the cost. The amount of clothing furnished, so far 
as the means now in my possession enable me to state, is as fallows: 

Capt. Herron 's company, Dubuque; each man, hat, frock coat, 
pants, two Hannel shirts, two pairs of socks and pair of shoes. 

Capt. Gottschalk's company, Dubuque; blouse instead of coat, and 
other articles same as Capt. Herron 's. 

Capt. Cook's company, Cedar Rapids; hat, two flannel shirts, pants, 
socks and shoes, no. jacket or coat. 

Capt. Mahanna's comijany, Iowa City; hat, jacket, pants, two flan- 
nel shirts, socks and shoes. 

Capt. Wentz's company, Davenport; hats, blouse, pants, two flan- 
nel shirts, socks and shoes. 



132 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Capt. Cumming's company, Muscatine; cap, jacket, pants, two flan- 
nel shirts, socks and shoes. 

Capt. Mason's company, Muscatine; same as Capt. Cumming's. 

Capt. Matthies' company, Burlington; hat, blouse, pants, two flan- 
nel shirts, socks and shoes. 

Capt. Streaper's company, Burlington; same as Capt. Matthies\ 

Capt. Wise's company, Mt. Pleasant; same as Capt. Matthies'. 

1 am not certain that all the companies were f urn. shed with socks, 
shoes and shirts. Some of the shoes, I have I'cason to believe, wei'e 
not of good quality costing only from $1.25 to $1.50 per pair, others I 
know were good, costing from $2.00 to $2.50 per pair. One thousand 
extra shirts were sent to Keokuk to supply any deticieucy that may 
have e.xisted in that particular. Most of the material for pants was 
satinett, and not of good quality, costing, as far as the same came 
under my observation, from forty to sixty cents per yard by the quan- 
tity. The entire amount expended for clothing, so far as I can give it 
from the data in my possession, is about $12,000 or $13,000. If it be 
desirable in your judgment to have the companies of this regiment 
uniformed alike, it will be necessary to furnish all with coats and 
pants of the same make, and to furnish an additional number of hats or 
caps. Hats were procured for all, but some preferred the cap and 
procured it, and the cost has been provided for. I cannot think that 
all the companies need new shoes, as some of the shoes furnished were 
of excellent quality and have not yet been worn more than two or 
three weeks. 

I am satisfied that it is for the corgifort of these troops that many of 
them be furnished with pants and shoes, and some with socks. As the 
Second and Third regiments will be clothed throughout alike, it would 
no doubt be very gratifying to the First regiment to be placed in the 
same position, and it will afford me much pleasui'e to carry out what- 
ever may be your wishes in regard to it. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

May 23, 1861. 

Another message on another subject was presented the 
next day. 

Executive Chamber. | 
Des Moines, May 24, 1861. ( 
Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: — Since the 
commencement of your session, I have been engaged, as fully as my 
other duties would permit, in collecting and comparing information 
from the different parts of our exposed frontier, as to what is neces- 
sary for the protection of that portion of our State, and in making 
estimates of the sums necessary, in my opinion, for that and other pur- 
poses connected with the present and possibly future emergency. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 133 

The pressing need upon our border is for arms and ammunition. 
The people are willing and confident of their ability to defend them- 
selves from what they most fear, the depredations of Indians and 
plunderers, provided they are promptly furnished with good arms and 
ammunition, and until this shall be done they will be in a state of un- 
easiness and alarm to a greater or less degree, as the various localities 
are more or less exposed. I consider it a matter of primary import- 
ance that your action on this matter be as speedy as may in your 
judgment be consistent with proper deliberation. I would have sent 
an agent to find and contract for arms for this purpose in anticipation 
of your action, but for the fact that the provisions of the bill for that 
purpose pending before you, require that said agent shall be nominated 
to and confirmed by the Senate. The appointment by me of an agent 
for that purpose, and the sending him on his mission in advance of the 
passage of the law, under the circumstances, would have been im- 
proper and highly censurable. 

I fear that the present great demand for arms by the United States 
and the difit'erent States, will cause considerable delay in procuring 
arms after I have authority to act, and I therefore again respectfully 
recommend that your action on this subject be as speedy as possible. 
I am distinctly of the opinion that in view of our present condition, 
and the uncertainty of the future, it is highly desirable with reference 
both to our duty to our State and to the General Government, that you 
make provision for the organization, encampment and drilling for a 
limited time, of not less than three skeleton regiments at the expense 
of the State. With a liberal provision for the purchase of arms and 
ammunition for the use of mounted men, for the defense of the border, 
and a provision for three regiments for a limited time at the expense 
of the State, I think Iowa will be placed in a position consistent alike 
with her honor and safety. 

But to do this, and at the same time make prudent provision for 
the uncertain future will in my judgment require that you make pro- 
vision for the loan of at least a million of dollars. The best estimates 
I can make are that the expenses already incurred, and that must be 
incurred in case that the measures above recommended be adopted, 
will amount to half a million, and it seems to me very clear that to 
leave me with all this machinery on hand for the purposes above indi- 
cated, and without leaving under my control the means necessary for 
the purposes for which it was provided, will not be either safe or 
prudent. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In answer to resolutions of the House of May 20, of in- 
quiry as to the cost of raising, organizing and placing in 
camp at Keokuk the first regiment and what had been done 



V 



134 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

toward raising the second regiment, the Governor com- 
municated the facts, giving expenses in detail which inchid- 
ing three weeks' pay for the First aggregate $39,229.82, and 
for the Second including one months' pay $50,000, in addi- 
tion to the above were the items expended for both regi- 
ments in sending Senator Grimes to Washington, and Capt. 
Herron to Springfield, 111., to obtain arms from Gov. Yates, 
and other items |4,493, making in all $93,722 expended for 
the two regiments, and in this sum not one cent is included 
for arms for these had not then been furnished. 
The Governor says further: 

"In reply to the third and last clause in the resolution I have to 
say, that in addition to advising private parties on the western fron- 
tier to organize and perfect their drill with snch private arms as they 
might be able to obtain, I have written the following letter, viz: 

Executive Office, } 
April 25, 1861. S 
Hon. Caleb Baldwin, Council Bluffs, Iowa: 

Dear Sir: — I hand you herewith blank commission for military 
companies in the western part of the State. Please fill them up and 
deliver them to the officers elected b}' companies organized under 
your direction. I am informed some uneasiness exists on the western 
frontier lest the border counties suffer from attacks by Indians, or 
lawless men from Missovu'i. There are not now any arms to send 
there except about fifty muskets that will be sent at once. The people 
should organize as minute men, and arm themselves with private arms 
as best they can. I authorize you to make such arrangements as you 
may think the safety of the border requires in the way of organizing 
and of perfecting a system of communication with each other in case 
of need. You are also authorized to call any of these companies into 
service, if in your judgment the public safety requires, and continue 
them in service as long as the necessity may reqxiire. If they ai"e 
called on to act against Indians, they had better act as mounted men. 
From necessity I leave the whole matter in your discretion, confident 
that you will in all respects act with due regard to the safety of the 
frontier, and the public interest. In case you are compelled to call 
out any of the companies let me know at once. I will recommend to 
the General Assembly the payment of the men for any time they may 
be in actual service under your direction. 

Very truly, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 











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THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 135 

A number of companies have been organized under the foregoing 
instructions but so far as yet a Ivised none have been called into 
actual service. Some expense has been incurred in the purchase of 
ammunition, but I am not informed as to the amount. 

I have forwarded to Council Bluffs 140 stands of arms, and have 
ordered one 8-lb. Held piece and forty revolvers with the necessary 
equipments and ammunition transported thither without delay, in- 
curring for express charges, freight, etc., an expense now knon of, 
$359.95. The force necessary to protect the north and western frontier 
should be had by organizing in each county a company of mounted 
rangers, who should meet for drill and company exercise as often as 
their patriotism and interest might induce them to do, and the expense 
attending such force consists in furnishing each member of a company 
with a rifle and sword bayonet valued at from $23 to $50, and a Colt's 
revolver valued at $22 to $25. 

Besides the expense incurred in raising the 1st and 2nd regiments, 
and the protection of the frontier, there are sundiy small bills the 
amount of which I cannot now even estimate, and in the absence of 
bills rendered there may be items of considerable amount which have 
escaped my recollection. SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

It will be seen by the letter to Mr. Baldwin that the 
Governor placed in his hands in the matter entrusted to him 
all the power he himself possessed, and results showed that 
the power given, and the confidence reposed in him were 
not misplaced and could not have been placed in better hands. 

To expedite the raising of troops Mr Baldwin issued the 
following circular: 

Council Bluffs. Iowa, ) 
May 6, 1861. S 

To THE Citizens of Western Iowa. 

In order more fully to carry out the desire of the Governor of this 
State to protect our frontier settlements, I respectfully request that an 
effort be made to organize at least one military company in each of 
the western counties of the State, which shall hold itself in i*eadiness 
for service at any moment there may be occasion therefor. 

Each company should be composed of not less than forty, nor more 
than eighty good loyal citizens. 

As soon as the requisite number have volunteered for the purpose 
of organizing a company, the members thereof will proceed to elect 
their officers, to whom commissions will be issued. 

The I'olls of the companies with the names of the officers should be 
forwarded to Adjutant G. M. Dodge of this city. 



136 THE LIFK AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Arms will be provided bj'^ the Executive of this State at the earliest 
moment possible for all the companies thus organized. 

A thorough military organization in our western counties, with 
plenty of arms and ammunition, is the best guaranty we can have 
against invasions from the savages not far from our borders, or for 
marauding parties whose time for operation is when our citizens are 
in a defenseless condition, and when our National troubles direct the 
attention of the Federal Government to other parts. 

C. BALDWIN. 

The following letter is on the same subject: 

Headquarters Mil. Div. Western Iowa, | 
Council Bluffs. May 8, 1861. S 
Colonel Means: 

Dear Sir: — I am informed that you are in command of the military 
company in Woodbury county. As your point is considered one of 
importance on our frontier, I am instructed to ui'ge upon you the im- 
portance of an immediate and thorough organization, and that you 
will report your command immediately to me that arms can be for- 
warded you as soon as they reach this place. The Governor has 
placed the organization of the western portion of the State under sepa- 
rate command, and one or more regiments will be immediately formed 
and placed in condition for actual service. 

The company should be thoroughly drilled, and if possible adopt 
some cheap and durable uniform. I shall endeavor to have some 
arrangements made for quick communication with your place and 
would suggest that couriers from your command be provided that in 
case of diflBculty it may be reported immediately at headquarters. The 
companies in Monona and Harrison, as soon as they report, will be 
instructed in this matter. 

Very respectfully, 

G. M. DODGE, 

Acting Adjutant. 

In answer to a resolution from the Senate, the following 
message was sent: 

Oentlemen of the Senate: — I have the honor to state in reply to your 
resolution of inquiry whether I have employed an agent to purchase 
clothing for the two first regiments now stationed at Keokuk, that I 
have contracted with Hon. Samuel Merrill for the following clothing 
for the second and third regiments, to-wit: 

2,000 gray all wool frock coats. 

2,000 gray all wool pants. 

2,000 gray felt hats. 

4,000 gray all wool flannel shirts. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 137 

4,000 gi'ay all wool flannel drawers. 

4,000 pairs all wool knit socks. 

2,000 pairs best army brogans. 

Being 1 hat, 1 coat, 1 pair pants, 2 shirts, 2 pairs drawers, 2 pairs 
socks and 1 pair shoes for each man, at the price of $21 for each man 
delivered on board cars at Boston, Mass., to be paid for when accepted 
and delivered by my agent there in bonds of the State at par, if the 
contractor will receive the bonds at par, and if not to be paid for there 
as soon as the money can be realized by the sale of the bonds. In 
obedience to a joint resolution of the General Assembly, I have also 
ordered from the same person 1 coat, 1 pair of pants and 1 pair of 
brogans for each member of the First Regiment, which will cost about 
$15 per man. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Executive Chamber, Mav 27, 1861. 

The first three regiments raised in the State could hardly 
be called "boys in blue," for their uniforms were all gray. 

Before the close of the session, the patriotism of some of 
the democrats began to fade. They could not call treason 
by its right name, and they christened it by such mild, soft 
names as "unnatural strife," "unhappy trouble," "unfortu- 
nate disagreement," "National difficulty," and those whose 
true names were ' 'traitors" and ' 'rebels, " were called by them 
by the endearing name of ' 'erring brethren. ' ' and some of them 
afterwards showed that they were brothers in crime with 
those who were traitors in fact. Delay and compromise were 
written in bold letters on too many measures they proposed. 
Even as profound a lawyer as the late J. C. Hall, was in 
favor of treating with the State of Missouri in relation to the 
treasonable acts of some of her citizens, although the Con- 
stitution of the United States forbid any such action by 
either State. 

No executive of the State ever had been placed in such 
embarrassing circumstances or subjected to as much worry, 
perplexity and anxiety as was Governor Kirkwood, from the 
time of the President's proclamation in April, till the time 
when the General Government was able to supply the enlisted 
men of the State with uniforms, arms and rations. If 



138 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

money, arms and other munitions of war could have been 
furnished by the loyal people of Iowa in such an abundance 
and with as much readiness and freedom as they furnished 
men to use them, the case would have been different. But these 
arms and munitions were not in the hands of the people, nor 
were they within their reach, nor was the money in their 
pockets with which to buy them. Had it been they would 
have poured it out as freely as they afterwards did their 
blood in the holy cause. On the 29th of April the Governor 
wrote to Simon Cameron, Secretary of War: ''For God's 
sake send us arms. I ask for nothing but arms and am- 
munition. Three regiments are waiting and five thousand 
guns are required at once." 

On the second day of May he telegraphed Simeon 
Draper, president of the Union Defense Committee of New 
York: "For God's sake send us arms. Our First Regiment 
has been in drill a week, a thousand strong. It has tents 
and blankets but no arms. The Second Regiment is full and 
drilling. Send us arms. Ten thousand men can be had if 
they can have arms." 

Money, guns and other munitions of war were the great 
needs of the hour. The vaults of the State banks from Keo- 
kuk on the south to McGregor on the north, and from the 
Des Moines river on the west to the Mississippi on the east 
had been opened to be made subject to the drafts of the 
Governor upon them, although there was no law authorizing 
him to make such drafts. Financial relief from this source 
began to be felt, but not sufficiently to meet all the needs of 
the time. Every gun belonging to the State was hunted up 
and repaired. Agents were sent to St. Louis and to Gov. Yates 
of Illinois, who had received a supply of 5,000 stands of 
arms, and to Chicago for them. Every manufacturer of 
arms in the country was telegraphed and written to for a sup- 
ply. Hon. John A. Kasson, Gov. Grimes and Fitz Henry 
Warren, who were in Washington, were written to to call 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 139 

on the Secretary of War and urge him wiih all possible des- 
))atch to furnish guns and war material at the earliest possi- 
1)le moment, for with Bushwhackers and Guerrillas on the 
south, and hostile Indians on the west and north, we were 
threatened with war at our very doors. No other loyal State 
was threatened as we were early in the war. While our sis- 
ter western States were protected on their west and south 
lines by the natural barrier — a broad river — our enemies had 
but to step over an imaginary boundary line to confront us 
face to face in our very homes. 




CHAPTER VIII. 

Private Secretary Appointed — N. H. Brainerd, Military Secretary — 
Oovemor Ooes to Washington for Arms, etc. — Calls on Oen. Meigs — 
Their Interview — He-nominated for Governor — Republican Platform. 
Charles Mason, Democratic Nominee — Elected by 16,000 Ma- 
jority — Democratic Resolution Against Bonds and Banks — Unioyi 
State Convention — Nominates Ocji. Baker for Oovemor — He De- 
clines — Governor Kirkwood Urged to Take the Stump — Makes a 
Speech, Which is Reported for the Neivspapers. 



During the summer, and well into the autumn, no man 
was more harrassed, worried and perplexed than was Gover- 
nor Kirkwood. Troops were to be raised, officered, organ- 
ized, fed, clothed, armed and mustered into the service, with 
little or no material at hand and an empty State Treasury. 
To save expense during the first part of his administration, 
he had done without a private secretary, but now the corres- 
pondence of the Executive office was becoming so volumin- 
ous that not only was a private secretary needed, but a 
military secretary had to be employed, the office being most 
ably filled by the appointment of Mr. N. H. Brainerd to the 
latter place; and then, with two secretaries, the Governor 
was not so relieved but that he had to conduct much of the 
correspondence himself. In reference to the letters written 
by him during the war. Dr. Lloyd, editor of the Historical 
Record^ in copying some of them into that journal, says: 

" They embrace almost every conceivable subject relating to the 
war. Some are answers to letters from wives imploring news of hus- 
bands, absent, perhaps, in Southern prisons; some replying to appeals 
for interposition for release from federal imprisonment for disloyalty; 
some are recommendations for appointment to government positions; 
many contain words of comfort and encouragement for the sick, 
wounded and weary at the front; some are firm warnings to refractory 
oflBcers; some conciliating appeals to regimental field officers to har- 
monize differences between themselves and subordinates; some prom- 

140 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 141 

ises of immediate or future promotion ; a few stern refusals of favor, 
and some plain but still eloquent vindications of the fame of Iowa 
soldiers." 

The Governor was always zealously watchful of the fair 
name and fame of the State and of her troops, as is shown by 
these letters, and if any slight or dishonor was attempted to 
be put upon even the most humble of the brave men from 
Iowa, he raised over them whenever he could the broad shield 
of executive protection. 

So urgent was the call for money, guns, clothing, tents 
and other munitions of war, and so tardily was that call 
being answered, that on the 5th day of August the Governor 
went to Washington that he might hurry up the needed 
supplies. 

The soldiers were not uniformed when they were sent 
forward to St. Louis and other points in Missouri, being in 
their everyday working clothes, no two of them alike, mak- 
ing the companies and regiments when on dress parade look 
like "crazy-quilts," in comparison with uniformed troops 
from other States; and this condition of things was mortify- 
ing to the feelings of the Governor, as well as the men, and 
by many he was blamed for it. 

His first work in Washington was to call on Quartermas- 
ter-General M. C. Meigs, presenting his case, telling him of his 
situation and asking him for relief. He said to the General: 

"We have men and can furnish all the Government calls for, but 
we have no money to use for any military purpose, our treasury is 
empty and our credit is low. He stated the condition in which the 
soldiers were sent out of the State, saying it was trying both to them 
and to him, that he was blamed for it when he could not help it. He 
even said if he should consult his own feelings — and it was not wrong 
for him to do so — he would resign and go back to his farm and mill 
and attend to his own private business. He said he had come to him 
to see if he could not, in some way, relieve our wants. Our people not 
knowing the actual condition of things blame me for all of it." 

Gen. Meigs replied: 

" I cannot help you now, but will as soon as I can. The people of 
Iowa do not understand the condition of the country. I am found 



142 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

fault with every day. Tens of thousand's find fault with me where 
hundreds find fault with you. If you are fit for your place, go home 
and go to work ami do the best you can." 

He did go home and went to work, and no Governor did 
better or more acceptable work than he; and to-day he has 
the grateful thanks of the people of the whole State for the 
arduous, intelligent and patriotic work he did for them and 
their cause during that eventful period. 

On the 31st day of July the State Republican Convention 
was held, when Governor Kirk wood was nominated for re- 
election, receiving 273 of the 374: votes cast on an informal 
ballot, and 310 of the 374 on a formal one, F. H. Warren 
and S. F. Miller receiving respectively 29 and 31 votes, 
when the nomination was made unanimous. 

This vote was the best endorsement that could be given 
of the approval of his administration by the Republicans, 
and the people of the State endorsed it in November by giving 
him a majority of 16,600 votes over W. H. Merritt, his 
opponent, and this when a large drain had been made on the 
Republican voters of the State to furnish soldiers for the 
war. 

The Republican platfoi'm of this year was as free from 
purely partizan political dogmas as it well could be, and it 
was one to which every true Union man could subscribe. 
Its eight planks might have been condensed into one, and 
that one would have been Gen. Jackson's famous toast at the 
banquet held on the anniversary of Jefferson's birthday at 
Washington in 1830: "Our Federal Union — it must and 

SHALL BE PRESERVED. " 

On the 24th of July that Copperhead aggregation of 
treason and disloyalty, known as the Democratic State Con- 
vention, upon a call issued by that Prince of Copperheads, 
D. A. Mahoney, met in Des Moines and nominated Charles 
Mason for Governor and Maturin L Fisher for Lieutenant- 
Governor. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 143 

In a three-column newspaper letter, Mr. Mason, after 
trying to show how much better his party could settle the 
question of Secession than by a resort to arms, accepts the 
nomination. Mr. Fisher, as he said, ''for private reasons" 
declined. 

The convention that nominated these men 

Resolved, That the appropriation of $800,000 made at the special 
session of the General Assembly is unauthorized by the Constitution. 

When this appropriation was voted, or rather when the 
law was passed by which that amount of ' 'War and Defense" 
bonds could be issued, the General Assembly was so non- 
partizan, and the Republicans had conceded so much that 
both of these men were selected, the one with the State 
Treasurer to negotiate and sell the bonds and the other to be 
one of a Board of Commissioners to issue the bonds and 
determine, from time to time, how many of them should be 
sold. 

When the Governor was culling on the branches of the 
State Bank for the loan of money to the State of all the 
funds they could spare, and the branch at Oskaloosa was pre- 
sided over by such a loyal Democrat as W. T. Smith, and 
the one at Burlington by another strong Union Democrat, 
W. F. Coolbaugh, and both, with the other branch banks of 
the State Bank, were furnishing the Governor with money, 
the issues of their respective banks, this convention 

Resolved, That we are irreconcilably opposed to all paper money 
banking as being a system of legalized swindling. 

Here we have the Democratic party, as represented in its 
State Convention, putting itself on record as being bitterly 
opposed to furnishing the State with anything in the shape of 
bonds or the issues of the State banks to be used in feeding, 
clothing, arming or equipping our soldiers and sending them 
to the war. The party that passed these resolutions had not 
spent many weeks after their passage till it found itself badly 
demoralized. It hoped to recover from that demoralization 



144 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. MiRKWOOD. 

by putting Lieutenant-Colonel Merritt in the place declined 
by Mr. Fisher. This did not help the party, but it put 
Colonel Merritt into very bad company — it was but little 
better than being a prisoner of war in a Confederate camp, and 
the position was not half as honorable. Imprisonment by open 
enemies is far preferable to imprisonment by secret traitors. 

Judffe Mason soon found it convenient to retire from the 
head of the ticket, when Colonel Merritt was advanced to fill 
the vacancy. But a loyal leader in a disloyal cause could not 
make his treasonable followers patriotic. 

So distasteful had this band of copperhead conspirators 
and their doings become, that on the 29th day of August, 
another Democratic Convention assembled at Des Moines. 
This convention, called as was supposed for the purpose 
of detraitorizing the party, was presided over by Hon. Lin- 
coln Clark of Dubuque. The forces that dominated in the 
former Democratic Convention, had a majority in this, and 
controlled its action, and renominated its candidates. 

A majority and a minority report on platform was pre- 
sented, the former differing but little from the one adopted 
by the former convention being adopted. Upon this action 
being taken, Mr. Clark, the president, vacated his chair and 
left the convention in disgust. The minority report pre- 
sented and read by Mr. Coolbargh never got into the hands 
of the secretary of the convention, or into its published pro- 
ceedings, when he left the convention with Mr. Clark fol- 
lowed by the whole Dubuque and Des Moines counties' 
delegations. 

Judge Nourse, writing to Gov. K. says: ''The conven 
tion was in session till after midnight. There was a fierce 
quarrel between the Mahoney men and the Union portion 
of the convention * * * The fight over the platform 
was rich, rare and racy. A great many truths were told b}' 
the loyal men to the secession wing that controlled the coa- 
vention," 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 145 

On the 28th day- of August, a convention of Repujblicans 
and Democrats, calling themselves the "Union Party," met 
in Des Moines and nominated Gen. N, B. Baker for Gov- 
ernor, Lauren Dewey for Lieutenant-Governor, and Reuben 
Noble for Supreme Judge. Gen. Baker and Mr. Noble both 
declined, although the latter was in sympathy with the 
movement and one of its prime movers. He was in hopes 
Gov. Kirkwood would be the nominee of the convention, for 
in writing to Andrew J. Stevens on the subject of the con- 
vention, he says: "If I were a member of the convention I 
would urge the nomination of Gov. Kirkwood for Governor 
^ * * It is due to him that he should finish the work he 
has begun. I know personally that his labors have been 
arduous; that he has expended large sums of money upon 
his individual credit for the benefit of the State; that no new 
man could finish the work begun as well as he, for these 
reasons I have supported him and have seen no reason to 
change my mind." 

So strong, however, were the political prejudices of the 
Democratic portion of that convention, that they rebelled 
against endorsing anyone who had been supported by the 
Republican Convention. 

The Governor was urged by many of his friends to take 
the stump, and many pressing invitations came to him from 
numerous places, especially in the north part of the State,' 
to speak there, but his answers to all these calls were that 
his oflScial duties were so pressing that he had no time to 
make a personal canvass, and that those duties must be per- 
formed even if his personal interests suffered thereby. So 
anxious were his friends to get him before the people on the 
important and pressing questions of the day, that they deter- 
mined if he could not be heard from the rostrum he should 
be through the press, and at the suggestion of F. W. Pal- 
mer, then editor of the Iowa State Register^ arrangements 
were made for him to make a speech and have it reported in 



146 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOIX 

full and published in the papers. As shorthand reporters 
were not as plenty then as now, not even one being obtain- 
able, the arrangement was made that four ready writer re- 
porters should be engaged, that number one should take down 
the first sentence, number two the second sentence, and so 
on in turn to the end, as each sentence fell from the speaker's 
lips, and that their reports should be put together and the 
speech published as uttered. An arrangement was attempted 
to be made for a joint discussion between Gov. K. and Judge 
Mason, the Democratic candidate for Governor, but the 
judge declined to engage in it. At a meeting in Sherman 
Hall in Des Moines on the evening of Sept. 4th, presided 
over by the Hon. T. F. Withrow, the Governor delivered his 
speech. As Judge Mason had declined to meet the Gov- 
ernor, it was proposed to substitute in his place Hon. J as 
Baker of Chariton, but the audience objected, and Mr. 
Baker being present declined in person. 
Gov. K. being introduced said: 

Mr. President, Ladies and Oentlemen:—! hope you will do me the 
justice to believe that I did not arrange this meeting. I had nothing 
to do with it. I was requested by some of my friends to say whether I 
would be willing to meet Judge Mason, one of my competitors, to dis- 
cuss the National and State questions involved in this canvass. How. 
ever small my own confidence in my own ability may be, I have never 
felt myself at liberty to decliue any invitation of the kind, occupying 
the position I do, and although it might be rash in me to meet Judge 
Mason in this contest, I would not and did not decliue. With the de- 
termination of the question whether Mr. Baker should occupy the time 
of Judge Mason, I had nothing to do; and as you have decided, I have 
nothing to do with your action. 

I propose now to discuss briefly some questions, not all of those 
which are uppermost in the minds of the people of Iowa. When a 
spe ker proposes to address an audience, he ought to arrange hi- 
thoughts beforehand, so that he may be able to present the subject in 
a discourse which, if it be indifferent, it shall be well arranged. I 
cannot promise you that I shall be able so to do. for until this evening 
I have had no time for preparation, and I hope you will pardon what 
I know will be a desultory speech. 

I again find myself what I once thought I never again would be, a 
candidate for the p|fice of Governor, and I coofess I tind myself in 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 147 

peculiar and unpleasant circuiustauces. The unpleasantness of my 
position arises from two causes. First, the country is in a condition 
such as it was never in before. We have had war before, but never a 
civil war. We have had strife before, but never intestine strife. And 
many of the good people who are in favor of pressing this war thor- 
oughly, vigorously and triumphantly to an end, believe that an error 
was committed in making a party nomination at this time. They think 
that the gentlemen who have placed me in nomination have erred. 
That is one thing. Another is, and I am very sorry to say it, that some 
of my own political household think that I am not the man; that we 
should have some other person. Now, I intend to address a few re- 
marks on each of these points. I will certainly make them as brief as 
possille. 

Did the Republican party err in nominating a Republican ticket at 
this time under the surroundings? What was the condition of the 
country in May last, when your Legislature then convened in extra 
.session, adjourned? What was the condition of the State at that time? 
The great mass of the people of this State were in favor of .'■ustaining 
the administration, of prosecuting vigorously, thoroughly and to a 
successful termination, the war inaugurated by the South. This was 
true of the entire body of the Republican part}^ and a large portion of 
the Democratic party. And yet it was true, and I am sorry to say it 
was true, that a portion of the Democratic party was not in favor of 
that course. Now, you know and I know that political nominations 
are a necessity in a Government like ours. Without political organi- 
zation you cannot concentrate public opinion. We have always had 
political organizations or parties since the foundation of our Govern- 
ment. The common sense of the counti-y has accepted this truth and 
acted upon it, and from that period until this day political organiza- 
tions have been the means of giving tone to and expressing the popular 
will, and they alwajs must be. They are a necessity in a Republican 
form of government like ours. 

Here then is a political party in this State, a party that is earnest, 
united in favor of the prosecution of the war. Here was the only other 
political party divided on this question. Now, these parties act i hrough 
these organizations, and when the Republican Central Committee of 
Iowa called together the convention, they exercised the power which 
was delegated to them to exercise, no more no less. They had not power 
to do aught moi'e, it was their duty to do no less. They had not power 
to propose a union of parties. They could only call a convention to 
nominate candidates. Your State Central Committee of the Repub- 
lican party did its duty in calling the party into general convention. 
Shortly after that had been done, persons who claimed to represent the 
Democratic party, whether truthfully or not I cannot say, called a 
State Democratic couvention at an earlier day than that for the as^eiU' 



148 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

bliug of the Republican coavention. After this call had been publisht d, 
certain other persons desiring, as they claimed, to give a hearty sup- 
port to the prosecution of this war and the maintenance of the Uniou, 
issued a call for what they denominated a "Peoples' or Union Conven- 
tion," and fixed the time for holding the same the day before, or the 
day after the Democratic convention had been called to assemble. 
They showed no desire to affiliate with the Republican convention. 
They showed no disposition to act in anyway with the Rei)ublican or- 
ganization of the State. Now, they had their choice, to detei'mine 
whether they would place their convention in a position to act with 
the Republican party, or with the other. They chose the other con- 
vention and attempted to act in conjunction with it. They called their 
convention to meet the next day after the Democratic convention, 
which met a week in advance of the convention of the Republican 
party. Both conventions were hed, and no agreement could be 
effected between them. Why the Peoples' party made that choice, 
thereby placing it out of their power to act with the Republican organ- 
ization, it is not for me to say They chose to do it and did it. They 
went to the Democratic Mahony convention for their allies. They 
would not or did not attempt to affiliate with the Republican conven- 
tion. I was not here at the time, but understood that consultations 
were had but no agreement could be effected. The Democratic or 
Mahony convention met, acted and adjourned on the day it was called. 
On the next day the Union convention met and adjourned. They 
could, had they been so disposed, have met with the Republican con- 
vention called for the 31st of July, when that convention was yet in 
the futux'e. They let the Republican convention meet and pass by as 
they had a right to do, but they did not intimate to them in anyway 
whatever that they had any desire to affiliate with them. 

In the coui'se of events two more conventions were held in your 
city last week. On the one day a Union convention, and on the next 
a Democratic convention. If you can take their acts as indications, 
my friends, our Democratic and Union brethern have shown they were 
unwilling to act with the Republicans. TAvice have they met in con- 
vention on succeeding days, and while they were thus willing to act 
in conjunction, they were unwilling to attempt to act with the Repub- 
lican oi'ganization. 

What did the Republicans do when they met in convention? Take 
their platform and x'ead iL Search through it from beginning to end, 
and what is thex'e in it to drive from its support any man who loves 
his country? There is nothing ! Scrutinize it as closely as j'ou please 
and you will find no partizanship there. You will find nothing there 
l)Ut devotion to the American flag and love for the American Union. 
[Applause.] The Republicans placed themselves in a position to affili- 
ate with the patriotic portion of any party or all parties in the State, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK\V001>. 149 

Democrats or Union men, call them what you please. But they were 
silently passed by. No desire was shown to have anything to do witli 
them; and, I'elying upon the justice of their cause, they threw their 
banner abroad, and appealed to the people to rally around it in main- 
tenance of the Federal Union and the honor of the Federal flag. 

The Republicans do not ask you, my Democratic friends, to give up 
any of your preconceived notions on the sul)ject of slavery. They 
don't ask you to accept their political faith or abandon yours; but, as 
the predominant party in this State, ignoring for the time being all 
past political issues, they ask every man who is willing to rally round 
the flag to step forward to help them in this patriotic cause. Is it 
wrong in them to do this? Every Republican is a Union man. Where 
in all the broad land can you find one who is not? They are and have 
been for some years the dominant party in this Stale, They have 
placed themselves, as an organization, in a position to be consulted by 
any party or any men who luiglit be willing to consult and act with 
theai for the Union, but had comijletely, perhaps studiously, been 
ignored l)y all. They then, for the sake of harmony and good-will, 
laid aside all party issues and all party tests, and simply asked that all 
men of all parties who, like themselves, were devoted to the Union 
should step forward and act with them, not for party, but for the 
Union. It seems to me that more could not have been asked with 
fairness nor yielded with self-respect. 

The other orgiii ization is divided. It is torn asunder. With the 
present condition of the country, whoever is not in favor of upholding 
the Government is aga'.nst it. And, my friends, it seems to me that if 
we could once la}^ aside all dissensions on this subject, and, as a united 
people, rally round this admiui-tration, we conld soon carry the war 
to a successful is.sue and place the country in a position it is entitled to 
occupy. 

Now, my friends, a few words on a subject to me more delicate. 
As Chief Executive of the State, since the war commenced much fault 
has been found with me. I am a plain man, and although it may not 
be prudent in me as a candidate to speak in regard to these matters, 
yet I propose to say some things to you in a very plain way. A great 
many gentlemen think 1 have not been energetic enough; that I have 
not been efBcient enough; that I have not pushed forwai'd the work as 
vigorously as I should have done. That may be true. That I have 
committed errorsi think is not only very possible, but very probable. It 
would be the heighth of presumption in me to assert the contrary. I 
think that all of our public men have committed erroi's. Look at it ! 
When the President of the United States is-ued his proclamation for 
75,000 men for three months the whole country arose and applauded 
the act. And yet this was a mistake Those three mouths men should 
have been three years men. We could have had them for three years 



150 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

as well as for three months. If this had been done, the country wouid 
not have had to witness the spectacle cf whole regiments retiring from 
the service at the very tiroe when the roar of cannon was heard at 
Bull's hun ! Once enlisted for the service they could have been kept 
there, and the country would not have been fevered with excitement 
lest Washington should fall into the hands of Beauregard. 

I talk to you under the assumption that you are honest and patriotic 
men, and that it is your wish to do right; but you will pardon me if I 
say you expect too much of your public officers. You expect them to 
be what you are not yourselves — perfection. You can't expect from 
them exemption from error. You and I can very easily see after a 
thing is done whether it was rightly or wrongly done. Yet had we 
been called on in the first instance to meet the same exigency, we would 
in all probability, have committed a graver error. Now I press this 
thing not on my own account, because what becomes of me is of little 
consequence. But youh.ivethe Administration at Washington, on the 
support of which everything depends. < Upon you and each one of 
you the Administration leans for support, and I say it plainly and 
boldly you are not standing by that Administration as you should 
stand by it. You may search the history of this world over, I care not 
where you read its pages, and you cannot lind a government which has 
ever done, in the same length of time, a tithe of what has been done 
by this Administration in the last four months, taking into account the 
condition of affairs as it found them when it came into power. And 
yet pick up your newspapers, go into your hotel offices or reading 
rooms, go where you will, and, instead of finding encouragement for 
the good it has done, you find carping and denunciation. 

I came recently from Washington City, and I say to you, what I 
think I know, that this same spirit of faultfinding, this same spirit of 
denunciation, is discouraging and weakening your Administration at 
Washington. It has to fight Jeflf Davis and Beauregard on the one 
side and men who should rally round it on the other. I was pleased 
with a remark of President Lincoln which I saw attributed to him in 
a newspaper the other day. When urged to change his Cabinet, he 
said: "Go to work fighting the enemy and stop fighting your own 
friends." You will find the newspapers filled with, and you will hear 
wherever you go, attacks upon this man or that man in the army, the 
nav3' and all departments of the Government. A newspaper editor or 
a newspaper correspondent, perhaps withal a disappointed office 
seeker besides, seizes his pen and with a single dash will demolish a 
General in the army, a member of the Cabinet, and even the Executive 
of the Government himself, charging corruption to this man, imbe- 
cility to that, inefficiency everywhere; assailing the best men of the 
nation as remorselessly as you would set your foot upon a worm. 
This is wrong, and they who do it, do the country wrong. If you ex- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 151 

pect to find public officers who commit no mistakes, then you must get 
archangels, and not men. And I do insist upon it that instead of 
hunting something to find fault with, you should strengthen and up- 
hold your public agents. Give them credit for what is right, and if 
you see that which appears to you to be wrong, remember that you 
may be mistaken as well as they, and even if they are wrong, attribute 
it to the natural imperfections of man. 

It has been said I have not raised men fast enough. I have raised 
allthat have been asked for, Iowa has poured forth her thousands as 
fast as called for by the General Government. It has been said that 
the Iowa volunteers have not been clothed as well and as rapidly as they 
should have been clothed. That is your fault, not mine. I had not 
the money to do it. You have it and I have not been furnished with 
it. The clothes worn by your First, Second and Third Regiments to- 
day have not been paid for I Not a dollar has been paid for them. 
Three thousand men, among them your sons and brothers, are wearing 
clothes which are yet unpaid for. Much fault was found with me 
because your soldiers at Keokuk did not receive their poor pittance of 
pay which they were to receive from the State for the period intervea- 
ing between the time of their enlistment in the service of the State and 
their acceptance into the service of the United States. They were 
there without money to buy even tobacco or postage-stamps. You 
know as well as I that the Executive of this State had not a dollar to 
advance to the soldiers. After they were mustered in at Keokuk, 
Ezekiel Clai'k, Hix'am Price, of Davenport, and your Speaker bor- 
I'owed on their private credit the money— some $30,000 — which was 
required to pay them, and paid it, and the debt is unsatisfied to-day. 
The Executive of this State drew some $5,000 out of the State Treas- 
ury, which he had no more right by law to take for that purpose than 
any one of you; but it was a case of extreme necessity. Tiie balance 
we borrowed on our individual credit, and you owe it to us now. If 
there be a fault in this connection, on whom does it rest? I do not 
like to say these things, but justice to myself compels me to say them. 
The people of Iowa have not furnished their Executive with money 
for the expenditures which he was required by law to make as they 
should have done. The bank of this city holds my protested notes for 
$6,000, and [ have borrowed so much that I thought it was $12,000 till 
1 called at the bank to-day and inquired. I was absent from home last 
week and found, on my return, notices of protested paper of mine to 
the amount $6,000 more, and not less than seven of those little tickets 
which bankers send out to give notice of notes falling due. Now, it is 
not agreeable to a man who has hitherto kept his commercial credit 
unimpaired thus to find it dishonored, and it is slill more displeasing 
when he is cursed all over the State for not doing what he was power- 
less to accomplish, and it is right you should know it. 



152 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 

But let US pass from this. It is not agreeable to you nor to me. 1 
only mention it because it is right you should know here that the 
clothes that your sons and brothers are wearing to-day are not paid 
for. not because 1 am unwilling to pay for them, but because I have 
not the means. It is right that you should know that the money your 
boys had did not come from your State Treasury, but was borrowed 
upon individual credit and is not yet refunded. You should at least 
eudeavor to help furnish the means to refund this money by subscrib- 
ing for State bonds. I grew ijathetic in a newspaper appeal, a few 
da3's since, asking j^ou to subscribe for State bonds. Now there is 
scarcely a man of you who, if life, limb or property were at stake, 
could not take $103 at least of Iowa State bonds, and thus furnish the 
means to carry on this work and have it done right. And let me say 
plainly — though as a candidate I ought not to talk so to j^ou — that, in 
so doing, you would be performing your duty, as well as in carping 
and fault-finding. Now, I am probably making a mistake. I don't 
know. I ought perhaps to make handsome vows, speak soft and 
honied words, things I cannot do; but I will tell you the truth, as I 
understand and believe it, and if you don't like it, j^ou have the 
remedy in your own hands, you know. But it is due to you for me to 
mention what Iowa has already done in this war. She has sent into 
the field and has now in active service in Missouri, counting the Iowa 
First — and every man in Iowa will love to count the Iowa First 
[loud and long-continued applause] — seven thousand men ! She has in 
camp at Keokuk 1,000 men under Col. Bussey. She has in Burlington 
another full regiment of cavalry under Col. Warren. She has in Iowa 
City a regiment of infantry, consisting of 9G0 men, waiting the arrival 
of another company of 100 men to complete the regiment, which was 
to have been under the command of Col. Bennett. And here let me 
say of Col. Bennett, he has acted the patriot as well as the soldier. He 
has acted the man. When he found that his appointment as Colonel 
would cause heartburnings and dissensions, he said to me, "Place me 
where you please, but have the regiment formed." [Applause.] This 
was wlat Col. Bennett did. At Davenport there is a full regiment of 
infantry, commanded by Col. Hoffman, and a full regiment of cavalry, 
whose regimental officers have not yet been appointed. We have, I 
hope, to-day at Dubuque a full regiment of infantry under Col. Van- 
dever. That is what Iowa has done. It is what your State authorities 
have done without money to do it with; but I will not speak of that 
again, for I am satisfied you would rather hear of something else. 

And now what more should I talk to you about. I will not talk 
about myself any longer. Let us look for a moment at the cause of 
this unholy Rebellion ! Why is it that many a mother's eye is wet 
with tears to-night for the brave ones who have fallen on the battle- 
field? Why is it? Why is it that Iowa is pouring forth her sons by 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 153 

thousands to engage in this contest? Why have our bi-ave men been 
shot clown in Missouri? Why do we mourn the loss of men by death 
at Springtield? Why is it that the battle at Manassas has bi'ought sor- 
row and affliction to thousands of homes in the East? I ask these 
questions because where the responsibility for a.l this rests there X'ests 
a burden which bends men to the earth. Why is it that the men of the 
North meet the men of Virginia, Missouri and the South to desolate 
each other's fields and burn each other's houses? It is not in nature 
that we should desire to kill each other. We are brethren of the 
United States of America. Why, then, this strife? Why is it? It is 
just because an attempt is made to strike down our government, the 
best the world ever saw That is wh}'. What is the meaning of a 
republican form of government? It means this: that the people of a 
country have sense, intelligence and honor and energy enough to gov- 
ei'n the country. You good people of Des Moines manage Des Moines' 
affairs, it does not go upon the theory that the people may not some- 
times make mistakes, but it does go upon the theory that men have the 
intelligence to see those mistakes and correct them. That is the theory 
of a republican system of government 

Now, after a battle of four long years, the Republican pai'ty came 
into power last fall, or rather were elected last fall and came into 
power on the 4th of March last. Our Southern friends rebelled at that 
election. They said mistakes and wrongs had been committed. Very 
well. What was their bounden duty? It was to appeal to the intelli- 
gence and honesty of the people. Nearly all the South, and some of 
our Northern friends, said a mistake had been committed, and said 
they would not trust to the good faith, intelligence and honesty of the 
people to correct it, but would right their wrongs by arms. This is 
what our Southern brethren have done. They have said they will not 
submit. If they have such rights as these, then a republican form of 
government is not a govei'nment, because such attributes crush out its 
vitality. Suppose we Republicans, four years ago, had said, "We will 
not submit to be ruled by a President constitutionally elected." Sup- 
pose when Buchanan was elected in 1856 the minority had said, "We 
will not trust a majority of the people to correct mistakes, but we will 
resort to arms." Then we would have had our Rebellion four years 
ago instead of now. Establish this precedent and you may look for a 
rebellion every four yeai's. The defeated party would always appeal 
to arms for what they claimed they should have. The United States 
would thus be converted into another Mexico on a larger scale. Even 
those who have placed themselves on the Mahony platform condemn 
the Administration, because they say ii is imbecile and not strong and 
energetic enough. The Administration has done its duty, It has dealt 
with those in rebellion as an indulgent parent would deal with a 
froward child. It has forborne to strike. It has dealt with those men 



ir»4 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

mildly, leniently, generously. It sought to conciliate them, but failed. 
The time has come, and I am glad to see it, when a different policy is 
to be pursued. This policy is forshadowed in the late proclamation of 
Gen. Fremont, in Missouri. [Tremendous applause.] The late Admin- 
istration had the power to put down this most wicked Rebellion in its 
beginning by a Single effective blow, but it let the opportunity pass; 
The present Administration has come to a point where it is deter- 
mined to pitt down this rebellion by a sti'ong hand. It has sought by 
every means in the world to bring the rebels back to their duty. I 
think it has done x'ight. It was bound to exhaust every honorable 
means of conciliation before it resorted to extreme measures. I do 
think, viewing the subject from my standpoint, there never was a 
more causeless and wicked i-ebellion. This government has given the 
South prosperity, security, peace. It did not inflict a blow till they 
became so arrogant and ovei'bearing that the war became a necessity 
for national existence. They had grown as no people ever had before, 
cursed with such institutions as they have. It has protected them, 
supported them, nourished them. And because a majority have ex- 
ercised their constitutional right and duty to control and regulate 
national affairs, they have declared that if they could not rule they 
would ruin. 

And now, my friends, what is our duty? We must put down 
REBELLION. Somc gentlemen say "Peace." They say, "You cannot 
subdue and subjugate the South and have them live peaceably with 
you." They say, "The South are determined to go, and why not let 
them go in peace?" But when you yield that much, you sign the 
death warrant of your government ! If the Southern States may 
secede to-day, the Northwestern States may to-morrow. If the South 
may rebel this year, then New England may next. Establish the doc- 
trine of secession any where, you leave no life, no vitality, in your 
whole system of government. It sinks at once from the rank of 
nations, becomes what Mexico is, a hissing and a byword, and leaves 
you no security for life, liberty or property. It cannot be in the 
nature of things. There are but two ways. You must either put the 
rebels down or the rebels will put you down. You cannot compromise 
with them. You cannot establish peace with them. You cannot con- 
ciliate them. Will you have the mouth of the Mississippi river closed 
by Louisiana? Will you allow the inhabitants of the Lower Mississippi 
to toll the produce of the Upper Mississippi? You will not do it. You 
cannot do it. Your fathers risked a war to acquire that river, and 
their sons will fight to maintain it. [Deafening applause.] A thousand 
plans may be suggested for a peaceful solution of this question, and 
yet you must reject them all. Recognize the Southern Confederacy 
and you cannot keep peace with them five years. There are some 
strange characteristics in this contest. We are in the habit of attrib- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 155 

uting to our Southern friends honor, chivalry, highmindeduess; and 
they attribute to us avarice, cowardice, venality. And yet, underlying 
all this, there are shown to be contrary attributes in each. What is 
the theory of this rebellion? What uiidei'lies it? The very grossest, 
material: the theory that no man has any higher motive to action th;ih 
the aggi'andizemeiit of self. The. South said "Cotton is King! "They 
said if war is inaugurated the pockets of the North would suffer. They 
said you would lose your markets for manufactured and agricultural 
products; that your factories would be closed in the East; that the 
grain would rot in your store houses in the West, and that you would 
thus be brought to terms. All this showed what they believed to be 
the governing principle in the North. How has this been met? How 
have the people of the North met this question when it was forced 
upon them? When your trade was bi'ought low, your max'ts closed 
and your shipping lying idle in your harbor, how was this question 
met? How did you respond to the call of the President to rally round 
the National flag? The world has never seen a spectacle such as has 
been exhibited by the people of the North in the support of this gov- 
ernment since the commencement of this war. 

It is shown to be untrue that cotton is king. Pennsylvania might 
as well claim that coal is king. New York mighfas well claim that 
commerce is king. The great Northwest might equally claim that 
corn is king. But all these claims are untrue, and it brings us back 
again to the Bible truth that there is but one king, the Everlasting 
God, and him only should we serve. [Applause]. We have faith in 
Him, and it is around this faith that our sentiments of right, justice 
and truth will forever cluster. Before that faith southern chivalry will 
go down. There is something in the north higher than materialism. 
No opposition here or elsewhere can put it down. Those who have 
taken up arms against federal authority will not and cannot succeed 
in putting it down. And I tell you, my friends, no convention can be 
got up which can smother that principle, and the men who seek to 
crush it out will be ground to powder before it. [Upi'oarous and long 
continued applause]. You may call conventions for the purpose of 
obstructing the path of this government, but they will fail, let them 
marshall their forces under the name of Democracy or whatever they 
will. I know the force of that organization. I know as well as any 
other man the power of the Democratic party, but I tell those men 
who attempt to array the masses of the people against the Administra- 
tion, State or National, that is endeavoring to pi'osecute the war, that 
they cannot succeed. I do not care whether they attempt to do so by 
the publication of insidious falsehoods, in incendiary sheets, by politi- 
cal conventions, bj' seeking to discredit the bonds of the State, by the 
cry that they are unconstitutional or otherwise. [Cheers and cries of 
good]. 



156 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Now, my friends, I told you when I commenced I had made no 
preparation for an elaborate speech. I have had no order in what 1 
have said; but I have tried to bring before you these few ideas. In the 
first place, that although the Republican administration which came 
into power on the fourth of March last, surrounded by unusual diffi- 
culties, found all the offices of the government filled by members of 
the opposition party; it has shown a degree of liberality toward it» 
opponents that could have scarcely been looked for. It is true it 
might have been well if no purely partisan ticket had been nominated 
at this time. It might have been well if all political organizations for 
the time being had been forgotten; but our Union friends showed a 
studied desii'e to avoid affiliation with the dominant party. At the 
same time our Democratic friends have shown a studied desire to 
ignore and have nothing to do with the Republican party. The gen- 
tlemen who control the Union movement have never placed them- 
selves en rapport with the Republican party, but have shown a settled, 
deliberate and wilful purpose to co-operate rather with the Demo- 
cratic party of the State. They did not fix the day for holding their 
convention near to the day the Republicans had selected for holding 
theirs. They have not coquetted with us in anyway. It may not have 
been their bounden duty to do so. I don't know— it may be so. But 
this I do know, they have asked no less of the Republican party than 
to abandon their organization; and knowing the purpose of political 
human nature, I know they did not expect us to do it when they asked 
it. When the Republicans met in convention they carefully excluded 
from their platform everything that could offend a Douglass Demo- 
crat, a "Union" man, or even a Mahoney Democrat and when we 
asked the Union men to come with us, we being organized and 
having strength, they said "no." Thej'^ ask us to abandon our 
organization in which is strength, and go over to them who have 
no organization, and trust to Providence and the chapter of acci' 
dents for the result. [Laughter]. There is I am sorrj' to say it, there 
is an organized party that does not look this question of rebellion fairly 
in the face. Their conduct, not so intended perhaps, is doing more to 
strengthen Jeff Davis and his forces than if the same number of men 
comprising this party should go down and join their army with arms 
in their hands. There is an organization in this State to-day that will 
go to the polls on the 8th day of October, and which if it elects its can- 
didates, will strengthen the hands of the traitors by proclaiming that 
there is a divided north! When that day comes you will be astonished 
at the strength of that party. And what do the People's party propose 
to do? They propose to divide the Union strength of this State into 
two parties, and thereby run the risk of placing the control of the 
State in tlie hands of men who apologized for and even sympathized 
with tieason. That is what they ask us to do. They do not intend 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. l57 

by the resolutions passed a few da3's since to give aid to the disunion 
party in this State; but by their action they afford to the disunion 
party their onlj' possible chance of success, by dividing the strength of 
the Union vote of the State between the two tickets. That's clear. I 
do not presume they intend that, but if there is any means by which 
this thing can be done it can only be done in that way. Mr. Mason 
can only be elected by the division of the Union party. Our Union 
friends ask of us who have a party which has strength, to go over to 
them who have I think but little [^trength. They ask of us, who for 
several years have carried the election of our candidates by uuequivo- 
cal majorities, to divide our strength, abandon our position, leave oi.r 
entrenchments and fortifications, and expose ourselves and them to 
attacks in front and rear, surrounded by an enemj' and have the whote 
camp captured! 

I would like to speak to you further of personal matters, but I will 
not do it because you cannot divest yourself of the belief that I am 
talking J or myself. I am solicitous that the Union cause in this State 
and nation should be successful. I ask j^ou to bring to this subject the 
.-■ame calm, sound sense that you do to j-our own private affairs, and 
such as you usually do when you wish to accomplish an individual 
end. 

There is one subject, my friends, on which I wish to make a few 
remarks before I close, and that is with reference to affairs in Wash- 
ington City and your duty to the administration there. You Douglass 
men may think there is not sufficient energy manifested in the prose- 
cution of the war. Very well, I may think so. You may think Simon 
Cameron, the Secretary of War, a bad man. I may think so too, but 
I think him a badly abused man. You may think he does wrong, but 
you cannot rely on all you hear. I was recently in Washington City 
and had to pass three days in the War Department, and I found the 
rooms of that department full every day. Nine-tenths of the men who 
were there, were there for place and for plunder and they were not all 
Republicans either by a great deal. [Laughter]. They consumed the 
time of the department that should have been given to other matters. 
They go there and force themselves on public men; and when they go 
away as thousands of them do disappointed, they brand the man as 
corrupt and imbecile who disappoints them. They get some scribbler 
to vprite something to the newspapers charging incompetency and 
venality on the officers of the government. That is the way a great 
deal of that sort of thing is done. Hundreds and thousands of news- 
paper slanders are got up by men who have been disappointed in get- 
ting contracts. But for the swarms of these men in Washington, 
crowding all the avenues of the Capital, the War Department would 
be able to devote its energies more effectively to its legitimate duties. 
As I told you before, I was in the hall of that department before I 



158 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

could titjd the men whom I wanted to see. Why they even got to know 
1 was Governor of Iowa, and they never forgot me! The reason this 
was so, probabl}'^ because I looked so much unlike other Governors- 
[Great laughter]. But even with the advantage of my official position 
and a knowledge by the department of the pi-essiug nature of my busi- 
ness, I was unable for some time to reach the presence of the Secre- 
tary of War. I do not believe that Mr. Cameron is open to the charges 
preferred against Jjim. I do not believe a word of them. I do think 
lie allows too much of his time to be given to his friends, and to be 
imposed upon by them, but that he is a corrupt man I do not believe. 
Let me say to my Democratic friends that in my judgment they have 
nothing to complain of relative to the manner in which appointments 
have been disposed of by the War Department. Have you been ig- 
nored? Have you been treated as outsiders in this contest? Look at 
high military names that have been brought before the country since 
the commencement of this war! Are they those of Republicans merely .' 
Look at appointments which, as executive of the State, I myself have 
made! Have I ignored you my Democratic friends? Douglass Demn- 
crats, aye Breckenridge Democrats, have been pei'mitted to divide with 
Republicans the best military appointments of the State! Look at 
every loyal State in this Union and you will find a spirit of liberality' 
manifested by Republicans in the dispensation of offices and patron- 
age, such as you never showed to jour opponents when you were in 
power. Go back to the history of the Mexican war. Tell me the 
name of a single Whig who was placed in high command by President 
Polk. General Scott was In command before the commencement of 
the war. The same was true of General Taylor. Tell me, if you 
please, what Whigs were ever placed in high military command by 
President Pierce? You cannot do it. Your party never practiced 
this kind of liberality to your foes. I know it because I was once of 
you and among yuu [Laughter and Applause]. The Democratic party 
always made it a principle to confer the spoils of office on its friends. 
As partisans you were wise. You were never known to extend re- 
wards to your enemies. You always held these in reserve for your 
friends. The consequence was that you rallied a Spartan band around 
you, who with the spoils of victory ever before them, labored with the 
efficiency with which a compact party always labors. The Republican 
party has not displayed that kind of wisdom. They have rewarded 
their enemies. Go into every State in which the Republicans are the 
dominant party, you will find that that party, eschewdng the world. 3' 
wisdom displayed so long and so successfully by the Democrats, and 
looking rather to th ■ good of the whole country, lavishing the highest 
offices upon Democrats as well as Republicans. It has been made a 
subject of complaint against me in Washington as well as here, that 
I have given too many places tp paembers of the Democratic party 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEIi .T KIRKWOOH. 159 

that I have filled important offices with political opponenu. What 
reason then have you for opposition to the Republican party? You 
know that it is devoted faithfully and zealously to the support of the 
National administiatiou, to the prosecution of the war and the perpet- 
uation of the Union. Your Democratic party is in no essential respect 
a Union party, and you know it. Why then should we incur the 
hazard of throwing the State administration of Iowa into the hands of 
men whose party platform, and whose affiliations show that they have 
little sympathj^ with the Union cause. 

My friends, the proudest day of my life was during my recent trip 
to Washington city. I called to see the Adjutant-General, Mr. Thomas, 
to ask a favor of him for the benefit of the Iowa volunteers. He had 
been in military service nearly all his life, and of course had all the 
regard for volunteers which officers of the regular army generally en- 
tertain. This was before the battle of Wilson's Creek, or at least before 
we had received news of the result. 1 asked of him an order to have 
the companies composing the First Regiment of Iowa Volunteers paid 
off in the several counties of their residence. They had not received 
any money due them from the United States since they left Iowa. I 
knew the boys had had a hard campaign, and I was anxious they should 
have the full comfort of their earnings at home. He told me that the 
first thing I would know would be that our Iowa volunteers in Mis- 
souri would leave Gen. Lyon in the lurch, as certain Pennsylvania 
and New York volunteers left McDowell at Manassas. I told him the 
Iowa boys would not do it, that they would do their duty, if not, that 
not a lady would kiss them on their return to this State [Laughter]. 
The Adjutant-General declined to issue the order as I requested, and 
referred me to his assistant. The latter issued it just as I wanted it. 
In the meantime the news of the battle of Wilson's Creek, and of the 
gallant manner in which the First Iowa Regiment cond ;cted them- 
selves after their term of enlistment had expired, reached Washington. 
I then took occasion to walk over to the War Department, and every 
man who saw me had to shake hands with me, and placing my hat at 
an angle of forty-five degrees, I stalked through the building as 
though I owned it — and they let me [Tremendous Cheers]. I tell you 
my friends that was a proud day for Iowa in Washington. It was 
glory enough for any man there, to hail from this State. And all of 
this was because our bi'ave boys down at Wilson's Creek did their duty 
[Applause]. They gave us a name such as we never had before. Go 
where you will through the length and breadth of the land, and you 
hear nothing but praises of their noble conduct. I went to Philadel- 
phia from Washington, and by mistake got into the Continental Hotel 
—the largest one there. At first nobody knew me, nobody paid any 
attention to me, but when they heard I was from Iowa, I could have 
had the whole house to myself if I had wanted it [Laughter and Cheers]. 



160 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Now, my friends, I have but little more to say. The eastern counties 

of this State had an advantage in raising men under the first call for 

volunteers. The men composing the First Iowa Regiment were all 

from the eastern part of the State, and one company from the town 

in which I live was among them. The Iowa City company went into 

the battle of Wilson's Creek with sixty-four men, and sixteen of the 

number came out bearing marks of the conflict upon them. I have 

talked with members of that regiment, and have heard their recital of 

the hardships, sufferings and perils they endured, and I wish the men 

assembled in the late Democratic convention in your city, who refused, 

as I am informed, to pass certain resolutions approving the conduct of 

those brave men, could hear what I have heard, if they could hear it 

they would hide their heads in shame. 

Voice — They did pass the resolutions afterward. Governor. 
Gov. KiEKWOOD — I am sorry they had to think twice and then wait 
more than a month before they could adopt them [Applause]. I have 
not seen a report of the proceedings of that convention, but was in- 
formed that such was its action. 

Now, so far as I am concerned, it is a matter of very little conse- 
quence whether I shall be re-elected to the office of Governor or not. 
Don't give a thought to me personally. I was not anxious that my 
name should go before the Republican convention. I wish I could 
have declined without dishonor. But my friends have placed me in 
nomination, and I am prepared to abide the result. This Govei*nment 
must be sustained, and the question is bow is it best to be done? Let 
no personal considerations stand between you and the discharge of 
your dut}'. Keep fixed in your mind this idea that the value of our 
National Government is above all compulation; that the Stai's and 
Stripes must be sustained; and that if, in your judgment, my election 
as your State executive would not contribute something to these re- 
sults, no man would be better satisfied with your judgment than my- 
self, although politically I never should be heard of again [Loud Ap- 
plause] " 



CHAPTER IX. 

Proclamation — More Troops Called For — Makes a Speech at Davenport 
— Letter to W. C. Sipple — Aj^points Col. E. C. Nutt One of Eis Aids — 
Bad State of Affairs on the Missouri Border — Troops Baised for Slate 
Service — Col. Moreledge — Ee Enters Missouri with Eis Begiment — 
Col. O. M. Dodge sent to the Border with the Fourth Iowa — Col. John 
Edwards on the Border — Ee Bcports to the Governor — Governor A])- 
points Judge Eubbard One of Eis Aids — Instructions to Eim — Writes 
CoVs Bussey, Baldwin, Edwards and Eubbard — Indian Massacre in 
Minnesota — Gov. K. Telegraj)hs Sec'y Stanton-^ Wants Troops and 
Arms — Commission to Col. S. B. Ingham — Posts Established — Com- 
panies Baised — Stockades and Block Eouses Built. 



On the 10th of September, the Governor issued the fol- 



lowing 



PROCLAMATION. 



Fellow Citizens OF Iowa : -More soldiers are required for the 
war. 1 therefore appeal to your patriotism to complete at once the 
quota demanded of our State. Six regiments of infantry and two of 
cavalry, composed of your friends, your neighbors and your relatives, 
are now in the field. Three more regiments of infantry and one of 
cavalry, composed of the same precious materials, are now in camp 
nearly organized, and eager to join their brothers in arms who have 
preceded them, and still four more regiments are required. Will you 
permit these patriots who have gone forth animated with the spirit of 
their cause, to remain unsupported, and to fight alone the battles that 
are imminent? Remember that they will not fight for themselves 
alone; it is your cause as well as theirs in which they are engaged. It 
is the cause of the Government, of home, of country, of freedom, of 
humanity, of God himself. It is in this righteous cause that I call upon 
the manhood and patriotism of the State for a cordial and hearty rC' 
sponse. 

The gallant achievements of our noble Iowa First, have bestowed 
upon our State an imperishable renown. Wherever fortitude is ap^ 
predated, and valor recognized as the attributes of a brave and great- 
liearted people, the Iowa volunteer is greeted with pride and applause. 
Shall it be said that you were unworthy the great deeds wtiieh were 
done in your behalf by that regiment of heroes, that you were laggard 
in the noble work which they so well begun? Shall tlie fair fame of 

161 



1G2 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOn. 

the State which they have raised to the highest point of greaiiiess, lose 
its luster through your backwardness to the call of your country, made 
in the holiest cause that has ever engaged the efforts of a people? 
With you rests the responsibility. Men alone are wanted. Arms, 
equipments, liberal pay, the applause and gratitude of a Nation await 
the volunteers. I cannot believe you will prove insufficient for the 
occasion when you know your country's need. Two regiments of 
those yet needed; are required for the defense of our own borders 
against the incursion of predatory tribes of Indians. While our loyal 
armies have been engaged with civilized traitors in a deadly struggle 
for the supremacy of the Government, the maintenance of the Consti- 
tution, the enforcement of the laws, and the protection of innocent 
and defenseless citizens, our own borders have become exposed to the 
ravages of savages. Some of the lawless tribes are now in league with 
the leaders of the rebellion in Arkansas and Missouri. Others have 
been incited by them to seize this opportunity to prey upon the de- 
fenseless inhabitants of our State. Some of our sparsely settled 
counties imperatively demand protection, and they must have it. 

Four regiments in addition to those now organizing are needed. 
They must be had speedily. I hope for the good name of our State 
they will be furnished without resort to any other mode than that here- 
tofore so successfully adopted. Let those who cannot volunteer lend 
encouragement and assistance to those who can. Let everyone feel 
that there is no more important work to be done until these regiments 

9.1*6 fillfid 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On the evening of the second of October at Davenport, 
the Governor made the second one of the only two speeches 
made by him in the canvass, and though not reported it was 
probably in some respects a repetition of the one made at 
Des Moines. One of the editors of the Davenport Gazette 
who heard it, and who was afterwards one of his staff offi- 
cers, in writing of it the next day, concluded his article with, 
"One thing we may say and with confidence, it is unanswera- 
ble. Altogether the meeting was a triumph for the Gov- 
ernor and his policy, which the audience frequently demon- 
strated by long continued and enthusiastic applause." 

N, B. Baker, the Governor's able Adjutant General, who 
had been nominated for and declined the office of Governor 
on the Union ticket, followed in defense of the Governor, 
exposing some of the meanness resorted to by some to defeat 



THE LIFE AND TIME OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 163 

him, expressing his indignation and contempt of them and their 
actions. Hiram Price and Ben Rector, of the Second Cav- 
alry, followed in eloquent and powerful arguments in favor 
of the Republican State ticket. 

So onerous were the duties devolving upon the Governor, 
and so threatening were the disturbances on our southern 
liorder by rebel guerrillas and bushwhackers, and on the 
northwest from the raids of hostile Indians, that in addition 
to the appointment of Hon. Caleb Baldwin of Council Bluffs. 
Col. John Edwards of Chariton, and A. W. Hubbard of Sioux 
City, were clothed by him with all the authority vested in 
himself, to do all that was necessary in their respective 
localities for the preservation of peace and the protection of 
the lives and property of the citizens of the State. 

Fremont was the county in which most trouble was had 
with Missouri rebels and home traitors. W. C. Sipple, the 
president of the Board of Supervisors of this county, was 
supposed to be in sympathy with the rebels across the line, 
aid traitors at home, and was desirous of getting control of 
I he troops raised in his county for home protection, or hav- 
ing that control in the hands of some one allied with him in 
his treasonable purposes. A communication was sent from 
the Board of Supervisors, over which he presided, charging 
all wrongs done and outrages committed there to the ' 'Jay- 
hawkers," a nickname given to ardent Union men. 

In reply the Governor writes: 

Executive Office, Iowa, | 
January 18, 1862. S 

W. C. Sipple, Esq., President Board of Supervisors, 

Sidney, Fremont County, Iowa: 
SvR:—l have just received a communication from the Board over 
which you preside, touching the present unfortunate state of affnirs in 
your county. I have already sent to your county my aid, Lieut. -Col 
H. C. Nutt, to invesiigate the situation of affairs and to take such ste; s 
as may be necessary to preserve the public peace. The condition of 
affairs on the southern border of your county is very unfortunate, and 
I intend to use all the means in my power to ^.fford protection to oxxx 



164 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

citizens. It has been suggested to me that the public peace has been 
jeopardized by these facts: 

1st — That rebels and sympathizers from Missouri, who have made 
tlieraselves peculiarly obnoxious to Union men there, by their out- 
r.igeous conduct, have fled to this State and are now in your county 
with their property to avoid vengeance from those whom they for- 
merly outraged. 

2nd — That the same class of persons in Missouri, who cannot leave 
are sending their property into your county for protection from con- 
llbcation. 

3rd— That these men have sympathizers in your county who harbor, 
these men aud conceal their property. 

4th — That the Union men in Missouri who have suffered from the 
outi'ages of these persons are thus tempted to invade our State for the 
purpose of punishing them. I have instructed Col. Nutt to investi- 
gate these alleged facts and report to me fully thereon. Should I find 
the allegations to be correct, 1 shall take measures to relieve your 
lieople from this difficulty. Whilst I intend to protect our people 
from outrage and invasion, I also intend that our State shall not 1 e 
exposed to danger of both by becoming an asylum for rebels aud 
their property. I trust I shall have your assistance in effecting this 
t)bject, and that yoa will impress upon your citizens the impolicy of 
exposing themselves to the dangers they bring upon themselves and 
their neighbors, by harboring either rebels or their property. 

The communication stated that Fred Rector, Esq., late acting 
County Judge of your county, had been authorized to organize the 
militia of your county, and "that when he had succeeded in organiz- 
ing a sufficient force to protect the county he was, without any reason, 
deprived of his authority," 

This is a grave error. The reason that Judge Rector's authority 
was annulled was, that I was credibly informed that his loyalty to our 
government was doubted; that he was alleged to be of a class some- 
what numerous in your county, whose sympathies are much stronger 
for rebels than Union men. No man whose position is not above bus- 
])icion on this point can receive any authority from me, if I know his 
position, or can retain it a moment longer than the knowledge reaches 
me, if I have the power to annull it. Col. Hedges of your county has 
lieen authorized to organize your militia, and I do not see any good 
reason why his authority should be revoked and given to Judge Hodges. 

Col. Hedges is represented to me as an eflicient man, and hisloyaUy 
is undoubted. The State arms now in your county are in the hands ot 
good and loyal men, and I do not see the necessity of placing theui 
elsewhere. If there should be any further disturbance of the peace of 
your county, the men who now have the arms can use them as well as 
others. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 165 

Col. Nutt will, on request, exhibit his instructions. Any aid you 
can render him will no doubt be thankfully received. 

Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In localities along the southern border where Union men 
in Missouri were in the minority, they were often driven 
from their homes and they took refuge in Iowa to save them- 
selves from persecution and destruction at the hands of the 
rebels, but in retaliation, in communities where Union men 
were the strongest, a portion calling themselves or being 
called by others "Jayhawkers," retaliated on the rebels when 
the latter for their own safety betook themselves and took 
with them their live stock and other property to secure places 
in Iowa, where they were shielded from harm by their Cop- 
perhead sympathizers and friends. This state of affairs was 
producing a civil war within our own limits. To meet these 
difficulties a military district was formed, to be known as the 
"Western Division of Iowa Volunteer Militia," and State 
troops were raised for service in this territory, and if neces- 
sary when called there for service in the adjoining part of 
Missouri. The Governor never sent these troops across the 
border, but permitted them to go when called there, saying 
he would protect them in all they did while in Iowa, but 
they must do that for themselves when they got across the 
line, as he had no authority to send them there. John R. 
Moreledge raised a regiment for service here, and on the fifth 
of that month, at the hour of midnight, he was called upon 
by the Union men of Nodaway county, Missouri, to 
come to their rescue, as the rebels were about to overpower 
them and drive them from their homes. This call was re- 
sponded to, and 250 men marched at daylight the next 
morning thirty -three miles, remaining' three days and taking 
sixty prisoners, when Col. Tuttle with a portion of the sec- 
ond Iowa, a regiment raised for United States service in the 
south, arrived upon the ground, when Col. Moreledge with 
his command returned home. 



16(5 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Two more expeditions were made into Missouri by Col. 
Morelcdge's regiment, one on the 10th of July, and the 
other on the 28th of August. On these expeditions they 
were joined by Col. Cranor of the Missouri militia, with his 
regiment, going at one time as far as St. Joseph, accumula- 
ting troops on their way till they numbered 3,000. They 
drove the rebels, far outnumbering them, through the town, 
where the latter had robbed the Union men and Union stores 
of such things as they wanted to the amount of |40,000. 

Col. G. M. Dodge, who was in command of the Fourth 
Iowa at Council Bluffs, under instructions from Judge Bald- 
win, broke camp on the 23d of July and went down to assist 
in quelling the disturbances on the border. As a compro- 
mise had been entered into by the Unionists and Secessionists 
to suspend hostilities, he returned after going forty miles east 
of Clarinda and within thirteen miles of the Missouri line. 

On his return, among other things, he reports: 

"There is no doubt but that great excitement exists on both sides of 
the line. My scout which 1 sent out canvassed pretty thoroughly all 
the counties in northwest Missouri, and found that the rebels of that 
section were fearing an invasion from Iowa equally as much as the 
people of southern Iowa were from Missouri. * * * Gentry and 
Nodaway counties are now nearly vacated, crops are neglected and 
farms for miles deserted." 

Col. John Edwards, reporting on the 28th of July, says: 

"At least 1,500 citizens of Iowa left their harvest fields and families 
and rushed into Missouri to the relief of the Union men. These citi- 
zens were armed in every conceivable way, without officers, system or 
drill. Had the rebels displayed sufficient nerve and skill they might 
have killed or captured them all; or had a general engagement taken 
place, our citizens, without officers, system or drill, might have 
.slaughtei-ed each other. The loj^al men of Missouri subsisted our peo- 
\)]e without charge, and did all they could to make them comfortable 
while they were thei'e, often spending their last dollar for that pur- 
pose. On account of the excitement and constant alarm along the 
border, our citizens lost much valuable time by constantly hurrying to 
arms; therefore a vast amount of grain was lost in the fields un- 
harvested." 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 1G7 

In the fall of 1862 four battallions were raised for the 
defense of the Southern border, to be known as the "South- 
ern Border Brigade." Two of these battallions had two 
companies each, and the other two three each. The disturb- 
ances in Fremont county continuing and increasing, collisions 
between parties of Union men and Secessionists, often with 
fatal results, and calls from leading citizens for relief being 
urgent, in January, 1862, Lieut. -Col. H. C. Nutt was com- 
missioned by the Governor to go into that county and learn 
all the facts in the case, which he did. The Lieutenant- 
Colonel, after reciting all the facts in the case as learned by 
him, concludes with: 

"I think immediate danger of trouble has passed, but I still think 
there should be some Federal troops sent there, more to arrest Seces- 
sionists and Secession property, that have made Iowa an asylum, than 
to protect us from invasion; but the officer placed in command should 
be number one in every respect. A few arrests of men and property 
would not only end their frequent occurrence, but forever end the 
difficulty." 

The history of our country does not record an instance in 
which the Governor of a State had so much labor imposed 
upon him at one time, and so little to do it with, as was 
saddled upon Governor Kirkwood during the first two years 
of the Civil War, and he had to call to his assistance all the 
help within his reach. "Writing to Senator Grimes to have 
him do some business for the State with the War Depart- 
ment, not in the line of a Senator's duty, he writes: 

"I know I am boring you. but I have been bored so much myself 1 
have no bowels of compassion for any one else." 

He had upon his hands all at one time the burden of three 
wars: One with the Missouri Secessionists and Iowa Cop- 
perheads on the southern border; one with the murderous, 
copper-skinned Indians in the northwest, and the third rais- 
ing and sending forward the State's quota of troops for the 
War of the Rebellion; and all of these required prompt, 
decisive, persevering, intelligent action, performed with 



168 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOU, 

sleepless energy and activity. It required more labor than 
one man, though he might be a calm, clear-sighted, able, 
energetic statesman, full of executive ability could accom- 
plish without the best of help. 

To meet, in part, this difficulty in the northwest, on the 
12th of June the Governor writes Hon. A. W. Hubbard, of 
Sioux City: 

"From information received from yourself and others, there is 
reasonable ground to apprehend difficulties in your Judicial District 

"The great distance from the exposed points to my residence, and 
the consequent delay in communicating with me, together with the 
probable necessity for pi'ompt action, renders it, in my judgment, 
desirable that I give a large discretionary power to some person, resi- 
dent in the exposed region, to act for me in case of emergency, and 
your well-known character for prudence, firmness, intelligence and 
integrity have indicated you as the proper person. I earnestly hope 
you may feel at liberty to accept the position for which this letter will 
be your authority. 

"If, upon careful examination of the facts, you deem it advisable so 
to do, you can place in quarters for discipline and drill such numbers 
of men in your city as, in your judgment, may be best and for such 
time as you may think proper. 

" I would suggest on this point that the regular drill of the soldiers 
may not be essential to the effective service of men engaged in scout- 
ing and Indian fighting further than is necessary to ensure a prompt 
obedience to orders. 

"Tou will, when in your judgment necessary for the protection of 
your people, order the men, or such part of them as you deem neces- 
sary, to pursue and capture any hostile bands of Indians, or to do such 
other service as your judgment may satisfy you is necessary for the 
safety of your people. 

" In short, I clothe you with all my power in this particular, agree- 
ing to adopt as my own such action as you may take in the premises. 
Permit me to suggest the exercise of both caution and firmness. Un- 
der excitement you may be urged to adopt measures that cool reflec- 
tion will show to be unnecessary; but be careful not to fail in doing 
whatever may be necessary, in your best judgment, for your defense. 
In a word, I rely upon your calm, cool, deliberate judgment, and 
will abide by the exercise of it. 

- "I write this because the money and means at my command are 
quite limited, and I desire to avoid the slightest unnecessaiy expense, 
while doing promptly and fully all the public interest may demand. 
You may feel some delicacy in assuming this responsibility, fearing 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 169 

that iu some particulars your action may not meet my approval. On 
that head, I have this to say: Although it is quite possible that wore I 
on the ground, your judgment and mine might differ as to the proper 
action on some particular question, as the minds of men seeking the 
same result will frequently differ as to the means of obtaining it, yet 
I am prepared to adopt and stand by whatever you may do." 

On the following day he wrote as follows: 

'The Commissioners have determined that but $400,000 of State 
bonds shall be issued. This, I am sorry to say, is $100,000 less than I 
deem absolutely necessary, and places me in a very embarrassing situ- 
ation. Therefore, you will not contract any indebtedness on the part 
of the State, or incur anj' expense, unless, in your judgment, the same 
shall be absolutely and imperiously required for the protection of the 
lives and the property of your people, and for that you will have to 
await a further sale of bonds." 

The organization of squads and minute men for home 
protection was commenced early in May along the whole 
western and northwestern border, and it was kept up till well 
towards the close of the following autumn, and resulted in 
the establishment of a line of military posts extending from 
Sioux City to Spirit Lake. 

On the 1st of August the Governor writes to Cols. Bus- 
sey, Edwards, Baldwin and Hubbard, who were his aids, and 
who had duties to perform in defense of the southern and 
western borders: 

" I am compelled to be absent some two weeks at Washington City, 
looking after the clothing and equipments of the new regiments 
raised, and being raised, in this State for the United States Service; 
and also to procure, if possible, a further supply of arms for the use of 
the State. In the meantime, you must exercise your discretion as to 
the means necessary for the safety of the frontier under your care. 
The first object — and one that must be attained at all hazards and at 
any sacrifice — is to secure the lives and property of our people. You 
have my full authority to adopt such measures as you may deem 
essential to this end. 

"Report promptly to the Adjutant-General whatever you may find 
it necessai'y to do. If I succeed in procuring arms, I hope to place 
the border in a more efficient state of defense." 

The Indians under Inkpaduta had never been punished 
for the massacre thev committed on the defenseless inhabi- 



170 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tants in the vicinity of Spirit Lake, in the spring of 1857, 
and they and other Indians were in the habit of stealing 
horses, killing the cattle of the settlers, and committing other 
outrages; growing more and more bold and daring in their 
inroads, so much so that on the 15th of June, 1861, a band 
of eight or ten were in the Little Sioux Valley stealing horses 
and within three miles of Sioux City; Thomas Roberts and 
Henry Cordua, a couple of members of the Frontier Guards, 
were murdered by them while plowing potatoes in the field. 

So great was the excitement that a company of minute 
men from Mills county marched to the scene of difficulty, 
but as the Indians were not in force and had fled they 
returned home. 

In the month of September Col. Hubbard got authority 
from the War Department to raise a company of cavalry for 
frontier defense, and they were mustered into service for that 
purpose about the middle of November. 

The people along our western and northern border seemed 
to have a presentiment that in the bosom of the near future 
was hidden an immense bomb, labeled "Indian Depreda- 
tions, "that would soon burst upon them, and as already 20,000 
of the flower of our sturdy yeomanry had been enlisted and 
sent from among us to fight rebels in the south, we were not 
in a good condition to meet the explosion of such a bomb. 
The little preparation we had made for the defense of our 
frontier, known as it was to the Indians, undoubtedly pre- 
vented its descent in our midst, and our sister State upon the 
north became the doomed object. 

About the middle of August, 1862, the work of devasta- 
tion and destruction in Minnesota began, and within a few 
weeks over 1,000 men, women and children were massacred, 
and 5, 000 were driven from their homes. Houses were pillaged 
and burned, stock driven off and killed, fields devastated, 
and women and children to the number of 250 captured and 
carried into captivity. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 171 

Of the Indians and half breeds engaged in this massacre 
425 were afterwards arrested and tried for their crimes by 
court martial; 321 were found guilty and 303 condemned to 
death. The President ordered thirty-nine of these to be 
hung and the remainder remanded to prison. Some of them 
were kept in jail at Davenport for some time, but they were 
finally released and turned loose on the west side of the Mis- 
souri river. 

It is supposed by some that the Indian outrages commit- 
ted in succeeding years were instigated by these Indians 
thus turned loose, in revenge for their punishment. 

Mr. C. E. Flandrau, in writing of this Indian war says: 

'In the numbers of Indians engaged, together with their superior 
fighting qualities, their armament, and the country occupied by them, 
it ranks among the most important of the Indian wars fought since the 
settlement of the country on ihe Atlantic coast, but when viewed in 
the numbers of settlers and others massacred, the amount of property 
destroyed, and ihe horrible atrocities committed by the savages, it far 
surpasses them all." 

The citizens of Iowa escaped all this, in consequence of 
the vigilance, the alertness and pursuit by our Frontier 
Rangers of the small bands of roving Indians that were com- 
mitting these depredations on our border the year before, for 
at that time they learned that we were prepared to, and 
would give them a warm reception if they attacked us. 

Five hundred Iowa cavalry were afterward sent into 
Minnesota from Iowa to pursue and help subdue these 
Indians. 

As early as March, 1860, so fearful of Indian raids were 
the settlers in the northwestern part of the State, that a law 
was passed at that time providing for the enrollment of a 
company of minute men to act as a military police force to 
watch the Indians along the border. 

As soon as news was received of the descent of the 
Indians upon the peaceful citizens of Minnesota, and the ex- 
tent of their depredations, a fear that amounted to an alarm- 



172 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ing consternation, seized the whole people of the northwest 
part of Iowa, lest they should be subject to a like catastro- 
phe from the same source. 

To learn the true state of affairs with reference to the 
Indians, Geo, L. Davenport was sent by the Governor into 
Minnesota, and he had a conference with Gov. Ramsey of 
that State, who furnished him with all the facts in his pos- 
session, which corroborated all that had been reported as to 
the massacre of the population, the capture and carrying into 
captivity the women and children, and the plunder and pil- 
lage done by the Indians. 

Gov. Ramsey stated that he would soon have 4,000 
troops, 1,000 of which would be cavalry for the protection 
of the Minnesota frontier, and that for 200 miles on a line 
extending north from Spirit Lake, in Iowa, he would erect 
stockade forts which would be garrisoned with fifty men 
each, and they would serve as a refuge for the citizens in 
case of an attack. 

This was reported to Gov. Kirkwood on the ITth of 
September, and Mr. Davenport adds: 

"I am much alarmed in regard to the safety of the settlements on 
the northwestern border of our State, I think they are in imminent 
danger of an attack at any moment, and will be in constant alarm and 
danger during the coming winter, as the Indians are driven back from 
the different parts of Minnesota towards the Missouri slope, and will 
make inroads upon our settlements for supplies of food and plunder. 

"They are much exposed to attacks from the Sioux passing from 
the Missouri river to Minnesota. Among the Chippewa tribe great 
dissatisfaction exists." 

On the 8th of September the following telegram was 

sent: 

Hon. Edward M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washingt07i City: — I 
have reliable information that the Yankton Indians are on our western 
border north of the Missouri river; that they have joined with the hos- 
tile Indians in Minnesota and threaten our whole northwestern fron- 
tier. The settlers are flying by hundreds. I have ordered out five 
hundred mounted men. We lack arms and equipments and must have 
them. I beg you will order Gen. Harney to Sioux City immediately 



THB LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 173 

to take command and put down this outbreak. There is a regiment of 
infantry at this point armed and equipped for United States service 
except tents. They had better be sent to the border to operate there 
under Harney, but they must have tents. The danger is imminent and 
nothing but prompt action can save a terrible outbreak. Gen. Harney 
is just the man vve need for the service. Another regiment of infantry 
is organizing at Council Bluffs. If this regiment could be mounted 
and ordered at once it would be better than to send the infantry. 
Something must be done. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

At the extra session of the General Assembly on the 9th 
of September a law was passed providing for the raising "at 
the earliest possible moment," a force of five hundred 
mounted men, and such other force as may be necessary for 
the protection of the northwestern frontier, and this was to 
be done by the Governor or some one authorized by him. 

At the first alarm after the Minnesota massacre before 
this law was passed, this commission was issued: 

August 29, 1863. 
S. R. Ingham Esq. 

Sir: — I am informed there is probable danger of an attack of hostile 
Indians on the inhabitants of the northwestern portion of our State. 
Arms and powder will be sent you at Fort Dodge, lead and caps will 
be sent with you. I hand you an order on the Auditor of State for 
one thousand dollars. 

You will please proceed at once to Fort Dodge and to such other 
places there as you may deem proper. Use the arms, ammunition and 
money placed in your hands, in such manner as your judgment may 
dictate, so as best to promote the protection of the inhabitants of the 
frontier. It would be well to communicate with Capt. Millard com- 
manding the company of mounted men raised for United States service 
at Sioux City. Place any men you may deem it advisable to raise, 
under his command. Use your discretion in all things, and exercise 
any power I could exercise If I were present, according to your best 
discretion. Please report to me in writing. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On the 10th day of September, Mr. Ingham reported, 

^ iimong other things, that he had visited six counties along 

the border, where he found the inhabitants in a high state of 

excitement and alarm; that he had raised a company of forty 



174 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

men, and had distributed to them and to the settlers of the 
different counties, arms and ammunition for their defense. 

Having performed his duties here, he was about to start 
for Sioux City, when he learned that the Legislature had 
passed an act providing for frontier defense; when he got 
from the Governor, General Order No. 1 , containing seven 
specifications relating to the raising, organizing, etc., of the 
troops to be raised, and he also received this further 

COMMISSION. 

Executive Office, { 
Des Moines, Sept. 13, 1862. \ 
S. R. Ingham Esq. 

Sir: — You are intrusted with the organization of the forces provided 
by law for the defense of the northwestern frontier, and with furnish- 
ing them with subsistence and forage during and after their organiza- 
tion, also with the posting of the troops raised at such points as are 
best calculated to effect the object proposed, until the election of the 
officer who will command the entire force, and generally with the ex- 
ecution of the orders of this date in connection with this force. 

It is impossible to foresee the contingencies that may arise, rentiei'- 
ing necessary a change in these orders, or the prompt exercise of the 
powers not therein contained, and delay for the purpose of consulting 
me might result disastrously. In order to avoid these results as far as 
possible, I hereby confer upon you all the powers I myself have in this 
regard. You may change, alter, modify or add to the orders named, 
as in your sound discretion you may deem best. You may make such 
other and further orders as the exigencies of the case may in your 
judgment render necessary. In short, you may do all things necessary 
for the protection of the frontier as fully as I could do if I were pres- 
ent and did the same. 

The first object is the security of the frontier; the second that this 
object be effected as economically as is consistent with its prompt and 
certain attainment. 

All officers and citizens are enjoined to co-operate with you and 
yield to you the same assistance and obedience they would to me, and 
I hereby ratify and confirm all you may do in the premises. 

And you are fully authorized to employ any person or persons whom 
in your judgment you may deem necessaiy to assist you in the execu- 
tion of your commission. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 175 

Under this commission tive companies of fifty men each 
were raised, known as the Northern Border Brigade, and 
they chose as their commander Lieutenant-Colonel Sawyers, 
and they were stationed at the following places: Chain 
Lakes, Estherville, Acheyedaa, Peterson, Cherokee, Ida, Sac 
City, Correctionville, West F.ork, Little Sioux and Melbourn, 
thus forming, in conjunction with portions of Captain Mil- 
lard's company at Sioux City and Spirit Lake, a complete 
line of posts along the whole northwestern frontier. 

On the 15th of December, Lieut. -Col. Sawyers reports 
that at each of the following places: Iowa Lake, Estherville, 
Peterson, Cherokee and Correctionville, there had been built, 
or were in forward progress of erection, a stockade, a block 
house, and stables for horses, and at most places forage for 
the horses for winter had been cut and stacked. So complete 
were the preparations for defense that no attack was made, 
and the following spring the United States sent out a force 
that drove the hostile Indians into the Yellowstone country 
beyond Dacotah, and they have not troubled the people of 
Iowa since. 



CHAPTER X. 

Thanksgiving Proclamation — Letter to the President — Wants Iowa Brig- 
adiers — Col's Dodge, Perczel, Crocker and Elliott Recommended — 
Letter to Senator Grimes — Writes to an Impudent Surgeon — Letter 
to Col. Shaw — Soldiers Must be Treated Like Oentlemen — Oood Words 
and Grass not the Things to Pelt Rebels With— Letters to Col. Worth- 
ington — To Governor of Maine — Annual Message — Inaugural. 



-^ PROCLAMATION. 

Another year has gone, and we are brought to that period when, 
following the example of our Puritan fathers, we are accustomed to 
offer our public thanksgiving to the author of all good for His merciful 
providence toward us. Wonderful changes have occurred during the 
past year, and advei-sities seem to have ovei'taken us as a country and 
as a people, yet we have manifold blessings for which to be thankful. 
For the bounteous harvest of the field; for the general good health of 
the past year; for the peaceful relations we occupy with the nations 
abroad; for the aroused patriotic spirit of the people, which promises 
in due time to restore peace at home, and triumphantly ])Iace our civil 
and religious institutions of freedom on a firmer foundation than ever 
before; for these and many other blessings we have abundant cause 
for Christian gratitude. With civil war raging in our midst, the ban- 
ner of rebellion along all our southern border, hostile armies marching 
to the conflict, and wails of mourning already swelling from thousands 
of stricken hearts and households, that we can still recognize manifold 
(causes of gratitude and acknowledge His kindly providence and con- 
fidently place our trust in His hand to control this storm for the nation's 
good, may entitle us to the renewed favor of Him who doeth all things 
well. 

To this end I, Samuel J. Kirkwood, Governor of the State of Iowa, 
do hereby appoint Thursday, the 28th day of November, as a daj' of 
thanksgiving, and I earnestly recommend the people of the State to 
abstain on that day from their usual avocations and assemble in their 
respective places of worship, to offer thanks, prayer and praise to Him 
in whose mercy now more than ever is our great trust. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

Governor of Iowa. 

1T6 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 177 

On the 4th of December, 1861, bat little more than seven 
months after the first call for troops was made, the Governor 
wrote the President as follows: 

His Excellency the President: — The State of Iowa has uow in the 
field and in camp, waiting arms and equipments, fourteen regiments 
of infantry and four of cavalry, I feel that I can justly say, and am 
proud to say, that so far as they have been tried either on the battle- 
field or in the scarcely less arduous duties of camp life in Missouri, 
they have shown themselves to be at least equal to any other troops in 
the service. For some reason this State has not been very highlj- fa- 
vored in the distribution of Brigadier-Geueralsliips. Brig. -Gen. Cur- 
tis was appointed during the summer, and was the only lirigadier- 
General from this State, until the quite i-ecent appointment of Brig.- 
Gen. McKean, and these two are all yet appointed from this State. 
Were this a matter involving the mere proportion of otficers, I think 
I would not be disposed to press it upon your attention. But it in- 
volves more. Our regiments are scattered among brigades heretofore 
in all cases commanded by Brigadiers from other States, and composed 
mainly of troops from the State whence the Brigadier in command 
comes. Under these circumstances, it is but natui'al that our troops 
should fear their commanding officer would feel partial to the troops 
from his own State, and perhaps but natural that officers should feel 
that partiality. I have learned satisfactorily that the opinion prevails 
extensively among the troops from this State, that they have been un- 
fairly dealt by in having had assigned to them the most laborious and 
tlie least desirable duty in Missouri, and that in the report of the battle 
of Belmont, gross injustice has been done them, and I am sorry to be 
compelled to say, that in my judgment this opinionisiiot wholly with- 
out foundation. This seems to me to bean unfortunate state of affairs, 
and one that should not be sutTered to continue, if it can be readily 
avoided. I therefore very respectfully propose that you appoint from 
this State a number of Brigadier-Generals, sulHcient to take command 
of our troops, and that our troops be brigaded and placed under the 
command of these officers. 

It seems to me that a spirit of State pride will in tliis way be called 
into action that will tell well in the service, and at the same time all 
cause of complaint will be removed. I take great pleasure in submit- 
ting to your consideration for the positions indicated. Col. G. M. 
Dodge of the Fourth Iowa Infantry, Col. Nicholas Perczel of theTentl; 
Iowa Infantry, Col. M. M. Crocker of the Thirteenth Iowa Infantry, 
and Col. W. L. Elliott of the Second Iowa Cavalry, from among whom 
I hope you will be able to select the number to which our State will 
be entitled, in case our troops shall be brigaded and placed under our 
own olBcera, 



178 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Trusting this matter may receive your early and favorable atleu- 
tion. I have the honor to be 

Very respectfully your obedient servant 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWCXDD 

After waiting nearly two months, on the 10th of Febru- 
ary he writes to Senator Grimes in Washington: 

" I do not get any reply to my letters to the President in regard to 
brigading our lovva regiments and the appointment of additional 
Brigadiers from this State. I am fully satisfied that this is necessary, 
that our soldiers may have fair play; and I intend to persist in it till I 
know the thing is done or can't be done. We must look at things as 
they are. Brigadier-Generals, if not religious men, are yet generally 
believers in a hereafter to this extent— they think they may hereafter 
want votes. Xow suppose one of our regiments in a brigade, the bal- 
ance of which are from Illinois under an Illinois Brigadier. He knows 
our men can not vote for or against him when the war is over, and 
that the Illinois men can, and we may presume the human uature that 
exists inside, as well as outside the army and among Brigadiers, as 
well as olhers, will lead them to favor those who may hereafter benetit 
them at the expense of those who can't. And such I am advised is the 
fact. Our regiments under such circumstances are made the drudges 
of the brigade, ai*e not properly looked after and cared for, and the 
credit of what they do is given to others, as at Belmont. 

"It may be, the President thinks we have not fit men in Iowa. I 
wish we had better men than we have, but I feel sure Perczel, Dodge 
and Crocker are better, much better, than men from States who have 
Brigadiers' commissions now. * * * It seems to me there might be 
room made for three Iowa men, and 1 will guarantee that neither of 
the men named will believe that his first duty will be to preserve 
slavery. 

" There is a man named Brodie, a brigade surgeon, appointed from 
Detroit, of whom I am continually hearing bad accounts of his 
brutality and intemperance. Can't you cut his head off ? " 

The Governor had written this surgeon in regard to the 
neglect of our sick soldiers and got a very impudent answer, 
in which the statement was made that "it was not the duty 
of a brigade surgeon to comb the hair of the sick soldiers. " 

A long reply was sent intimating that it was his duty to 
see that it was done, and giving him such a scoring as could 
oil]} come from the Governor's trenchant and indignant pen, 
closing with these expressive sentences: 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 179 

"I speak and feel warmly on this subject. It worries me to know 
our brave boys are suffering as they have done and do, and, God will- 
ing, I will try and see to it that they are better taken care of, or know 
the reason why." 

At all times, in all places and on all suitable occasions 
during the progress of the War of the Rebellion, Governor 
Kirkwood acted on the principle, and recognized the fact, 
that it was the muskets and bayonets of the rank and file, 
and not the swords of the officers of the line and field, that 
thinned the ranks of the rebel hosts; and all his efforts were 
directed towards making those who carried those muskets 
most efficient soldiers. The brigading of them under their 
own Iowa leaders was recommended by him, not to gratify 
the ambition of aspiring Colonels, but to increase the effective 
force of the rank and file. He wanted the privates to be 
weU treated and well cared for. 

On the 14th of January, 1862, he writes Col. Shaw of 
the Fourteenth Regiment: 

" I am well assured you are doing all in your power to promote the 
comfort of your men. Allow me to suggest one thing that, possi- 
bly, may be of service. Hold your company officers to a strict ac- 
countability for the perfect cleanliness of tlieir company quarters, and 
of the clothes of their men, and for the cleanliness and good cooking 
of the food for the companies. It seems to me the company officers 
should see to these matters and should be held accountable if they are 
neglected.''' 

At a later date, writing to Col. Worthington of the Fifth 
Regiment, he says: 

"Permit me to make the following suggestions: 

"First— The treatment given to privates in the Regular Service will 
not do for the volunteers. Every company of volunteers contains 
many men equal in every respect to their officers, except in military 
])osition. These men, while always ready to yield obedience to mili- 
tary orders, and to submit to the restraints of proper discipline, are 
vet gentlemen, and expect to be treated as such. In the Regular Army 
the distinctions between the officers and privates are as marked as l»e- 
tween castes in India. All attempts to introduce such distinction in 
our volunteer force must fail, and will always produce mischief. 

"Second— They have not any very high regard for men of known 



180 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Secession antecedents or sympathies. They do aud will make a dis- 
tinction between men who are loyal and men who are disloyal in the 
treatment both of persons and property; and I confess I participate in 
that feeling, so long as the persons and property of Union men are out- 
raged and plundered by rebel troops as they have been, and so long as 
the principal occupation of Union troops continues to be the guarding 
aud protection of the persons and property of rebels as it has been, so 
long will there be dissatisfaction among our soldiers with this state of 
affairs. * * * It will be well to try a different and more stringent 
mode of treatment with rebels aud sympathizers. We have been pelt- 
ing them in the Secession apple-tree with good words and grass for a 
long time, and they ivon't come down. I think the time has fully come 
to use stones." 

On the 24th of March he writes to Senator Grimes at 
Washington: 

"How about our Brigadiers? You know I long ago recommended 
Dodge, Crocker and Perczel, and I yet think them among our best 
Colonels as you will find, as they are tried. Dodge has been tried at 
Pea Ridge ^nd has turned out just as I expected, 1 think him one of 
the very best military men in our State. Has Lauman been appointed? 
He acted manfully at Belmont and deserves it. Tuttle's charge at 
Donelson is one of the most brilliant things of this or any other war. 
I have been on the ground he charged over, and I believe that none 
but Iowa troops could have done it. Vandever did nobly at Pea 
Ridge, so far as I have learned, and all our Colonels and all our men 
will do the same when they get a chance. Can't we get some more 
Brigadiers? " 

Beneath the cold skies of Maine, on the frozen shores of 
the Atlantic, the Governor vindicates the valor, honor and 
courage of Iowa soldiers by the following letter: 

"Executive Office, Iowa, Aprils, 1863. 
''Hon. Israel Washburne, Jr., Oovernor of Maine, Augusta, Maine: 

"Sir — I have just received a certified copy of a resolution of the 
General Assembly of your State in reference to our victories in the 
West. Please accept my thanks for this compliment paid to our West- 
ern troops. 

"Permit me, however, to state, in my judgment, strict justice has 
not been done to the truops from Iowa. The troops of Illinois are 
especially selected in the resolution for commendation for their gal- 
lant conduct at Fort Donelson. Too much honor cannot be given to 
the Illinois men for their gallantry thee, unless in this case it be done 
by preferring them to the troopi of other States. The men of lUiuoie 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 181 

(Vu\ l)iavely and well, and 1 shall never seek to pluck one leaf from the 
wreath of honor they there so nobly won; but it is not true, as is im- 
plied in the resolution, that they did more bravely or better than the 
men of Iowa. There was not any better fighting done by any of our 
troops at Fort Donelson than at the right of their intrenchments. 
There the crest of a long and steep hill was crowned by well-built rifle 
pits, defended by ihree of the best regiments in the rebel service. To 
their left, some 1500 yards, was a rebel battery that swept the face of 
the hill with a cross-tire. The face of the hill had been heavily tim- 
bered, but every standing thing had been cut down and thrown with 
the top down hill in such manner as to most effectually retard the ap- 
proach of an attacking force. At that point, through the fallen tim- 
ber, exposed to that cross-fire, in face of the three rebel regiments 
behind the rifle-pits, a regiment of Western men, with fixed bayonets, 
with guns at the trail and without firing a shot, steadilj' and unswerv- 
ingly, charged up the hill and over the intrenchments, and planted the 
first Union flag in that stronghold of treason. The men who did this 
were men of Iowa. The flag borne by them, and the first planted by 
Union men in Fort Donelson, now hangs over the chair of the Speaker 
of our House of Representatives, and will soon be deposited in our 
Historical Society as one of the most sacred treasures of the State. I 
cannot, therefore, by my silence acquiesce in the implied assertion of 
your Genei'al Assembly that any other troops did better service at the 
capture of Fort Donelson than the troops of Iowa. Three other Iowa 
regiments were engaged in the same fight, and although our gallant 
Second, from the fact that they led the charge, deserved and received 
the greater honor, all did their duty nobly. Elsewhere than at Donel- 
son— at Wilson's Creek— at Blue Mills— at Belmont and at Pea Ridge 
— our Iowa men have been tiled in the firey orde il of battle and never 
found wanting. Their Avell-earned fame is very dear to our people, 
and I trust you will recognize the propriety of my permitting no suit- 
able occasion to pass of insisting upon justice being done them. 

" I have sent a copy of this letter to his Excellency the Governor of 
Illinois. Very respectfully, 

"Your obedient servant, 

"Samuel J. Kirkwood. " 

The canvass of votes showed that Governor Kirkwood 
had a majority of 20,000 over W. H. Merritt, his leading 
Democratic competitor, and 15,000 over him and all others 
voted for. 

On the 14th of January the annual message was deliv- 
ered, from which the following extracts are made. On the 



182 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

following day the inauguration took place and the inaugural 
address was delivered: 

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 



Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 

You have had conferred upon you, and j'ou have accepted the duty 
of caring for, guarding and promoting the interest of the State. This 
duty, at all times responsible, is at present much more than ordinarily 
so, for the reason that the nation of which we are a part is engaged in 
civil war, most wantonly and wickedly thrust upon us by bad and 
designing men. I doubt not you will address yourselves to the dis- 
charge of this duty calmly and earnestly, seeking wisdom and strength 
from Him who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords. 

The Constitution requires that I shall communicate to you the con- 
dition of the State, and recommend such matters as I may deem expe- 
dient, and I now proceed to the performance of that duty. 

REVENUE AND TAXATION. 

The expenditures of the last two years for all State purposes have 
been about $300,000 for each year. This includes both ordinary and 
extraordinary expenditures — the amounts expended for the Insane 
Asylum, the Penitentiary, the Blind Asyhim at Vinton, the printing of 
the Revised Statutes, and other extraordinary objects, as well as the 
amounts expended in carrying on the ordinarj^ operations of the State 
government. The expenditure has not in any case been permitted to 
exceed the appropriation, and is materially less both for the Peniten- 
tiary and Insane Asylum, and has, in all cases that have come under 
my observation, been carefully and economically made. In my judg- 
ment, there is not another State in the Union in which the protection 
of government is extended to as large a population, so widely scat- 
tered, more economically than in our own. But while this is true, it 
is equally true that our finances are not in a healthy condition. The 
report of the Auditor of State discloses the somewhat startling fact 
that of the State tax for 1860 and preceding years, there was, at the 
date of his report (the 4th day of November, 1861), delinquent and un- 
paid the large sum of about $400,000 — a sum more than sufficient to 
cover the entire expenses of our State government for one year. This 
large delinquency has occurred mainly within the last four years, and 
the same report shows there were, at the same date, warrants drawn 
on the Treasury to the amount of $103,646, which were unpaid for 
want of funds, most of which were drawing interest at the rate of 
eight per cent, per annum. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 183 

From these facts ilie following conclusions are inevitable: 1st, that 
during the last four years there has been levied a State tax larger by 
about $300,000 than the necessities of the State required; 2nd. that this 
was rendered necessary by the fact that only a portion of our people 
paid the tax due the State; 3rd, that the Stale has been compelled 
yearly to pay large sums by way of interest on warrants which need 
not have been paid had the taxes been collected promptly and the 
Treasury kept supplied with funds to meet all demands upon it; 4th, 
that the State, being compelled to purchase its supplies with warrants, 
has had to pay higher prices than if it had had the cash to pay; 5th, 
that the tax-paying portion of our people have thus been compelled to 
pay not only their proper share of the public burthens, but also the 
share of those who did not pay their taxes, increased by interest and 
high prices. These things should not be so. They reflect discredit not 
only on those of our citizens who seek to avoid their just share of those 
burdens w^hich are imposed upon all for the benetit of all, but also upon 
the laws which permit them to do so with impunity. I, therefore, very 
earnestly recommend to your attention a careful examination of our 
revenue laws for the purpose of ascertaining if they can be made more 
effective in enforcing the prompt payment of taxes. 

The leading features of a good i-evenue law, in my judgment, are: 
1st, the imposition of such penalty for the non-payment of taxes when 
due as will make it unmistakably the interest of every tax paj-er to pay 
promptly; 2nd, the assurance to the purchaser of property at tax sale 
of a valid title at the expiration of a fixed time. There is, in my opin- 
ion, much misapprehension in the minds of many persons on this sub- 
ject. Some seem to think they receive no value for the money paid by 
them as taxes, and that they are, therefore, not culpable in avoiding 
payment if they can. Others, whilst they admit there is some kind of 
doubtful obligation upon them to pay their taxes, if convenient, yet 
insist that any stringency in the laws to compel payment would be un- 
just and oppressive, and that not greater penalty should be imposed 
for non-payment than the interest allowed by law between citizens. 
These are radical errors. Every citizen is protected by the State, in 
life, liberty and property, in all he has and in all he may acquire, and 
in all his honest efforts for further acquisition; and, in return, he is 
bouud as a good citizen to render obedience to the laws, to pay 
promptly his share of the taxes necessary for the support of the gov- 
ernment, and, in time of war, if need be, to defend the government 
with his life. If he fails to perform either of these duties of a good 
citizen, he is liable to punishment, and the amount added to his taxes 
for failure of payment at the time fixed by law is not the interest due 
upon a debt, but a fine, or penalty, for the non-performance of a duty. 
Nor can anyone justly complain of this. Why should any one of our 
people claim that he should enjoy all the benefits of civil government 



184 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

and be exempt from its burthens; that he should have all these 
advantages at the expense of his neighbors? 

It may be said that some are unable to pay their taxes. This, it 
seems to me, is erroneous. The amouut of tax each one has to pay is 
in proportion to the propertj^ he has; the greater the tax, the greater 
the amount of property from which to raise means of payment. I am 
well convinced that taxes are paid most promptly by our farmers and 
by men of comparatively small means, and that there are very few of 
us who do not spend yearly for articles of luxury, which do not pro- 
mote either our health, our prosperity, or our happiness, more than 
the sum required from us as taxes for the support of the government 
that protects us. The subject of revenue and taxation assumes a 
graver interest and importance at this time, for the reason that our State 
is called upon for the first time since its admission to pay a direct tax 
for the support of the General Government. We may expect to be 
called on to pay during the present year a Federal tax of from $600,- 
000 to $700,000. This is rendered necessary by the heavy expenditures 
incurred by the General Government in preparing to put down the 
Rebellion in certain States of the Union. 

A resort to loans has been and must continue to be necessary 
to meet these expenses, and prudence and sound economy require that 
the General Government shall not be compelled to borrow money to 
pay the interest accruing upon its loans. The interest upon loans 
made and to be made must be met by actual payment, and not by in- 
curring further indebtedness. The capitalists of the counti-y have thus 
far responded nobly to the calls made upon them by the Government, 
and have given it assistance and support as necessary as that rendered 
by the soldiers in the field. Six hundred thousand gallant men, of 
whom twenty thousand are from our own State, are in arms, giving 
their labor, their health, their lives, for the country, and now the call 
comes to us who are at home, and we are asked to give a little of our 
substance to the same good cause. 

I have caused to be prepared from documents in the office of the 
Auditor of State a table, hereto appended, giving some interesting 
information touching the taxes paid by our people. It will perhaps be 
a matter of suprise to many that the taxes for the support of the State 
Government bears so small a proportion to the entire amount of taxes 
paid. It appears from this table that the whole amount of taxes for 
all purposes for 1801 was $1,700,000, and that of this amount only 
$300,000 was expended from the State Treasury for State purposes, 
while $1,400,000 were expended from the several county treasuries for 
county and other purposes. I regard this table as useful, for this, 
among other reasons, viz: that the people have been led to believe 
that the great bulk of our taxes was caused by the expenditures of the 
State Government under appropriations made by the General Assem- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 185 

bly, and they have been taught to look to a reduction of State expenses 
as the means of relief from taxation. This table shows clearly and 
conclusively that of every $5.66 paid by the people of the State as taxes, 
but one dollar reaches the State Treasury or is used for State purposes, 
while the other $4.66 are retained in the counties and used for county 
and other purposes. I would not desire our people to relax their vigi- 
lant supervision of State expenses, but I am of opinion this informa- 
tion may lead them to give as vigilant supervision to the expenditures 
of their respective counties, where equal vigilance is, in my judgment, 
equally needed. It is evident from an inspection of the table, show- 
ing the amount of taxes paid and the purposes for which paid, that if 
it be deemed desirable to decrease our present expenditures by an 
amount equal or approximating to the amount of taxes I'equired by the 
General Government, much the greater amount of such reduction must 
be made in the taxes levied for other than State purposes. * * * * 

In order to make the revenue of the State more certain, I recom- 
mend that the County Treasurers be required by law to pay the State 
Treasurer, at fixed times, certain proportions of the amount of reve- 
nue due to the State, until the entire sum for each year is paid, 
whether the County Treasurers have received the entire amount of 
State tax or not. At present the State is wholly helpless as to its rev- 
enue. It has to depend wholly upon the officers of counties for its col- 
lection and transmission, and if the county officers are inefficient, the 
State is remediless. Each county is now liable by law to the State for 
the amount of State tax assessed in it, but this liability, without any 
means of making it practicably effective, is useless. If the counties 
were required to pay the revenue due the State, whether collected or 
not, the County Supervisors would be stimulated to require of the 
Treasurer a strict performance of his duties; and if. in addition, you 
should so change the present law as to give County Treasurers, in lieu 
of salary, a per centum on the amount of money collected and dis- 
bursed, or provide for township collectors, to be paid in the same 
way, our taxes would, in my opinion, be more punctually paid. 

I also recommend that it be made the duty of the Board of Super- 
visors of each county, to employ a competent accountant once in each 
year to examine the accounts of each county officer, and state an 
account between each officer and his county, and between officer and 
officer, and also that County Treasurers and all other persons who re- 
ceive public moneys be prohibited, under severe penalties, from 
using them in any way or placing them with others to be used for their 
private benefit. 

The law of Congress imposing a direct tax for the support of the 
General Government gives to any State the privilege of collecting the 
amount of tax assessed upon its people, and allows such State to retain 
tifteen per cent, of the amount, on condition the State shall aisume 



186 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the payment of the balace of the tax. Thereupon arises the important 
question : What shall the State do in the premises? It must be remem- 
bered that if the State assumes tbe tax, the entire amount, less fifteen 
per cent, must be paid by the State, whether the State collects the tax 
or not; Keeping this in recollection, let us ascertain as nearly as may 
be our precise position. This State has expended for the General 
Government about $450,000, and has been repaid the sum of $80,000. 
The State has sold her bonds to the amount of about $200,000. The 
proceeds of said sale $184,000, and the $80,000 received from the Gen- 
eral Government have been applied to paj'ing the expenses incurred 
by the State, leaving unpaid and due wholly, I believe, to our own 
people, about $186,000, for which they hold or can receive warrants 
drawn on the War and Defense fund. If the amount expended by the 
State, which is to be reimbursed by the General Government, be 
$450,000, there is now due the State $370,000; and if the Federal tax 
should be $650,000, and the State should assume it, there would be due 
the General Government the sum of $182,500, being the entire amount 
of the tax, less the amount now due the State, and the fifteen per cent, 
for assumption and collection which must be assessed upon and paid 
by our people. 

But we must provide also for the payment of the amount due our 
own citizens. This must be done by assessing the amount as a tax and 
by either actually collecting the money and paying it to the holders of 
the warrants, or by authorizing those holding warrants to surrender 
them to the Auditor, and receive in lieu of them other warrants of the 
amount of fiye dollars each, which shall be receivable in payment of 
the Federal tax. These warrants being of small amounts, and being 
all receivable during the present year for taxes, would be nearly or 
quite at par, and would be much more valuable to the holders than the 
present ones. Should this course be deemed advisable, it will be nec- 
essary, in order to meet the demand made upon us by the Federal 
Government, to levy a tax of about $368,500, of which $182,500must be 
collected in money, and $186,000 may be paid in the warrants out- 
standing against the^'^ar and Defense Fund. Our State debt will have 
been increased by $200,000, and we will not have any money in our 
Treasury wherewith to meet further military expenses, should they 
be necessar3^ It will be observed that the sums given are generally 
estimated. Absolute precision could not in some cases be arrived at, 
but it will be found the estimates approximate very nearly the truth. 
If this should not be deemed advisable, we can present our claim 
against the General Government, receive the amount due the State, 
pay the outstanding warrants in the hands of our people, and either 
collect in mouey the Federal tax and pay it to the General Govern- 
ment, retaining the fifteen per cent, for so doing, or allow the General 
.Government to collect the whole without interference on our part. In 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 1-87 

view of the actual condition of our affairs and the want of promptitude 
with which our taxes are paid, I am inclined to favor the plan first 
recommended. If I had assurance that our taxes woiald be paid as 
they should be, I would much prefer ihe second. 

Intimatel}' connected with the subject of taxation and revenue, is 
the qnestio 1 as to the kind of money which shall be i-eceived for taxes. 
Under our present laws, specie only is receivable for public dues. 
In view of the recent suspension of specie payments by the General 
Government and the banks of the eastern States, it becomes a question 
of great importauce whether we can collect our revenue in coin. I do 
not believe we can, and I urgently recommend to you such changes in 
oiir laws as will allow the payment of taxes with United States treasury 
notes and the notes of the State Bank of Iowa. It is true the United 
States treasury notes are not payable in specie, but it is the interest of 
all loyal States and of all loyal citizens to keep them at par, and the 
receipt of them for taxes by the loyal Stales would tend much to that 
end. The State Bank of Iowa is required by the law creating it, at all 
times, to redeem its circulation in coin, and I believe it expects and is 
fully prepared to meet that requisition. If, as it seems to me we must 
and should receive for revenue the United States treasury notes not 
redeemable in specie, I cannot see the wisdom or justice of refusing to 
receive the notes of our own banks that are so redeemable, especially 
when by so doing we make the payment of taxes more easy to our 
people and more certain to the State, and at the same time aid to some 
extent in keeping in circulation among us a currency which has, and 
in my judgment, deserves the confiileuee of the people. 

MILITARY AFFAIRS. 

The report of the Adjutant General, herewith submitted, shows the 
number and description of troops raised in this State for United States 
service to be sixt en regiments of iufantr\-, four of cavalry, three bat- 
teries of artillery and one independent company of cavalry for frontier 
service. Of these the fifteemh and sixteenth regiments of infantry are 
not fully organized. In addition, Col. Koch and Col. Rankin are 
engaged in rai.-ing regiments of infantry, which if completed, will 
make the seventeenth and eighteenth regiments of that arm of the 
service. 

It is a matter of much gratification to me that our State has thus 
promptly responded to the demands made upon it by the United States 
for aid in this perilous crisis of our country's history, and it is also a 
matter of great pride to me that the troops of our State, whether tried 
in the exhausting seiwice of the camp, the march, or in the fiery ordeal 
of. the battle-field have never been found wanting, but have by their 
cheerful endurance of unaccustomed hardship and their indomitable 
valor won for themselves and our State a name which may well cause 



188 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

US to feel an honest pride in claiming in any part of our broad land, 
that our homes are in Iowa. 

At the extra session of 1861 what was supposed anaple provision 
was made to furnish the necessary funds for raising, clothing and 
equipping the volunteers that might be required from this State, by 
autht/rizing the issue and sale of our State bonds. Immediately after 
the close of that session, the necessary steps were taken to put our 
bonds in market, but before tl ey could be offered in New York the 
faith and credit of our State were most wantonly and unjustly attacked 
by certain papers in that city, so that when, under the law, the bonds 
were offered for sale, it was found entirely impossible to effect sales at 
the prices fixed by the Boai'd of Commissioners appointed for that pur- 
pose, or which would not have been ruinous to the State. No sales 
were therefore made in New York,* and an appeal was made to our 
own people to tako the bonds and furnish the means necessary to meet 
the large expenses consequent upon raising the troops called for from 
this State. The report of the loan agents herewith submitted will 
show you the amount of bonds sold by them in the State, and the 
amount of money received therefor. It will be seen that much the 
larger proportion of the bonds was taken by persons to whom the 
State was indebted and that but a small share was sold for cash. The 
result was that the officers charged with the duty of raising troops as 
required by the General Government were much embarrassed for want 
of means, being compelled to operate wholly upon credit, consequently 
to great disadvantage. Whatever could be furnished by our people 
was promptly furnished on the credit of the State, but without means 
it was impossible to procure arms, clothing and such other articles as 
our own people did not produce. After providing clothing for the 1st, 
2nd and 3rd Regiments, I found it utterly impossible to provide for 
those subsequently raised, and was compelled to rely on the General 
Government for that purpose, and although it was a matter of much 
mortification to me, to be compelled to allow our troops to leave our 
State uu-unitormed and un-armed, yet I am induced to believe the 
result has been as well for the troops and for the government. The 
troops who left our State witliout uniform, left at a season of the year 
when but little clothing was needed for comfoit, and they were pro- 
vided with uniforms in Missoui'i as speedily and more cheaply than I 
could have provided for them. The regiments which have left the State 
more I'ecently have been furnished with good clothing by the General 
Government before leaving. I have not purchased for the State the 
arms contemplated by the law passed at the extra session, for the rea- 
son that arms could be had only for money, and I had not the money 
wherewith to pay. Some arms have been furnished by the General 



♦A f«w were sold to give ttem a quotable market value — H. W. L. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 189 

Government, but not sufficient lor the security of the State, and I 
recommend the subject to your careful consideration. 

On several occasions during the past season, when the rebels had 
or appeared likely to get control in northern Missouri, much uneasi 
ness existed along our southern border lest they should attempt an 
invasion of our State, which, for want of arms, our people were not 
properly prepared to resist. Immediately after the close of the extra 
session of the General Assembly', I appointed Col. John Edwards and 
Col. Cyrus Bussey as my aids, with large discretiouary powers, to act 
for the preservation of tranquility in the southern border counties. I 
was well satisfied the peace of our State would be more easily pre- 
served by preventing invasion than by repelling it, and therefore while 
I could not order our State troops beyond our State line, instructed Col- 
onels Edwards and Bussey, and through them the troops under their 
command, that if at any time the loyal men of northern Missouri were 
in peril and called upon them for assistance, they had as full authority 
as I could give them to lead their men into Missouri to the aid ( f the 
loyal men there, and my promise upon their return that my power should 
be used to the utmost extent to protect them if called in question for 
so doing. Under these circumstances, and in some cases at the instance 
of officers of the United States, Col's Edwards and Bussey, and Col. 
Morledge of Page county, at different times led bodies of Iowa troops 
into Missouri and kept them in service there until their presence was 
uo longer needed, and I am well assured their services were highly 
valuable, not only in preserving the peace of our border and protect- 
ing our own people, but in supporting and strengthening the Union 
men of Missouri. The expenses incurred in these expeditions are, in 
my judgment, properly chargeable to the General Government, and I 
am now seeking their reimbursement. 

Great uneasiness also existed on our western and northern borders 
lest the Indians in Dacotah and Minnesota might be led by designing 
men to take advantage of the troubled state of public affairs, and 
commit depredations on our people in that region. The great distance 
of that part of the State from the place where my other duties compel 
me to keep my headquarters, and the want of the means of speedy 
communication therewith either by railroad or telegi-aph, rendered it 
in my judgment absolutely necessary that I should confer on suitable 
persons the power to act for me promptly in case of emergency as fully 
as if I were present to act in person. I accordingly conferred such 
authority on Hon. Caleb Baldwin of Council Bluffs, and Hon. A. W. 
Hubbard of Sioux City. Under this authority bodies of mounted men 
were called into service at different times for short periods, and I am 
happy to be able to state the tranquility of that portion of our State 
has been preserved. 

I cannot permit this occasion to pass without thanking Messrs. 



190 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Edwards, Bussey, Morledge, Baldwin and Hubbai'd, for their efficient 
and valuable services. 

At my request the Secretary of War authorized the enlistment of a 
company of cavalry in the service of the United States, especially for 
the protection of the northwestern border. This company has been 
recruited and mustered in, and I hope will be sufficient for the protec- 
tion of that portion of our State. 

Our troops in Missouri have suffered greatly from sickness. To 
some extent this is perhaps attributable to the want of care and prud- 
ence among the men themselves, to a change in their mode of life, to 
their eating badly cooked food, and to the fatigue and exposure of 
hard labor and severe marches, and to a much greater extent to the 
want of proper hospitals, proper comforts for the sick, proper nurses, 
and sufficient medical aid. Doubtless experience in camp life will con- 
vince our troops of the necessity of guarding their health, adapt them 
to their new circumstances and will make them better cooks; and I 
ardently hope the time will soon come when those who have the power 
so to do will provide that the labor which has prostrated so many of 
them, shall be done by the slaves of those who have forced this war 
upon the country. Proper hospitals are now provided, and the women 
of our State, foUowiug their womanly iustiuct to care for the suffer- 
ing, have been and are engaged in making and forwarding to our 
troops those delicacies and comforts not provided by the regulations, 
but so necessary and so cheeriug to the sick. I am decidedly of the 
opinion that female nurses iu our liospitals would render invaluable 
service; and I earnestly recommend that provision be made for secur- 
ing such service for the beneht of our sick and wounded soldiers. 

I am well convinced that the medical staff (a Surgeon aiid Assistant 
Surgeon), now allowed by law to each regiment, is insufficient, and ] 
have been corresponding with the proper authorities for the purpose 
of effecting a change in the law. I recommend that power be given 
the Governor to appoint an additional Assistant Surgeon for each of 
our regiments in service, to be paid by the State in case Congress shall 
not by law make the necessary provision. 

The law passed at the extra session for the organization of the 
militia, is in many respects defective, and has lieen, in my judgment, 
a hindrance instead of an aid in raising troops for the service of the 
United States If the organization of the militia is to be provided 
for by State law, a more full and perfect system must be de- 
vised. But the Congress of the United States has power "to provide 
for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, * * * reserv- 
ing to the States respectively the appointment of officers, and the au- 
thority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by 
Congress." It is probable that Congress will at the present session, 
in view of the necessities of the country, provide a complete system of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 191 

military organization for all the States, to the extent of the power thus 
conferred. It may be well to await such action until near the close 
of your session, and conform your action to such provision, if made. 

SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY FUNDS. 

The State University is now in successful operation, although much 
embarrassed for want of means arising from the non-payment of inter- 
est due on loans of its permanent fund. The enactment of laws re- 
quiring the more prompt payment of interest, and for the safety and 
better investment of the permanent fund as above suggested, will en- 
able the trustees and faculty to extend the usefulness of the institu- 
tion. I am decidedly of opinion that not only the iutei-est of the 
institution, but also the interest of the State require, that you should 
provide a military department of the University, and should establish 
a military professorship therein. The sad experience of the last few 
months has shown us the necessity of military knowledge among our 
people. By giving to the young men who may attend the University, 
military instruction and training, we will not only greatly benefit 
them, but will also have made provision for what our present experi- 
ence shows may at any moment become a necessity to our people. 
The Board of Education at their recent session directed the trustees of 
the University to make provision for a military department therein as 
soon as the General Assembly should make the necessary appropria- 
tion therefor, and I earnestly recommend the subject i o your favor- 
able consideration. 

RECLAMATION OF FUGITIVES FROM JUSTICE. 

The law in regard to the reclamation of fugitives from justice is 
indefinite as to the amount of fees to be paid to agents of this State, 
who bring back such fugitives, and as to whether it is the duty of the 
Census Board to pay such expenses in all cases. It is desirable that 
the uncertainty on these points should be removed. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Agriculture is, and for many years must continue, to be the lead- 
ing interest in our State; and any fair and legitimate aid that can be 
given thereto will tend to promote the public good. With this object 
the State has for some years paid considerable sums yearly to aid the 
Agricultural Societies of the State and counties. Whether the benefits 
that have resulted from this expenditure will justify its continuance 
during our present difficulties and embarrassments, you must decide. 
This great interest of our State may in my judgment be aided by leg- 
islation in a new direction. Hitherto our great staples for export have 
been wheat, corn, cattle and hogs The prices paid for the transpor- 
tation of these articles to New York form a large portion of their vnlue 
at that point. Indeed, wheat and corn will not bear transportation to 



192 THE LIFE AND T13IES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

that market during the season when navigation of the lakes is closed. 
Experience has, I think, conclusively shown that our State is admira- 
bly adapted to sheep grazing, and the value of wool in proportion to 
its bulk and weight is much greater, and the price of its transporta- 
tion to New York in proportion to its value, much less than that of 
our present staples. 

A great drawback upon the growing ol wool is that large numbers 
of sheep are annually killed by dogs. I therefore recommend that a 
tax be levied on all dogs in the State, and that the proceeds of the tax 
be applied to paying to owners of sheep killed by dogs, the value of the 
sheep thus killed. I would go further than this — I would exempt from 
taxation for a period of five years all sheep not exceeding fifty, owned 
by any resident of the State, and would also exempt from taxation for 
the same time all capital invested in the State in the manufacture of 
woolen goods. 

I am well satisfied that the cultivation of flax can be successfully 
and profitably introduced in our State. It is valuable not only for the 
seed, but for the lint, which under a new process is converted into 
what is called flax cotton. I am well assured that before the com- 
mencement of the rebellion, a I'emunerative price could be paid in our 
State for the flax straw, which has heretofore been an entire loss to 
the farmer, the fibre separated from the wood, and the tow transported 
to Boston and manufactured into flax cotton, which could tiairly com- 
pete in price and usefulness with the cotton of the Southern States. 
In order to stimulate our people to examine the question carefully 
and if possible, introduce among us a new and profitable branch of 
industry, I recommend that all capital invested in the manufacture 
of linseed oil or the conversion of flax straw into flax cotton, be 
exempted from taxation for five years. 

If our industry were more diversified, we would suffer less from 
fluctuations of prices of particular articles, and if as necessity requires 
and opportunity oft'ers, we become manufacturers as well as producers, 
we will increase our wealth and independence. 

I have thus endeavored to place before you the condition of the State, 
so far as, in my judgment, your action is needed for its improvement. 
Your wisdom will doubtless discover some, perhaps many, particulars 
in which legislation will be necessary that have been overlooked by me. 

The year wliich has just closed has brought to our people a new ex- 
perience, new trials, new responsibilities and new duties. Let us con- 
tinue to meet them, as we have thus far met them, with neither an 
overweening confidence in, and reliance upon, our own strength, nor 
an unmanly and craven fear for oux'selves or of the hardships we may 
endure before we win by deserving success, but with patience, calm- 
ness, unflinching courage and an abiding faith in God. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 19i 



INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 



Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 

As this is the first time in the history of our State that the same 
person has been twice elected to the oflace, the duties of which I have 
for the second time just assumed, and as the transmission to j'ou of a 
message in writing, communicating the condition of the State and 
recommending such matters as seemed to me expedient, was among 
the last of the ofRcial acts of my first term of service, it w^as for some 
time a question with me whether it was proper for me, in commencing 
my second term, to conform to the custom heretofore acted on by in- 
coming Governors of delivering an inaugural address. Upon reflec- 
tion, I did not feel at liberty to disregard what is a well established, 
and what is considered a useful, custom. 

When, two years ago, I first assumed the duties of my present 
office, 1 saw, and in my inaugural address alluded to, the bitter and 
exasperated feelings existing in certain portions of our country, which 
have since resulted in the present Rebellion, and pointed out what 
seemed to me to be some of the exciting causes of that feeling. The 
people of our country were then about entering upon one of those 
political contests by which the policy of our General Government is, 
for a time, determined; aud I expressed the belief that this angry and 
excited feeling would not result in nn appeal to arms, but that a peo- 
ple taught as ours have been to yield almost instinciively to the fairly 
expressed will of the majority would, when the feeling engendered by 
its contest had passed away, again permit the calm dictates of reason 
to resume their sway, and that we would again become a contented 
and happy nation Time has shown that my belief was erroneous, and 
yet it seems to me it was a reasonable and just belief. 

All men know well that the government against which rebellion 
would be made, if raised at all, was the government which made the 
least exactions and conferred the most benefits upon its people of any 
government in the world. All men knew well, and none better than 
those now in rebellion, that the Administration, whose accession to 
power their opponents declared they would consider cause for revolt, 
could not during their term of office, even if so disposed, inflict upon 
the defeated party any wrong. And it seemed then, and seems yet, to 
me to be a reasonable and just belief that no portion of a people, so 
intelligent as ours has claimed to be, could I'evolt against a govern- 
ment which had conferred upon them only benefits, and against an 
Admiuistration powerless to injure them. All men know, too, that 
rebellion must bring upon those engaged in it terrible calamities, if 



194 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KiRKWOOD. 

not sure destruction, and it did seem reasonable and just to believe 
that sane men would not bring upon themselves such results without 
cause. 

Yet ther-e were other things bearing upon this question which we 
did not know. We did not know, even although we were so told by 
some far-sighted men— it seemed too monstrous for our honest and 
loyal-hearted people to believe— that men whom they had delighted to 
honor, men upon whom they had conferred the high places, even the 
highest place of honor and profit and trust under our government, 
could, whilst yet holding these places and pledged in the sight of God 
and before men faithfully to discharge their trust, and with professions 
of love and attachment to our government yet warm upon their lips, 
deliberately conspire to overthrow and destroy that government which 
they were so sti'ongly bound to protect and defend. I repeat it, our 
honest and loyal-hearted people could not believe these things to be 
true: they were to them too monstrously infamous for their belief. 
They had not yet learned the bitter lesson that honesty, truth, good 
faith and loyalty were but mere words used by these men as a cover 
under which to deal, as they hoped, a fatal stab to that government 
from which they had derived all they ever had of honor or import- 
ance. Had this not been so (and although its truth has produced such 
teiTible results, I thank God our people could not then believe it pos- 
sible), I am well convinced we would to-day have no Rebellion. Had 
the occupant of the Presidential chair, for the year preceding the 4th 
day of March, 1861, and his advisers, been true men, and had they 
done their duty as such and stricken rebellion one honest, downright 
blow when first it reared its hateful head, we would have to-day 
a peaceful and united nation. But this, unfortunately, was not so. 
Treason and imbecility sat in our high places, and surrendered one 
after another the outposts of the citadel of our strength into the hands 
of Rebels, until, emboldened by success, they believed the citadel itself 
to be within their grasp. In this way the Rebellion was encouraged 
and strengthened, and thousands of men were induced to array them- 
selves upon its side from the conviction that the government was 
powerless to protect its friends or punish its enemies. 

At last, but too late, came a change of administration. Our Gov- 
ernment asserted its rights, and gave evidence of its will and power to 
.maintain them, and then came the Civil War that is now upon us.. 

I need not undertalse to point out to you the primary, cause whi.ch 
has led to this disastrous issue. Although there may have been many 
minor causes, all tending to the same end, such as the disappointed 
ambition of bad men and the lust for power, the clear common sense 
of our people has seen and accepted the fact that the one great con- 
trolling cause of this wicked Rebellion, and of all the fearful conse- 
quences which have followed and must follow from it, is the sj'Stem of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 195 

Human Slavery. Sophistry cauuot disguise tbis fact, nor argument 
illustrate it. It is patent, tangible, and sooner or later it must be 
accepted by our rulers, as well as by our people, and acted on by all. 
This baneful system, which has wrought such terrible results, was 
accepted with great reluctance by our fathers as an existing but most 
unfortunate fact, and its existence recognized and protected by them 
as such, but surrounded at the same time by influences such as they 
confidently hoped would soon eventuate in its total and peaceful ex- 
tinction. That hope has been sadly disappointed. This system, so 
reluctantly admitted into our form of government, and so antagonistic 
to its vital principles, has, like a foreign substance in the human body, 
been to the body politic a source of constant irritation, and has been 
the real cause of all the heart-burnings and ill-will among our people. 
Circumstances, not foreseen at the beginning, have fostered and 
encouraged it. It has been defended, protected and nourished by its 
votaries with a devotion almost unparalleled, until it has acquired a 
strength and power which enabled it, at first by stealthy approaches 
and then by bold attack, to seize the reins of government and control 
the policy of our people. And when peacefully and constitutionally it 
was driven from its usurped seat of empire, and the determination ex- 
pressed that for the future it should be kept in the subordination for 
which it was originally intended, it revolted and by civil war has 
sought to destroy the Republic it could no longer control, and from the 
remains to build a new one in which its empire should be absolute and 
undisputed. 

I have said that our people have seen and accepted these facts, and 
that the time must come, sooner or later, when our rulers, too, must 
see them, and when all, rulers and ruled, must act upon them. It is 
not for us to determine what that action shall be. That is the right 
and duty of others. But it is for us — it is our right and duty— to advise 
with those others, and to point out to them the course which, in our 
best judgments, should be pursued Understand me rightly. I freely 
accept, and have cordially acted upon, the theory that it is for our 
rulers to determine the policy to be pursued, and for us to sustain 
them, even if that policy should not meet our approbation. But it 
does not follow that we must not advise a change of policy, if our 
judgment teaches or experience has shown such change to be 
necessary. . 

What then, if anything, have we to advise? Let us see where we 
stand, and what are our surroundings. More than twelve months ago 
this war upon our government was begun, and it has been prosecuted up 
ti) this moment on the one side with fierce vindictiveness, and terrible 
earnestness. Nothing, literally nothing, has been allowed to stand in 
the way of the advancement of the cause for which this war- has been 
waged, by those who advocate that cause. Officers of the army and 



196 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

navy, to advance that cause have deserted their flag. Statesmen, to 
advance it have betrayed theii' trusts. Among all ranks, acts of fraud, 
words of falsehood and deeds of violence have been held good and 
honorable service, if thereby the cause might be advanced, and the 
entire energies of its advocates have been directed to that single end. 
The sole question they have asked has been: "What thing can we do 
which will most efiectually and speedily break the strength of our 
adversaries? " And when that question has been answered, they have 
as one man done that thing. How have they been met? Until the 4th 
day of March last past, not only were no steps taken to arrest their 
progress, but many of those who now are not of and with them, insisted 
ihat coercion should not be used to arrest it. After that date although 
the new admisti'ation took prompt and vigorous steps to meet the 
crises, many people in the loyal States still pi'otested against coercive 
measures to suppress i-ebellion, aud many others sought, as if expect- 
ing to find, some neutral ground on which to stand, some middle 
ground between loyalty and treason, as if a citizen couhl be loyal to 
his government who did not lend his hand to defend it when rebels 
sought to destroy it But time passed on till Sumter fell and our 
nation awoke from what appeared to be the slumber of death. With 
tiei'y zeal and generous emulation, the young men of all classes and 
all parties in the \oysd States rallied around the government, until to- 
day we have under our banner the best army the world has ever seen; 
ready and eager to meet in battle all enemies who seek the destruction 
of the Union. And yet it seems to me that we do not bring to this con- 
flict the same directness, the same unity of purpose and action our 
adversaries do. It seems to me we do not ask ourselves what one 
thing can we do that will most effectually and speedily break the 
strength of our enemies? and when that question is answei'ed, do that 
thing. It seems to me the idea still pervades and controls the minds of 
many of us that our duty requires of us not only the preservation and 
l)rotection of the Union, but the preservation and protection of slavery; 
that we have sometimes feared to strike an earnest blow against rebel- 
lion, lest that blow should fall on the head of slavery; that we regard 
slavery as an essential part of the Union itself, and that the Union 
would not be worth preserving, unless slavery could be preserved with 
and remain part of it. 

If these things be so, we are yet far from the path that will lead to 
success. Slavery, the leading cause of this rebellion, is an element of 
strength or of weakness to the rebels, just as we will it shall be. If we 
say to the slaves of rebels, we ai'e your enemies, they will remain with 
their masters aud be to them a strength and support. If we say to 
them, we are your friends, come to us and you shall be free, they will 
seek to come by thousands, and the armies now standing in battle 
array against our soldiers, will be needed at home to restrain them. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 19T 

Take the case of South Carolina. Our soldiers are to-day upon her 
soil. She has a population of about 700,000 souls, more than one-half 
of whom ai'c slaves. Experience, the best of teachers, has shown that 
these slaves want freedom, that they look upon our soldiers as friends, 
and would, if encoui'aged so to do, flock to our camps by thousands. 
As the slaves of rebel masters, their labor in the field and in the camp, 
furnishes the rebel troops witli food, and does for them much of that 
severe camp labor which exhausts the energies of the soldiers and 
brings sickness upon them. Thus rebellion is strengthened by slavery. 
Shall we continue to leave it this strength? shall we do more than this? 
Shall we continue to drive back to their rebel masters these unfortu- 
nates, and compel them to be our enemies although they wish to be 
our friends? Shall we continue to i*equire of our brave soldiers who 
have gone forth to light our battles, those exhausting labors that have 
brought sickness and death to so many of them, when these people 
stand ready and willing to lelieve them if allowed? 

It may be said that if we proclaim freedom to slaves of rebel mas- 
ters, slavery must suffer and may be extinguished. I reply: So be it. 
The friends of slavery have in its supposed interest thrust this war 
with all its evils upon the country, and upon them and upon it be the 
consequences. It maj^ be .said the slaves of loyal masters will escape 
and thus loyal men will suffer loss. This may be, probably will be so. 
But if we shall be successful in preserving our government, and put- 
ting down this rebellion, we can and will make good all losses caused 
to them by the acts of the government for its preservation. Besides, 
it is their misfortune and not our fault that they live in sections of our 
country in which the war is carried on and in which either a majority 
of the people are rebels, or the loyal men in the majority have suffered 
themselves to be prostrated and trampled on bj' the rebel minority. 
We regret their condition, we pity tlieir misfortunes, we will make 
good their losses caused by our acts for the preservation of the Union, 
but we cannot allow the Union to l)e stricken down because efforts for 
its preservation may work them present injury. War necessarily 
brings suffering and loss to the people among whom it is waged. This 
war brings sufferingand loss to the loyal people of all our States, and we 
all must bear as well and as patiently as we may, until the end, when 
it will be our duty to repair so far as we may, the losses sustained by 
loyal men because of their devotion to their country. 

I will not be misunderstood. This war is waged by our govern- 
ment for the preservation of the Union, and not for the extinction of 
slavery, unless the preservation of the one shall require the extinction 
of the other. If the war were so prosecuted that on to-morrow the 
preservation of the Union were effected and secured, I would not now 
wage the war another day. I would not now spend further treasure 
or further life to effect the extinction of slavery, although I might re- 



198 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

gret that the war of its own producing had left in it enough of life to 
leave it to be our bane and pest in ihe futui-e as it has been in the past. 
But while this is true, it is also true that if I had the power on to-mor- 
row to end this terrible strife and preserve our Union by the extinc- 
tion of slavery, while to preserve both would require a month's or a 
week's or a day's or an hour's further war; the spending of a single 
additional dollar to the loss of a single additional life; so surely as the 
Lord lives, this war would close to-morrow. No wife should mourn 
her husband, no mother her son, no maiden her lover, slain in a war 
protracted by me a single hour to preserve to rebels that which caused 
them to commence and which enables them to maintain rebellion. I 
would not believe that I had, nor do I believe that others have the 
right, although they may have the power to pi'Otract this war in order 
to preserve that which has caused the war. My deliberate convictions 
ai'e that to prosecute this war successfully, we must strike directly at 
slaverer, and that the time must soon come when every man must 
determine for himself which he loves most, the Union or slavery, and 
must act accordingly. 

In the mean time, and at all times, it is our duty to rallj' around 
and support the government. We ai'e not of those whose loyalty is 
doubtful or conditional. We do not say we will support the govern- 
ment if it adopts our views or carries out our plans, and if not, we 
will become neutral or join the enemy. We support it with hearts and 
hands and means, although we may doubt its policy, trustina: time will 
demonstrate the correctness of our views, and bring about their adop- 
tion if found correct. The giving of honest counsel and the rendering 
of faithful service make up the duty of all true men. 

The war has brought on us severe trials, and others are yet to 
come. Many of our best and bravest have died upon the battle-tield 
or in the hospital, and many more must die. Our business operations 
have been interrupted, our markets have been closed, the prices of the 
products of our industry have been lessened, we have been compelled 
to wholly forego or materially to curtail the use of some luxuries 
which, by use, had become to us comforts of life, and these things 
must continue to be. They are the inevitable attendants of war, and 
must be borne as they have been borne, bravely, unflinchingly and 
cheerfully. Life is valuable, but it is intended to be useful; and how 
can anyone make his life more useful than by giving it for his country? 
Could our own brave men who died at Wilson's Creek, Blue Mills and 
Belmont have used their lives in any other way to better purpose than 
by losing them on those bloody but glorious battle-fields? Their names 
will live after them, embalmed in the hearts (if our children and our 
children's children, as the names of men who died for their country, 
and their example will tire the hearts of generations yet to come to 
deeds of equal and as noble daring. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



199 



We are eminently a peaceful and peace loving people, and the in- 
terruption of our peaceful avocations of war and its incidents bears 
hardly upon us; but we must remember, that the only way to bring 
back and make permanently secure to us that peace we love so well, 
is to convince those who have thrust this war upon us and to convince 
all others that although we love peace much, we love our country's 
honor and the perpetuity of our Union more. But do we exaggerate 
the evils of our condition? I am well convinced that there is not in 
the world a people of equal numbers, all of whom enjoy to-day so 
many of the necessaries and of the comforts of life as are enjoyed by 
our people. In our own State our cause of complaint is not that we 
have not enough of the necessaries of life, but that we cannot get high 
enough prices for what we can spare of our superabundance; not. that 
we have not food but that we cannot sell to advantage food, we do not 

need ! 

But we will have to pay heavy taxes. True, we will and it is 
equally true we can. We have to do but one thing, and that thing we 
must do. We must give up the idea of money making to a great ex- 
tent until this war is over. We must be content to devote to the pres- 
ervation of the country a portion of all of the surplus we have been 
accustomed to lay up in years gone by. We may be required to return 
to customs and expedients for many years abandoned. We may be com- 
pelled to do as our fathers and mothers did, clothe ourselves as they did 
with the products of their farms and their own hands. What then? Our 
men will be none the less brave, loyal and loving; our women none 
the less true hearted, lovely and beloved. We may be required to do 
and may do all these things and yet suffering and want still be far from 
us. We may be required to do and may do all these things, and yet 
will not have done nearly so much as our fathers did to hand down to 
us the rich inheritance we are now striving to transmit unimpaired to 
our children. And if required, will we not do it promptly and cheer- 
fully? 

There may be amongst us a few men who know no impulse of 
patriotism, have no love of country, and can see nothing but sordid 
gain! There may be amongst us a few others who, blinded by preju- 
dice, engendered by former political strife, cannot forget that the 
Government is guided in this struggle for its life by the hands of politi- 
cal opponents, and who would rather see it perish than have it saved 
by their hands, who will cry peace when there is no peace, and who 
will endeavor to turn us from the prosecution of this war by continu- 
ally dwelling upon and exaggerating the misfortunes it has brought 
and will bring upon us. But these men are few in number and weak 
in influence. The great mass of our people see clearly and know well 
that no peace can be permanent which is made by compromising with 
armed rebels, and which will leave our present territory divided be- 



200 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 

tween jealous and hostile nations liy such boundaries as it must be ii 
not preserved in its integrity. 

I cannot close this address without paying a well deserved tribute 
to the brave men who represent our State in the great army collected 
to do battle for our country. We may well be proud of them. We 
here as officers, and all our people as citizens, should feel that there is 
much for us to do to maintain that high reputation they have won for 
our State. 

Trace the Iowa First on their weary way to Springfield; see them 
ragged and hungry but cheerful and ready; listen to their marching 
song as it rolls along the column, lending new vigor to themselves and 
their tired comrades; hear their tierce shouts and witness their daring 
deeds on the field where Lyon fought and fell; witness the heroic spirit 
of devotion and self-sacrifice with which the Iowa Third at Blue Mills 
attacked, and the bravery with which they fought the enemy in over- 
powering numbers to de'ay that enemy's retreat until expected rein- 
forcements could arrive. See the Iowa Seventh on the bloody field of 
Belmont, heading the attack and covering the retreat; witness the 
cheerful endurance, the untiring energy, the indomitable valor of all 
our troops whenever and wherever tried, and who does not feel proud 
that he too is an lowan? We owe these gallant men much. The rank 
and file of our regiments have never been surpassed. I doubt very 
much if they have ever been equaled. There is not a company in any 
of our regiments which does not contain in its ranks men who, in in- 
telligence and moral worth, are the peers of any man who hears me. 
They have left behind them the comforts and endearments of home, 
their business, their friends, their all, and have taken their places as 
privates in the I'anks with nominal pay and almost without a hope for 
honor and distinction. This is patriotism, and I repeat it "to these 
men we owe much." It is due to them at least, that all shall be done 
that our circumstances will allow to promote their health and comfort 
and I doubt not you will see to it that the debt is paid. 

When the war commenced many of us hoped that by this time it 
would have been completed, or that at least we would be able to see 
the beginning of that desirable end. But we have been disappointed. 
The rebellion had greater strength than we supposed. Obstacles have 
arisen that we had not anticipated, and the end is not yet. But these 
things should not discourage, and I am glad to say they have not dis- 
couraged us. As the greater strength of the rebellion has been devel- 
oped, we have promptly furnished the greater needed strength to put it 
down, and if need be Iowa can yet send forth many regiments as 
brave, as loyal, and as true as those that have already gone. As ob- 
stacles have arisen they have been met as brave men meet them. They 
have been trampled upon and we have passed on. And now when as 
it seems to us here that all things ai'e ready, we are waiting patiently. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 201 

but with beating hearts, for the day when the great battle shall be 
fought— listening intently, and oh! how anxiously, for the battle shout. 
"God for the right," which will on that day roll over that battlefield 
from the brave men who will be piivileged there to rally around our 
dear old flag and strike in its defense, and trusting humbly and confi- 
dently that because they will strike for the right, the God of battles 
will give us the victory! 




CHAPTER XI. 

'Gen. Fremohfs Order — Oov. Kirkwood on the Same Subject— Writes 
the President as to His Emancipation Proclamation— The Second 
Iowa— Its Flag From Disgrace to Glory — Speech by Gov. Kirkwood 
— Response by the Speaker — Congratulates Crocker — Battle oj Fort 
Donelson — News Reaches Des Moines — Scenes in the House — Senate 
Joins in the Jollification — Oen. Baker's Letter to the Speaker — Writes 
Col. Add Sanders — To Oen. Schofield and the President — The Women 
Will Help Harvest the Crops — Proclamation — Telegrams to Secretary 
of War — Governor Gets One Company too Many — Story of the 
Twins — Another Proclamation — Special Session of Legislature — 
Message. 

During the first sixty years of the present century, next 
to the Government itself, the most powerful organization in 
the country was the Democratic party, and though occasion- 
ally defeated for a short time, its recuperative energies were 
sufficient to enable it, as a factor in national politics, to soon 
rally from its temporary defeats and recover its lost power. 
The next most powerful dominating force if not as great or 
greater, was slavery. It finally proved itself the greater, for 
in the year 1860, it dismembered that party, and when that 
was accomplished, it felt itself able tp perform the same feat 
on the Government itself. And it undertook the task. 
Never was a greater truism uttered than that by Abraham 
Lincoln in 1858, when he declared that there was "an irrepres- 
sible conflict between freedom and slavery; that this Govern- 
ment could not long exist half free and half slave; that the 
final triumph in this conflict could only terminate in the total 
surrender of one of these forces to the other. ' ' 

When the rebellion broke out and the first calls for troops 
were made to put it down, the idea that these troops were to 
strike a blow at slavery, was strongly and emphatically neg- 
atived on all sides, at all times, in all places, and by all par- 

202 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 203 

ties. In fact the troops raised to crush the unholy rebellion 
were called upon too often to stand guard over slavery, to 
prevent it from hurting itself, or its open or secret enemies 
from hurting it. 

General Freemont wat. the rirst man to become sensible 
of the fact that the best way to crush the rebellion was to 
crush its original moving cause, and in furtherance of this 
idea, on the 31st of August, 1861, from his headquarters at 
St. Louis he issued his famous order, one section of which 
reads thus: 

^'The property, real and personal, of all persons in the 
State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United 
States, or who shall be indirectly proven to have taken active 
part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confis- 
cated to public use; and their slaves, if any they have, are 
hereby declared to be free men. " 

This brought forth a howl of indignation from southern 
slave owners and their northern sympathizers, and weakened 
those who were trying to sustain the Government with one 
hand and slavery with the other, and this latter class was far 
too numerous. 

So great a pressure was brought to bear upon the President, 
that he caused this order to be modified, but its issuance cost 
the general his position. 

The next person to take a bold stand on this question was 
Governor Kirkwood, and that was done in his inaugural mes- 
sage, delivered four and a half months after the promulga- 
tion of Fremont's order. This message was a document no 
military order could revoke or modify, and no superior ofli- 
cer could change. It was greeted with satisfaction by all 
who were dissatisfied with Fremont's removal. It created 
some excitement, called forth much comment, as well as 
Copperhead denunciation. Copies of it were sent for by 
parties in other States who were in sympathy with the Gov- 
ernor on the questions it discussed, and it did much to edu- 



204 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

cate public opinion and prepare the way for the issuing of 
the President's proclamations that succeeded it the following 
September and January. 

It was the first State paper that looked to, and opened 
and prepared the way for the final and utter extinction of 
slavery. 

As late as the 2nd of February, 1863, Gov. Kirkwood 
writing to the President says, "The proclamation issued by 
you on the 1st of January last, was an act the most import- 
ant you have ever performed, and more important than in all 
human probability you will ever again perform." 

The President in reply might have said, ' 'your last inau- 
gural message was the most important document that ever 
came from your pen, and in all probability you will never 
pen its equal." 

ONE OF NAT BAKER'S JOKES ON THE GOVERNOR. 

While the companies of the Fourteenth Infantry were 
being first rendezvoused at Davenport, in the summer of '61, 
and before the regiment had been organized, Governor Kirk- 
wood was suddenly called from Iowa City to Davenport on 
business, expecting to return home the next day, but was 
suddenly called from there to Dubuque, where he met W. T. 
Shaw, who had been appointed its colonel, telling him the 
sad state the regiment was in — unorganized, its companies un- 
lettered, with no one in command of it — and urging him to 
go at once to his regiment, as it was distressingly in need of 
him. The Colonel replied that he must go home first, as he 
had been gone several days and had not a change of linen 
with him. The Governor rejoined: 

"It is not an officer in fine linen, freshly laundered, that the regi- 
ment needs, but one with regimental authority to command it and 
keep it in order, and it needs that badly. You have got that, and you 
must go down at once and use it. They need that a great deal more 
than you need a clean shirt." 

The Colonel and Governor left Dubuque together, and 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 205 

the former entered at once upon his duties ; but the latter had 
an urgent call to go to Burlington, where he went, remaining 
a few days and returning home by way of Davenport. 
Entering the Adjutant-General's office the General says: 
"Governor, Shaw has gone home and left his regiment." 
The Governor says: "He should not have done that. What 
did he go home for?" The General replied: "He said every 
man he m(!t that was not personally acquainted with him, 
after looking at his shirt, called him Governor Kirkwood, 
and he had borne that thing as long as he could stand it." 
As the weather was such that perspiration and shirt collars 
were at war with each other, with victory always on the 
former's banner, and his had seen several days' service with- 
out a change, the Governor was in a condition to appre- 
ciate the joke. 

The battle of Fort Donelson, resulting in the surrender 
and complete capture of this stronghold, occurred on the 
16th day of February, 1862. It was among the first victo- 
ries of the war, and the very first complete victory in which 
Iowa troops had participated. While they had fought nobly 
and gallantly at Wilson's Creek and in the bloody battle of 
Belmont, and had established the fact that they were coura- 
geous and brave and in the line of duty could boldly march 
up to the cannon's mouth, it was not till they reached Don- 
elson that they became complete masters of the field over 
which they fought. The Iowa Legislature was then in 
session, and the news of the battle reached Des Moines the 
next day. Both Senate and House were in session, and the 
scene as it occurred in the House is thus described by Hon. 
Charles Aldrich, who was then its Clerk, in an article pub- 
lished in the Historical Record: 

"I was calling the roll, when I saw Hon. Frank W. Palmer, then 

State Printer and editor of the Register, enter the hall in a manner be 

•tokening great excitement, and glide along rapidly and noiselessly 

outside the circle of seats and into the Speaker's desk. In an instant 

the Speaker, Hon. Rush Clark, of Johnson, sprang to his feet, in the 



206 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

very midst of a roll call, shoutiug at the top of his sonorous voice, 
' General Grant has captured Fort Donelsou ! ' Then followed a scene 
which, in the language of highly-wrought novels, 'beggars all descrip- 
tion.' The members sprang to their feet with the wildest cheers and 
loudest hurrahs that ever woke the echoes of the old Capitol building, 
* * * The members went fairly wild, hugging each other, shaking- 
hands, cheering, and in every possible manner giving way to ex- 
pressions of extravagant delight. In a few seconds the Senators, 
startled by the noise and confusion, came rushing in and joined in the 
scene, expressing their exultant delight.'' 

As soon as order was restored, the House 

Resolved, That the Secretary of State be authorized to bring out the 
big gun and fire a salute of thirty-four rounds from Capitol Hill in 
honor of the glorious victory achieved in the capture of Fort Donelson 
and its 15,000 men. 

The House adjourned to meet at 7 o'clock in the even- 
ing, but when met were too jubilant over the victory to 
settle down to business, when they immediately adjourned, 
and went to the Des Moines House, then the leading hotel in 
the city, where a banquet had been prepared, around which 
they could give further vent to their feelings of joy. 

After partaking of the viands spread to refresh the '•'in- 
ner man," speeches were made to refresh the ''loyal man." 
Mr. Aldrich, who was one of the participants at the feast, 
says: 

"Among the speakers at that noisy table, of whom my recollection 
is most distinct, was our illustrious War Governor, Samuel J. Kirk- 
wood. His blood had been at a very high temperature over the Trent 
affair, in which Mason and Slidell had been captured and afterwards 
given up, and the inspiration of the occasion did not, in the least, tend 
to cool him off. In the midst of his remarks, every word weighing a 
pound, while the perspiration freely run down his rugged face, he 
said: 'Parents should rear their children to hate Old England. If. I 

had a,5oai- .' Just opposite the Governor sat poor Redfield, then a' 

Senator from Dallas county, a graduate of Yale, a glorious.fellow.w.ho 
afterwards 'foremost fighting fell' before Atlanta. When the Gover- 
nor reached this point, Redfield could not restain his enthusiasm, but, 
Ininging his fist down upon the table with the force of a sledge ham- 
mer, exclaime4: 'By' — :-, Governor, you shall have one!' This.dem- 
onsti-ation brought dawn the house. The Governor did not finish the 
seaj-tence. 1 must confess that my memory is misty concerning, the 




^^y(r/3, fh-^u^^ 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 207 

remainder of this speecli. I believe he soon yielded the tiooi- to some 
one else, but his look of sternness while uttering the words I have 
quoted I have never forgotten. It was more than a joyful time. 
Every Democrat in the Legislature was a 'War Democrat,' whatever 
he may have been twenty-four hours before." 

The next day the following dispatch was sent to the 
Speaker: 

"Chicago, Feb. 19, 1862. 
" The Second Iowa acquitted themselves with great bravery at Fort 
Donelson — led the best and most successful charge — have suffered 
terribly. Besides the Second, there were the Seventh, Tenth, Eleventh, 
Twelfth and Fourteenth Iowa Infanti-y in the fight. The friends of 
Cols. Tuttle, Launian, Perczel, Hare, Wood and Shaw will rejoice 
that the glory of the fight and the victory belongs and is attached to 
their names and to the bx'ave officers and soldiers under them. 
Another glorious page has been recorded in the history of Iowa by her 
gallant troops in the field. With great respect, I have the honor to 
rejoice in the glory of Iowa and the triumph of Union men. 

"N. B. Baker, 
"Adjutant-General of Iowa." 

But there is another and a gloomy act in the Fort Donel- 
son drama. The victory was won at a cost of 600 of our 
brave boys killed or severely wounded. One Iowa company 
that went in to the fight with eighty men, came out with but 
six. In many an Iowa home the tears of grief were trickling 
down over the cheeks of sorrow, and the sobs of anguish were 
mingling with the hoarse winter winds, for fathers, brothers, 
sons and lovers slain, and for other fathers, brothers, sons 
and lovers suffering from painful wounds and want of care. 
They were where no mother's kindly hand and voice or sis- 
ter's tender sympathies, or lover's inspiring look could reach, 
them. That their sufferings should be relieved as soon: as. 
possible, the Legislature sent a commission of medical men. 
to look after and care for them, and make provision for their 
comfort. Governor Kirkwood took with him Surgeon-Gen- 
eral Hughes and they accompanied the commissioners, for 
he could not rest till all had been done for the boys .that 
could be, for he felt for them all the anxiety of a father. . ; 



208 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. • 

The General Assembly placed at his disposal $3,000 ''to 
provide for supplying the wants of the soldiers of the several 
Iowa regiments." 

HISTORY OF A FLAG — FROM DISGRACE TO 

GLORY— A STIGMA WIPED OUT WITH 

COURAGE AND YALOR. 



The Second Iowa Volunteer Infantry was the first regi- 
ment enlisted in the State for the three years service, and no 
regiment was better officered than it. Four of those who 
were its colonels in succession, S. R. Curtis, James M. Tut- 
tle, J. B. Weaver and M. M. Crocker, became generals, and 
the two who did not reach that rank died of wounds received 
in the battle of Corinth. While it was exceedingly well 
"officered," it was equally as well "privated, " f or its ranks 
were filled from our best class of citizens in some of the 
older counties of the State. 

They were mustered into service the last of May, and un- 
til the next February were on duty mostly in Missouri, their 
last service in that State being the guarding of Rebel pris- 
oners in the McDowell Medical College in St. Louis. While 
performing this latter duty, some articles were stolen from 
the museum of the college, and as the person, or persons, 
who did the stealing could not be found out. the punishment 
for the theft was inflicted upon the whole regiment, and 
punishment was inflicted in an order issued by Gen. Ham- 
ilton, commandant of the post, declaring that the march of 
the regiment from camp to the place of embarkation to be 
taken to Fort Donelson should be made without the tap of a 
drum, the blast of a bugle or the note of a fife, and with 
furled and undisplayed banner. The regiment was dis- 
graced. Their flag was hiding its bright stars and brilliant 
stripes — emblems of a country's glory and a nation's pride 
— and no patriot's eye was permitted to greet, or soldier's 
enthusiasm to cheer, them. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 209 

At the time the regiment was drawn up in line before the 
college it had been guarding, preparatory to its march to the 
river, when the order disgracing it was to be read, a young 
lady appeared with a large wreath of flowers to be presented to 
the regiment and attached to and adorn the flag as a tribute 
from loyal citizens to the regiment for its valor, its loyalty 
and good conduct while in St. Louis. 

The flag going down in disgrace carried the wreath along 
with it. 

To say that both oflicers and privates were indignant is 
expressing it too mildly. They were mad, almost fighting 
mad. A war of words between Col. Tuttle and Gen. Hamil- 
ton failed to procure a revocation of the order. It was an 
outrage. It was like hanging a man for murder on suspi- 
cion — on public rumors, without the intervention of judge or 
jury. It was punishing a thousand men for what but a few 
could possibly be guilty, and in the absence of proof that 
even one of that thousand was guilty. 

The privates who took the few articles from the museum 
were regarded as vile culprits, while the officers who took the 
whole college, museum and all from its Rebel owner were 
regarded as patriotic heroes. 

Col. Tuttle appealed to Gen. Halleck for justice, and all 
the response he could get from him was, ^'Go to the front; 
Gen. Grant shall give you a fighting chance, and no man 
will, if you prove heroes, be so quick to let the country 
know it as myself." They "went to the front.'* They ''got 
a fighting chance." Through the abattis, up the steep ascent 
and over the intrenchments of Donelson. in the face of a 
furious storm of iron hail and leaden rain, with comrades 
falling all around them, they carried that flag till it was 
proudly, triumphantly planted on the inlrenchments from 
which the Rebels had been driven, and there it was permitted 
to wave over the humiliating white flag of capitulated foes 
On its way there, Color-bearer Dooliltle falls pierced 



210 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

with four balls. The disgraced banner is then taken by 
Corporal Page, who soon falls dead. Again it was raised by 
Corporal Churcher, who had the strong right arm that bore 
it broken by a ball. It was then grasped by Corporal 
Twombley, who, though knocked down by a spent ball, 
arose and gallantly carried the glorious banner to the end of 
the fight. Thus in less than a week from the time it was in 
disgrace at St. Louis that disgrace was wiped out in a blaze 
of glory by the brave boys, of whose courage and valor it 
was a proud emblem. 

True to his promise, Gen. Halleck let the country know 
the boys had "proved themselves heroes," for only three 
days after the battle he telegraphed Adjutant-General Baker, 
' 'The Second Iowa Infantry proved themselves the bravest of 
the brave. They had the honor of leading the column that 
entered Fort Donelson." 

No one felt more keenly the reproach heaped upon this 
regiment than did Governor Kirkwood, and he wrote to Gen. 
Hamilton as follows: 



Executive Department, Iowa, 
Des Moines, Feb. 17, 1862. 



Schuyler Hamilton, Brigadier- General, Vols., U. S. A., 
Commanding St. Louis Dist., St. Louis. Mo.: 

Sir— I received your letter of the 10th inst , enclosing special 
Nos. 28 and 30, dated on the 9th and 10th inst., in relation to the Sec- 
ond Regiment Iowa Infantry. The former of these orders commends 
that regiment very highly for their conduct to certain prisoners that 
were for a long time in their custody. The latter is intended to throw 
dishonorable reflection thereon on account of the robbing and destruc- 
tion committed by its members on the museum. 

After mature reflt etion, I cannot consent to retain these orders in 
my possession or to place them on the files of this department, and 
therefore return them with the letters enclosing them. My reasons for 
so doing are that by retaining and filing these orders I would, to some 
extent, admit the justness of the imputations contained in the latter 
order. This I ca'inot do, and there is, therefore, no other course open 
for me to pursue than the one indicated. The good name of her 
■soldiers is very dear to the people of Iowa, and undeserved disgrace 
shall not by any act of mine attach to this or any other regiment or to 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 211 

any individual of the brave men she has sent out to fight the battles of 
the country. 

It appears, both from the order itself and your letter, that but a 
very few members of the regiment could have been guilty of the acts 
on which the order was based, and it does not appear but that persons 
entirely outside the regiment may have committed these acts. There 
are very many members of that regiment whose standing socially, 
morally and intellectually is equal to yours or mine, who feel an im- 
[)Utatiou upon their honor as keenly as either of us can do, and I must 
1)6 permitted to say that, in my judgment, it is harsh and cruel to sub- 
ject them to the pain of humiliation and disgrace in consequence of 
acts not committed by themselves and the commission of which by 
others they could not prevent. The feeling produced by undeserved 
punishment is never a healthy one and cannot produce desirable 
I'esults. * * * 

I trust that measures may be taken to relieve the regiment from 
the imputation cast upon it. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
Samuel J. Kirkwood. 

Governor Kirkwood also wrote Gen. Halleck in regard to 
it. But the blood of the brave boys who bore it blotted out 
the stain upon their banner more completely than a deluge of 
ink from the pen of a major-general could possibly do it. 

During the session of the Legislature the flag was deliv- 
ered by Col. Tuttle to Hon. R. D. Kellogg, a member of the 
House, who was one of the three persons sent to Fort Donel- 
son to look after the wounded and sick soldiers, with the in- 
junction that it be placed over the Speaker's chair till the end 
of the session and then be deposited in the archives of the 
State Historical Society. 

The presentation was made with imposing ceremonies. 
The Senate in a body and the United States officers were 
invited to be present. 

The Sergeant-at-Arms announced ''His Excellency the 
Governor and his staff bearing the flag," and upon their 
entrance the audience arose to their feet. 

His Excellency then proceeded to the Speaker's desk and 
thereupon presented the flag to the Speaker with the fol- 
lowing remarks: 



212 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Mr. Speaker:— The Second Iowa Regiment have sent by the com- 
mission that visited Fort Donelson to look after our wounded soldiers 
there, the flag borne by them on that bloody but glorious day, when 
(lur troops first entered that stronghold of rebellion, with the request 
that it hang over your chair until the adjournment and then be depos- 
ited in the State Historical Society, and I have been selected to perform 
the very pleasant duty of presenting the flag to you in accordance with 
that request. 

I have been on the ground over which our brave men bore this flag 
on that trying day. I have traced their steps over that battlefield, 
and it will always be a marvel to me that human hearts and human 
hands could have borue it as it was borne, proudly and defiantly, amid 
the terrible difliculties and the storm of battle it there breasted and 
ovei came. But the men who bore it w ere the men of Iowa. They had 
strong hands and brave hearts, they knew that the hopes and fears, 
the prayers and tears of fair women and brave men went with them, 
they knew they fought for God and their country, and they conquered, 
and the flag I now present, first ;imong all borne by loyal hands, 
waved in triumph over the entrenchments of Foi't Donelson. This is 
not the flag of a regiment merely, nor does it bear the arms of our 
State, it is the flag of our counti^y, it bears upon its folds Stars and 
Stripes, all the Stars and all the Stripes, the same old flag bequeathed 
to us by our forefathers, very dear to us both because of those from 
whom it came and of what it has given us, and which we intend, God 
willing, to transmit to our children with never a star or stripe the less. 
It symbolizes to us not only the ai'deut patriotism, the patience, endur- 
ance and the fiery valor of those who bore it first of all over the en- 
trenchments of Fort Donelson, but, more and better, it symbolizes to 
us the virtues of those who formed it, the blessings it has secured to us 
and the dearest hopes for liberty throughout the world. 

I now commit it to your hands. But by this pageant we have not 
discharged our trust and duty. We owe it to the flag, and to the brave 
men who have borne it and died for it, that we devote all we have, 
hearts, hands, minds and means, to the good cause till it shall again 
wave over our country and our people. 

The speaker, Hon. Rush Clark, received the flag, sus- 
pended it over his chair, and responded as follows: 

Hail to the flag of our country! Emblem of our nation's glory, 
the honored escutcheon of a free people! Let our flag wave evermore, 
with all the Stars and all the Stripes! What tongue can now add to 
its renown? What mere words tell of the achievements written upon 
its ample folds? Who, of men so high as to refuse our flag his rever- 
ence? What nation so proud or powerful as to dare insult it? 



THE LIFr- AND TIMES OF SAMTEL J. KIRKWOOD. 213 

Haii to the flag of the Iowa Second, thrice honorable! so gallautlj' 
upheld, so nobly defended. Who would blush to be its future custo- 
dians? 

Sir. to say in behalf of the members of this House that we are flat- 
tered by this lofty work of the confldence of Iowa soldiers, they too 
• the bravest of the brave," would but meanly convey to you and them 
the depth of intense pride which this token brings us. We are proud 
that the State which we represent has such a regiment as that which 
followed and defended this flag. We are proud that the people who 
.sent us here have sent to the field such sons and brothers as answer to 
the muster rolls of the Iowa Second. We are proud, too, that the3'^are 
a portion of the constituency we serve. Permit us, sir, through you, 
to say to the gallant officers and soldiers of the Iowa Second that we 
accept this earnest of their regard as a thing priceless as our honor. 
We have been taught from our infancy (o regard this symbol of our 
nationality with the respect due from loyal and patriotic men. We 
have looked upon it in boyhood and in mauhooil as the token of 
our liberties. We have read upon it the consecrated history of a revo- 
lutionary struggle for freedom, blood stained and full of woe to our 
suffering forefathers. We have learned how the tri-colored banner 
was first flung to a summer's breeze under the shadow of Bunker Hill, 
and we have followed it in history through many mighty struggles, and 
we never found it trailed in the dust of dishonor. It remained for the 
volunteer soldiery of our gallant State to add to the familiar list we 
read upon its folds those other names, "Wilson's Creek," "Blue 
Mills," "Belmont," and last but most significant, "Donelson." 

The va orous deeds of the Iowa Second are already a part of our 
national history and make up one of its most brilliant pages. It would 
be vain to rehearse them now. The unfaltering onset of these gallant 
men is written in the sleepless memory of a million free men. Noth- 
ing can be abated, none of their acl.it vements forgotten. 

This standard is no idle curiosity, no mere relic of the past. Its 
folds, riddled by the murderous lead of rifles of an enemy poisoned by 
the hate that only a fratricidal foe can feel, tell of scenes of carnage 
that have few parallels, and of dauntless, unflinching bravery that 
challenges the history of the world. We only know that the unwaver- 
ing advance of the Iowa Second at Donelson was as resistless as the 
sweep of the toi'nado. 

These gloi'ious colors were borne forward amidst the leaden rain, no 
man faltering, no man fearing, but still pressing forward in the face 
of a stubborn and desperate foe, till the brave work was done and the 
splendid charge rewarded with a prize significant of the highest vindi- 
cation of our country and our cause. 

Here the human heart bids us pause to speak of those who have 
followed the flag of our country for the last time. Who would not die 



214 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

as they? A grateful country has given them a hallowed and undying 
memory, and a generous State mourns for them in public silence. 
They are enshrined in the great heart of a free people. 

Sir, we will see that these colors are handed down to the free men 
who will come after us, as a precious part of our State's proud his- 
tory. Let these colors be as sacred to them as "the last bequest of a 
sainted mother!" Let the gallant volunteers in all coming time draw 
from the memory that^ clings to these colors, the spirit of the heroic 
men that followed them to lind a soldier's grave before the entrench- 
ments of the enemies of their country's liberties. May the grey haired 
old man pause uncovered at the niche where this flag may be pointed 
out, and let him there relate to the youth beside him the events which 
rendered these colors immortal. Let that 3'outh be told of the gener- 
ous love a loyal State beai's to its gallant soldiery, and let him there 
be taught "to defend the flag and obey the Constitution of his country." 

The exercises were concluded by singing the "Star 
Spangled Banner." 

On the 24th of March the Governor writes Senator 
Grimes in Washington: 

"How about our Brigadiers? You know I long ago recommended 
Crockei', Dodge and Ferczel and I j'et think them among our best col- 
onels as you will And when they are tried. Dodge has been tried at 
Pea Ridge and has turned out just as I expected. I think him one of 
the very best military men in the State. Has Lauraan been appointed? 
He acted manfully at Belmont and deserves it. Tuttles charge at 
Donelson is one of the most brilliant of this or any other war. I have 
been on the ground he charged over, and I believe that none but Iowa 
ti'oops could have done it. Vaudever did nobly at Pea Ridge, so far 
as I have learned, and all our colonels and all our men will do the 
same as they get the chance. 

"Can't we get some more Brigadiers? What is the situation about 
Washington generally? Don't things look more hopeful? Take time 
to write me a long letter showing just how things stand. I thank you 
for your speech on the navy and the gallant Foote. He is a man all 
over." 

After the battle of Pittsburg Landing he visited that 
place to look after the care of sick and wounded soldiers, 
and see that they had proper attention. 

Writing to Col. M. M, Crocker, a month afterward, he 

says: 

Dear Col.:— My nephew, Lieut. W. W. Kirkwood, is at my house 
very sick. His recovery is veiy doubtful, his disease typhoid fever 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 215 

arising from camp diarrhea contracted at Fort Donelson. But for this 
I would have been iu Washington and urged your promotion person- 
ally. I have written the President and our delegation in your favor. 
Permit me to congratulate you on your conduct at Pittsburg Land- 
ing. Every one speal;s of you in the highest terms and none more 
highly than I am satisfied you deserve. I think nothing will prevent 
your promotion, unless it be determination not to appoint any more 
Brigadiers. 

About the same time he writes Col. Add H. Sanders of 
the Sixteenth: 

"I have not any fear for you or the regiment. I did not, however, 
supposL! the regiment would have done as well as it ilid under the cir- 
cumstances, as new as it was, without any opportunity for regimental 
drill, without any experience in the use of arms, it is a wonder to me 
they stood at all, but Iowa pluck carried them through as it did the 
Fifteenth. Say to the boys one and all, I am delighted with them and 
expect to hear further from them in the next battle. I am fearful iu 
regard to their health. I hope you will insist on the line officers giving 
personal attention to everything that may tend to pi\'vent sickness 
this is very important, and I sometimes fear a much neglected part of 
their duty.'" 

To Gen. Schofield, commanding United States and Mis- 
souri State troops, he writes in relation to troubles on Iowa's 
southern border: 

"Yo'.rs in regard to escaped criminals in this State is received. 
From a letter received from Go pernor Gamble I am led to believe he 
will not make any effort for their reclamation. 

"You may rest assured that the civil officers of the United States 
shall receive all the assistance in my power to give Ihem, and I trust 
the proper steps may be taken to that end. We cannot understand 
here why men who are guilty of the greatest crimes committed since 
Christ was crucified, should be permitted to live in peace and quietness 
with those whose brothers and sons they have murdered. Trusting 
you will take such steps as may be necessary, I remain 

"Ver3' respectfully your obedient servant, 

'SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD." 

His Excellency the President: — By reason of my absence from home 
the telegraphic dispatch of Gov. Morgan, requesting my signature to 
the letter of the governors of the loyal States to you, requesting you to 
call for three hundred thousand more volunteers, did not reach me un- 
til the 5th inst., too late to permit me to attach my name to the letter. 
But for this my name would have accompanied those of the governors 



216 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

of the othei- States, and I now assui-e you that the State of Iowa in the 
future as in the past, will be prompt and ready to do her duty to the 
country in the time of sore trial. Our harvest is just upon us, and we 
have now scaixely men enough to save our crops, but if need be our 
women can help harvest them. I am anxiously awaiting the requisi- 
tion of the Secretary of War. I will be in Washington next week, 
when I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you. 

Very respectfully your obedi nt servant, 

SAMUEL. J. KIRKWOOD. 
Iowa City, July 7, 1862. 



Executive Office, 
July 9, 1862. 



PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNOR. 



To the People of Iowa: — I have this day receiveil from the Secretary 
of War a telegram, requesting me to raise as soon as practicable for the 
United States service, for three years or during the war, five regiments 
of volunteer infantry, being a part of the quota of this State under the 
late call of the President for 300,000 men. 

The preservation of the Union, the perpetuity of our government, 
the honor of our State, demand that this requisition be promptly met. 

Our harvest is upon us and we have feared a lack of force to secure 
it, but we must imitate our brave Iowa boys in the field, meet new 
emergencies with new exertions. Our old men and boys unfit for war, 
and if need be our women, must help to gather our harvest, while 
those able to bear arms go forth to aid their brave brethren in the 
field. The necessity is urgent. Our national escutcheon is at stake. 
The more promptly the President is furnished these needed troops, the 
more speedily will this unholy rebellion be crushed, and the blessings 
of peace again visit our land. Until then we must expect the hard- 
ships and privations of war. The time has come when men must make, 
as many have already made, sacrifices of ease, comfort and business 
for the cause of the country. The enemy by a sweeping conscription 
have forced into their ranks all men capable of bearing arms. Our 
Government has as yet relied upon the voluntary action of our citi- 
zens, but if need be the same energies must be exerted to preserve our 
government that traitors are using to destroy it. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

TELEGRAM. 

Davenport, August 11, 1863. 
no7i. Edivin Stanton, Secretary of War: — * * * j ^yjii have ten 
regiments instead of five uider your requisition of July 8th. They 
will be full this week. You must accept them as volunteers. They en- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 217 

listed to avoid the disgrace of a draft, as they consider it, and it will 
not do to refuse them. Answer at once. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

TELEGRAM. 

Davenport, August 20, 1862. 
Eon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of PTar:— 1st. There are enough 
companies now full and that will be filled by the 23rd, to fill eighteen 
to twenty regiments. Our whole State appears to be volunteering. 

2nd. The companies are now coming into rendezvous as rapidly 
as I can furnish blankets for them. Could have them all in next week 
if I had blanket-, and could build quarters fast enough. Have blankets 
for only five regiments 

3d. I don't want any further time than the 23d. All I want is to 
put into regiments all the companies full on that day. If I don't get 
this permission I will have to volunteer myself and leave the State. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In filling up the last regiment there was a surplus of one 
company, and the question was which one of the eleven was 
to be the supernumerary and be left at home, for all wanted 
to go. In making a speech to them, the Governor said he 
was in as bad a dilemma as one of his old Ohio friends found 
himself. A couple of brothers by the name of James and 
Joseph Jenkins were living together, James newly married 
and Joseph single. In process of time James' wife spent her 
leisure moments in making small clothes for a young stranger 
whom she expected to come and live with her. During a 
temporary absence of the bachelor brother, the little stranger 
arrived, and his little twin brother came with him. On Jo- 
seph's return he found his brother in a state of great excite- 
ment almost going crazy, and he says, "What's the matter 
Jim, ain't Sally doing well?" "Yes, Sally's doing well 
enough." "Is anything wrong with the baby? " " No the 
baby's all right." "Well, what's the matter then?" "Mat- 
ter! matter enough, Sail's got two babies and she's got clothes 
for only one of them." 

Now, says the Governor, you can appreciate my dilemma 
in calling for only ten companies and getting eleven when 
I have places and clothes for only ten. 



218 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 

The quota of this State of the 300,000 volunteers called for by the 
President on the 2d of July last is 10,570. 

The quota of this State of the 300,000 militia required to be drafted 
by order of the President 4th of August insiant is 10,570. 

The quota of the first call is over full by the proirpt and patriotic- 
response of our people within the last few weeks. I am satisfied thai 
from fifteen to twenty thousand men are now organized into compa- 
nies awaiting organization into new regiments, and I am urging upon 
the War Department the acceptance of the whole number, and that 
our State be credited with the excess upon the second call for drafted 
men. But the War Department refuses, as yet, to give us such credit 
until the number of men required to fill the old regiments (8,005) shall 
have been furnished. 

These men for the old regiments ai'e sorely needed, and the cause of 
the country is better served by filling the old regiments than by raising 
new ones. 

The ofiicers and men of the old regiments have gained a knowledge 
of their duties by experience in the field, aud new recruits joining 
their regiments have the benefit of this knowledge gained by their 
oSicers and comrades. An old regiment filled up with new recruits is 
more effective at the end of two weeks than a new regiment at the end 
of two months. In order, then, to get the credit due our State for the 
excess furnished over the first call, and in order to give the country 
this most effective assistance and sorely- needed help, we must fill up 
the old regiments. We can do this by volunteering until the first of 
September. If not done by that time the deficiency will be supplied 
by special draft, in addition to the draft under the second call. 

I appeal, then, to every man for aid. Let everything else be laid 
aside until this needed woi'k is ilone. Let the young men whose 
brothers and friends are in the old regiments take their places by their 
sides. Any person desiring to enter an old regiment can select the 
regiment and company he chooses, and then go with his acquaintances 
and friends. 

So deeply am I impressed with the imperative necessity of filling 
the old regiments that I will, at the extra session of the General Assem- 
bly to convene on the third day of September, i ecommend to that body 
the creation of a State bounty, of such sum as may be deemed advis- 
able, to all persons who shall, before the first day of September next, 
enlist in any one of the old regiments of this State. 

I also earnestly advise all companies no\v incomplete, and which 
will not certainly be completed by the 23d instant, to abandon their 
attempt at organization as companies and enlist for the old regi- 
ments. * * * 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 219 

In a postscript of a letter to the President August 21st, 
the Governor writes: 

"I am satisfied Iowa has to-day not less than eighteen, and, I be- 
lieve, twenty, new regiments ready for organization, in addition to the 
twenty-one now in the field. '^■''- ' 

This would make 40,000 men raised in the State in six- 
teen months, and this number reached 50,000 before the first 
day of January following. 

Writing to Geo. W. Handy, an orderly sergeant, he says: 
" I have just received a letter, signed by some others and yourself, 
in regard to what you call 'State pay.' I confess to some surprise at 
the tenor of your letter, but overlook it in view of the fact that you 
were doubtless misled. Let me state the facts. Last year the United 
States paid the soldiers, not from the date of enlistment, but from the 
date of mustering in of the regiment, and the State paid from the date 
of enlistment up to the date of the muster. The effect of this was that 
the soldiers had to take State warrants ('State Shin-plasters') for that 
portion of their pay and sell them for what they could get and stand 
the 'Shave. ^ I did not think this was best for the boys and, with 
others, tried to have it changed and succeeded in doing so, so that now 
the soldiers get their pay from the United States /rom the clay of enlist- 
ment, and of course get it in money and not in 'Shin-plasters.' There 
is no time for which the State has to pay, because the United States 
pay from the very first day of enlistment. For what time, then, is the 
State to pay you? This arrangement is much better for the soldier 
and much worse for the 'shaver '-the soldier gets all money and the 
'shaver' has no chance at him. The officers are not so well cared for; 
their pay commences at the day of their muster, and they are com- 
pelled to take 'State Shin-plasters' for what is due them before the 

time. , . 

"I trust you will from this statement see that you have been 
entirely too hasty in charging me or any one else with neglect of your 
interest Permit me to say there is too much disposition to charge 
wrong on others without a careful examination to know whether it is 
deserved You will all learn, I hope, that others may be as honest and 
as patriotic as yourselves, and that it is possible for you to be mistaken 
in views hastily adopted. Whether any one has purposely misled you 
in this matter, I, of course, do not know. 

"One thing further. You threaten to vote the Democratic ticket. 
Now you must at all times do just as you please about that. You 
have'as much interest in the government as I have. I don't vote the 
Democratic ticket because I think the Democratic party is wrong. If 



220 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

I thought it was right, I would vote thai ticket. You must judge for 
j'ourselves and vote as you think right on all occasions; but allow me 
to repeat the caution that you do not arrive at conclusions too hastily, 
and that you don't allow yourselves to be misled by designing men to 
vote the Democratic or any other ticket. If you can stand the success 
of the Democracy, I will try to do so too. 

"When you write again, don't take it for granted that every thing is 
wrong till you learn all the facts. 

"Very respectfully, 

"Samuel J. Kirkwood." 

On the 3d of September the General Assembly met in 
special session. Hon. Rush Clark addressed the House as 
follows: 

" Oentlemen of the House of Representatives : — The hour has arrived 
at which it becomes my duty to call you to order. I will not delay 
your proceedings by a word. While the safety of our beloved country 
hangs in a trembling balance, let us do well, but quickly, what the in- 
terests of a common constituency demand. \ hen a million bayonets 
are clashing about the nation's heart, our words may well be few. 
The mighty issue still is: 'Have we a government? ' Before our ad- 
journment here that issue may be decided forever. Let us do our 
duty to the Commonwealth and trust the God of Nations for the 
result. We are ready to perfect the organization of the House." 

That being accomplished the following message was read: 

Executive Office, Sept. 3, 1862. 
Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : 

You have been convened in extraordinary session to consider some 
questions vitally affecting the public welfare, which, in my judgment, 
require your immediate action. 

When you closed your last regular session, the belief prevailed 
very generally that the strength of the rebellion against the General 
Governme t had been broken, and your legislation upon some ques- 
tions of great public interest was controlled by that belief. The lapse 
of time has shown that belief to be erroneous, and a change of legisla- 
tion on those questions has therefore become necessai'y. 

The provision made for our sick and wounded soldiers, and for 
their return to their homes on furlough, will, under existing circum- 
stances, prove wholly inadequate. The largely increased number of 
our soldiers that will be shortly in the field, and the great length of 
time they will be exposed to the danger of disease and the casualties 
of battle, will render absolutely necessary a large increase of the fund 
provided for their care and comfort. The extraordinary expenses of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 221 

my office have also been, and will probably continue to be, largely in- 
creased in consequence of the new demands that have been and may 
be made upon the State. I, therefore, recommend to your favorable 
consideration such increase of the contingent fund for extraordinary 
expenses of this office as will be sufficient to enable me to do for the 
gallant men, who so nobly repi'esent our State in the army of the 
Union, when suffering from wounds and disease, that which every 
loyal heart so anxiously desires should be done, and also enable me to 
carry on successfully the many and arduous labor's imposed upon this 
office, in promptly responding to all the demands made upon the State 
for the support of the Government. 

The labors of the ofhce of Adjutant-General have been largely in- 
creased, and must continue to be very great as long as the war lasts, 
and for some time after its close. This State will soon have in the field 
nearly or quite 50,000 men, and the interest and welfare of our soldiers 
and their friends require that the records of that office should be fully 
and carefully kept. The Adjutant-Genei'al now discharges, in addition 
to the proper duties of that office, ihe duties of Quartermaster-General 
and Paymaster-General. It is, in my judgment, impossible for one 
officer properly to superintend the labors of these three departments 
The amount of labor and attention required is more than one person 
can give, and the necessary work cannot be so promptly done or so 
well done as if there was a proper division of labor. I recommend 
that I should be authorized to appoint an assistant Adjutant-General, 
who shall act as Paymaster-General. A Quartermastei'-General can 
be appointed under existing law, and then the duties now imposed 
upon the Adjutant-General can be so divided and arranged as, in my 
judgment, to greatlj' benefit the public service. 

In my judgment, the compensation of the Adjutant-General is not 
adequate, either to the labor or responsibility of his position, and I 
recommend an addition thereto, either by allowing him a contingent 
for traveling expenses or by an incre.tse of his salary. 

Congress has provided by law an allotment system by which our 
soldiers can set aside a portion of their monthly pay and have the 
same paid at their homes to such persons as they may designate, with- 
out risk or expense. The benefits of this system are obvious and 
great. Commissioners have been appointed by the President, but un- 
der the law the compensation of these commissioners must be paid by 
the States, and as no appropriation has been made for that purpose, our 
soldiers and their friends have not, as yet, enjoyed the benefits of the 
system. One of the commissioners is now engaged in procuring the 
allotments of our regiments before they leave the State, and I earnestly 
recommend such an appropriation as will secure the benefits of this 
system to all our soldiers. 

Since your adjournment Congress has passed a law donating public 



222 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

lands to such of the several States and territories as may provide col- 
leges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arcs. Under this 
law, this State is entitltd to a donation of 240,000 acres of land. It is a 
most munificent donation, and for a most worthy purpose. It is of great 
importance that immediate action be had by you touching this grant. 
By taking such action the Stale can secure the eutii'e amount of the 
lands within her own limits, and consequently conti'ol their manage- 
ment and disposition. Should action in this matter be postponed till 
the next regular session, other States may select their lands within the 
limits of this State, and manage and dispose of them in a manner very 
undesirable to us. I recommend the subject to your careful consider- 
ation. * * * 

It is of the highest importance that the numerical strength of the 
regiments from this State be maintained in the field. Many of our old 
regiments have been much reduced in numbers, and thus the expense 
of maintaining them in proportion to their numbers is much increased, 
while their efficiency is much diminished. Our new regiments will go 
out full, and the old ones will soon be filled, but in a short time their 
numbers will be again reduced. To remedy this evil, 1 recommend 
that with the approval of the proper Federal authorities a camp of in- 
struction be established at some suitable point in this State sufficient 
to accommodate 1,000 men; that the several counties be required to 
furnish their equitable proportion of that number of men to place in 
camp under instruction; that when men are needed to fill the ranks of 
any of our regiments, requisitions be made for the proper number 
which shall be filled as nearly as may be from the men in camp from 
the counties in which the companies composing the regiment were 
organized, and their places in camp be immediately supplied by new 
men from the same counties. This is entirely just to all the counties; 
will send the men into companies composed of their neighbors and 
friends, and will keep up our regiments to their effective strength. 

On the 17th day of August I issued a proclamation urging upon our 
people the strong necessity of filling up our old regiments, and as an 
inducement to enlistments for that pui'jjose declared my intention of 
recommending to you the payment of boimties by the State to all who 
should enlist for the old regiments, between the date of proclamation 
and the first day of the present month. I have not yet learned the 
number of men who have thus enlisted between the dates named, but 
I recommend to you that an appropriation for the purpose of paying 
to each of them such bounty as you may deem advisable. 

The theory of our government is that the people rule. This theory 
can be caiTied into practical effect only through the ballot bos. 
Thereby the people mould and direct the operations of the govern- 
ment and settle all questions affecting the public welfare. The right 
of suffrage is therefore highly prized by all good citizens, and should 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 223 

be exercised by them at all times, and especially at times when ques- 
tions of grave importance are presented for solution. There never has 
been, pes haps there never will again be a time when questions so im- 
portant, interests so vital as those now demanding action at the hands 
of our people were, or will be submitted to them. The very life of the 
nation is at stake, and ma}' be as fatally lost at the ballot box as on the 
battletield. Under such circumstances it is not only the right but the 
duty of all good citizens to exercise the right of suffrage, and to see to 
it that the principles for the preservation of which our people are so 
freely offering their treasure and life, are not jeopai'dized, are not lost 
in the halls of legislation — State or National. A very large number of 
the electors of the State are in the army. We say but little when we 
saj'' that these men are as good citizens, as intelligent, as patiiotic, as 
devoted to their country, as those who remain at home. Under exist- 
ing laws these citizens cannot vote, and unless these laws can be 
changed it may be that the same cause they are periling life in the 
field to maintain, may be lost at home through supineness or treachery. 
I therefore recommend that the laws be so moditied that all membei's 
of Iowa regiments, who would be entitled to vote if at home on the 
day of election, be allowed to vote wherever they may be stationed in 
the United States, and that provision be made for receiving and can- 
vassing their votes. 

There are in this State some religious bodies who entertain peculiar 
views on the subject of bearing arms, and whose religious opinions 
conscientiously entertained pi'eclude their doing so. Their members 
are generally among our most quiet, orderly and industrious and 
peaceful citizens, and their sympathies are wholly with the govern- 
ment in this struggle now going on for its preservation, yet they can- 
not conscientiously bear arms in its support. It appears to me it 
wouhi be unjust and wholly useless to force such men into the army 
as sold ers, and yet it would not be just to the government or to other 
citizens that they should be wholly relieved from the burdens that 
others have to bear. I suggest therefore that these persons who can- 
not conscientiously render military duty be exempted therefrom in 
case of di'af t upon payment of a fixed sum of money to be paid to the 
State. 

Startling rumors have recently reached me of danger to our people 
on the northwestern frontier from hostile Indians 1 immediately 
despatched Schuyler R. Ingham of Des Moines to the scene of danger 
with arms and ammunition and full authority to act as circumstances 
might require. I have not yet had a report from him. but will imme- 
diately upon receipt of such report communicate with you by special 
message should the emergency require your attention. 

The condition of the country is such as justly to cause anxiety and 
distrust, but not despondency to the patriot. It is true the rebellion 



I 



224 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

against the government has assumed a magnitude and shown a 
strength we did not anticipate, but it is also true that the government 
has exhibited a degree of power for its suppression that the most san- 
guine did not dream of. Our rulers and our people have at last real 
ized the extent of the task before them, and have girded themselves to 
the work like men. We have all, rulers and people, at last learned, 
on a page all blotted with tears and blood, that in this war conciliation 
and kindness are more than useless, and that the enemy, whose social 
fabric is based upon force, respects only force, and can be subdued by 
force alone. We are learning, if we have not yet learned, that it is 
wise to strike the enemy Avhei*e he is weakest, and to strike him there 
continually and with all our power, that God's blessing u|)on our 
cause will surely bring its triumph, and that we cannot with confidence 
claim that blessing until our cause by being made in all things like 
Him — pure and holy, fully deserves it. If we have fully learned these 
lessons, and shall fairly act upon them, we will soon triumph. If we 
have not learned them we will yet do so and we will then triumph. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Such was his anxiety to have all done for the soldiers 
that could be, that on the 10th of September the Governor 
sent in the following special message: 

Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: 

The burthens of the war now being waged by our people for the pres- 
ervation of our government bear heavily on us, and should be borne 
as equally as possible. These burthens are of two kinds: First, that of 
military duty in the Held, and second, that of taxation at home. It 
seems to me to be unequal and unfair that those of us who bear the 
first of these burthens should be compelled to share with those of us 
who remain at home the second; that the soldiers who are fighting 
our battles in the field should also be compelled to pay their share of 
taxes equally with those who do not share their perils and privations. 
The compensation paid to those of our soldiers who hold commis- 
sions is sufficiently liberal to enable them to pay their taxes with- 
out inconvenience, but it is not so with their no less worth}^ but 
less fortunate comrades. It would be a just recognition by us of 
our appreciation of the patriotism and self-sacrifice of the latter, 
if we were to release them during their services from all taxes 
levied under State laws and it doubtless would be news of com- 
fort and cheer to them amid the dangers and trials by which they arc 
surrounded for our sakes, that we be careful that the houses that shel- 
tered their \\ ives and little ones had been secured from danger of sale 
for taxes, by our voluntary assumption of their share of the one bur- 
then, while they are bravely bearing our share of the other. I there- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 225 

fore recommend to you that you pass a law exempting from all taxa- 
tion under the laws of the State the real and personal property of all 
non-commissioned officers and privates in the regiments of this State 
in the army of the United States during their continuance in service, 
and that for the current year there be added to the per centum of tax- 
ation upon the valuation of the property of all the other tax payers 
the sum of one-fourth of one mill on each dollar of such valuation to 
cover the deficiency in revenue created thereby. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Laws Passed — Meeting of Loyal Governors — Iowa's Quota Filled With- 
out Drafting — Thanksgiving Proclamation — Battle of Corinth — Iowa 
Regiments Eiig aged— Letter to Col. Crocker — To Surgeon Cochran — 
To Oen. Herron — Governor' s Anxiety for Sick Soldiers — Writes Sec- 
retary of War in Their Behalf^Knights of Golden Circle — Proclama- 
tion — Writes Secretary of War Again. 



At this session of the Legislature the most important bills 
passed were, one prompted by the horrid massacre by In- 
dians in Minnesota, for the protection of the northwestern 
frontier from hostile Indians; one permitting counties to 
pay bounties for enlistments, and to aid in the support of the 
families of enlisted soldiers; one for the reorganization and 
discipline of the militia; one for the appointment of sanitary 
agents; one appropriating $30,000 for the extraordinary ex- 
penses of the Executive Department and the relief of sick 
and wounded soldiers, and one providing for taking the 
vote at certain State elections of the qualified voters who 
are absent from the State in the military service of the 
State. Much was done under the law toward organizing and 
disciplining the militia at home, and much was done for the 
relief of the families of enlisted soldiers, and a vast amount 
of good was accomplished by the sanitary agents in providing 
sanitary stores and forwarding them to the sick and wounded 
soldiers in hospital and in camp. These agents were the 
ministering angels of mercy that tempered and relieved the 
rugged and cruel asperities of war. 

At this extra session, in the appropriation bill was an 
item or two which did not meet with the Governor's favor, 
and when the bill had been passed and was presented to him 
for his signature, a personal friend and an eyewitness of the 
transaction says, "For once I saw the usually good natured 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 227 

Governor thoroughly mad. There was a dishonest drain made 
on the treasury by this bill which he wanted to stop, but 
could not well do it, as the General Assembly was on the 
very eve of adjournment." 

Governor Kirkwood was one of the loyal Governors who 
met at Altoona, and the following is his account of that 
meeting and their subsequent interview with the President, 
written as it purports to be for the "Iowa Historical 
Record," and published in that journal in the January 
number, 1892. 

In relation to the draft which was resorted to to raise our 
quota of troops, I quote from an article written for the Iowa 
Historical Record by Mr. N. H. Brainerd, Military Secretary. 
THE LOYAL GOVERNORS AT ALTOONA IN 1862. 

Editor loiva Historical Record: 

My Dear Sir:— In accordance with your request I hand you here- 
with a brief history of the convention of the Governors of the loyal 
States held at Altoona, Penn., in September, 1862. The convention 
met in response to a circular sent to its members by Gov. Curtin of 
Pennsylvania, signed by himself, and as I now recollect by the Gov- 
ernor of one or two of the other Eastern States. Part of its doings is 
shown in its address to the President, prepai'ed by Gov. Andrew of 
Massachusetts, and published at the time; and another part consisted 
of an interview with the President, which so far as I know has not 
hitherto been made public, a brief and incomplete statement of which 
I now endeavor to supply. 

Sometime during the first half of September, 1862, I received a 
circular, signed by Gov. Curtin of Pennsylvania and one or two other 
Governors of States east of the Alleghanies, requesting the Governors* 
of all the loyal States to meet at Altoona, Penn., for consultation in 
regard to the then critical condition of public affairs. I felt it my duty 
to attend the meeting and did so. Most of the Governors of the loyal 
States attended personally or by proxies duly authenticated. I arrived 
onthe22dday of September, and those present met on that day in 
private session and convei'sed freely touching the condition of the 
country. I got the New York papers of that day either at Creston, a 
station west of Altoona, or at Altoona, and was delighted to lind 



♦Those who met were A. G. Curtin, Penn.; John A. Andrew, Mass ; Richard Yates, 
lU.; Israel Washbiirne, Jr., Me.; Edward Solomon, Wis. ; Samuel J. Kirkwood, la.; 
O. P. Morton, (by D. G. Rose) Ind.; Wm. Sprague, R I.; F. H. Pierriepont, Va. ; David 
Tod, O.; N. S. Berry, N. H.; Austin Blair, Mich. 



228 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

thei'ein the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln. It was 
afterwards claimed by some people that the Proclamation was not 
tlie deliberate judgment of the President, but that he was largely in- 
llnenced in issuing it by the action of our convention. This is a 
mistake, as the Proclamation was publi hed before we met. 

The Proclamation was freely discussed by us. Its issuance by the 
President was heartily approved by most if not all present, and it was 
resolved that an address to the President should be prepared for pre- 
sentation to him expressing that approval. Gov. Andrew was 
appointed to pre^iare the address and he did so. We then discussed 
tlie condition of military affairs and especially the titness of Gen. 
McClellan for military command. On this point there was some 
difference of opinion, but my recollection is that a decided majority 
were of opinion that the public welfare would be promoted by his 
retirement from the command of the Army of the Potomac. But as 
there was not the same accord of opinion on this point as there was in 
regard to the Emancipation Proclamation, it was decided that the 
address to be prepared by Gov. Andrew should not include any 
expression of opinion in regard to Gen. McClellan, and that we should 
go to Washington and have an interview with the President, at which 
such of us as choose so to do might say what we thought on that sub- 
ject. We went to Washington accordingly and an interview was 
arranged for, at which Gov. Andrew read the address to President 
Lincoln, to which he made a suitable reply. This interview was 
private at our request, because we thought as we were not in full 
accord it would be better not to make public our difference of opinion. 
Several of us expressed our opinions in regard to Gen. McClellan, 
some favorable and some not favorable. Among others I gave my 
opinion very decidedly unfavorable. I cannot give the names of those 
on the one side or the other or the reasons assigned by any of them, 
nor can I undertake to use the language used by myself, merely the 
substance of it. In order to understand my position it is necessary to 
explain my understanding of the position of the counti'y at the time. I 
I did not know Gen. McClellan personally, we had never met. All I 
knew of him was what I had learned from others and the public 
prints, and it may be I did him injustice, but I think not. I did know 
Mr. Lincoln personally, not intimately, but I think thoroughly. He 
was, in my judgment, next to Washington, the greatest man our 
country has produced. In private life he was genial, gentle and 
kindly. As a public man rigidly honest, exceptionally intelligent, 
earnest, nnseltish, brave aud devoted to the preservation of the Union. 

What progress had been made in September, 1862, in putting down 
tlie rel)eHiou? In the west our armies had done some good work; w(! 
held the Mississippi down to Memphis, aud the navy had captui'ed and 
held New Orleans, thus leaving Vicksburg and Port Hudson the only 



JiiE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KI&KWOOD. 22^ 

obstacles to the free navigation of that gi-eat river. These obstacles were 
removed by the capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson in July of the 
next year and the Confederacy deprived of the vast resources of the 
rebel territory west of the river. Our western armies had fought the 
battles of Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Pea Ridge, Corinth and Wilson's 
Creek, and covered themselves with gloiy. 

What had the army of the Potomac done? It had done as much 
and as hard fighting as the western ai'mies but with what result? If 
the results were not glorious and profitable the fault was not with the 
soldiers; where was it? I then thought and still think it was with the 
commander. He was often in a quarrel with the President, the Cabi- 
net and the Radicals, as he called a large portion of the Republican 
members of Congress. He seemed to think the salvation of the coun- 
try depended on him alone and was continually complaining. When 
urged to make a forward movement long before he did he insisted 
that his trooi s were raw, undisciplined and not properly equipped, 
but (lid not remember that our troops in the west were as raw and 
undisciplined, and more poorly equipped than his, and yet did great 
things. The Army of the Potomac had the first and best of every- 
thing and our western armies had what was left. The army of the 
Potomac was better and sooner armed, better clothed, better equipped 
in every way than our western ai'mies. The public position I then 
held compelled me to know it, and I was sometimes angry, and I 
fear at times a littlu profane about it, and yet our western troops 
were always doing something and McClellan was only getting ready. 

It was with this knowledge and in this temper I had the conversa- 
tion with President Lincoln, which I am about to relate. After the 
reading of our address by Governor Andrew and the President's reply, 
I said to the President that I spoke only for our Iowa people; that, in 
their judgment. Gen. McClellan was unfit to command his army; that 
his army was well clothed, well armed, well disciplined, were fighting 
in a cause as good as men ever fought for, and fought as 
bravely as men ever fought, and yet were continually whipped, 
and our people did not think he was a good general who was 
always whipped. Mr. Lincoln smiled in his genial way and said, 
"You Iowa people, then, judge generals as you do lawyers, by their 
success in trying cases." 1 replied, "Yes, something like that; the 
lawyer who is always losing his cases, especially when he was right 
and had justice on his side, don't get much practice in Iowa." After 
some further talk in the same vein I spoke upon another point, in 
which I felt intense interest and upon which I had some fear my 
remarks would not be received in the same spirit. But I thought I 
knew Mr. Lincoln well enough to know that he would not take otTense 
unless he had cause to believe offense was intended, and I thought he 
knew me well enough to know I would not intend to offend him. I 



230 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

said, ''Mr. President, our Iowa people fear and I fear tliat the Admin- 
istration is afraid to remove Gen. McClelian." I saw the color come 
to his cheek, and felt that I had blundered and I hastened to explain. 
"Understand me," I said, "we fear that the strong efforts made by 
Gen. MeClellan and his toadies in the army to attach his soldiers to 
him personally, and their etforts and the efforts of a certain class of 
politicians outside the army to cause his soldiers to believe that the 
severe criticisms to which the General has been subjected, are intended 
to apply to them (the soldiers) as well as to him (their commander) 
have so prejudiced his soldier's' minds as to make it unsafe to remove 
him for fear his removal might cause insubordination, perhaps mutmy. 
That is what I meant when I spoke of your being afraid to remove 
him." And it was precisely what I meant, although I had blundered 
in not saying just what I meant. Mr. Lincoln was silent for a brief 
space, and then he said slowly and with emphasis, "Governor Kirk- 
wood, if I believed our cause would be benefited by removing Gen. 
McClelian to-morrow, I would remove him to-morrow. I do not so 
believe to-day, but if the time shall come when I shall so believe, I will 
remove him promptly, and not till then." I felt and expressed myself 
perfectly satisfied, for I knew he meant and would do just what he 
said; and so ended our interview, so far as 1 was concerned. 

In reviewing at this late day the then situation, one thing is 
strongly impressed on my mind: Gen. McClelian was or tried to be 
too much of a politician and not enough of a soldier. His Harrison 
Bar letter, indeed his whole history as written by himself, I think 
shows this. It was a happy day for our country when Grant, Sher- 
man, Sheridan and Thomas, who were, and were content to be, 
soldiers and did not aspire to be politicians as well, devoted them- 
selves to whipping the Rebel armies and left the management of our 
political affairs to those to whom the people had entrusted it. 

S. J. KiRKWOOD. 

Iowa City, Dec. 20, 1891. 

In relation to the draft which was resorted to to raise our 

quota of troops, I quote from an article written for the Iowa 

Historical Record by Mr. N. H. Brainerd, military secretary 

during Governor Kirkwood's administration: 

"When the first call was made for 75,000 men for three months of 
service, there seemed almost a fight for places, and in Iowa two regi- 
ments were enlisted when but one was called for and could be 
accepted. But such was the spirit of the enlisted men that so soon as 
a call came for enlistments for three years service, this second regi- 
ment, which had enlisted but for three months, went bodily into the 
three years service. As the conflict progressed and increased in mag- 
nitude, the Government, in 1862, issued a call for 300,000 men to be 



i'HE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 231 

enlisted for three years service, aud for auotlier 300,000 to be enlisted 
for nine months, if possible, but if not, then to be drafted. Then was 
the time we saw the war spirit on the rampage here in Iowa. In our 
own connty (Johnson) we saw 700 men go into the Twenty-second 
Regiment, while some 500 had gone out before. The quota for Iowa 
in each one of these calls was 10,500 men. The first was soon filled. 

"As to the second. Governor Kirkwood said he would not put in a 
man for nine months. He said it took nine months for raw recruits to 
become of value as soldiers — to become inured to camp and march — to 
change of food and habits, and the exposure incident to army life and 
efiicient in drill and the lise of arms. By the time they had got thus 
far and were beginning to be soldiers in deed, their term of enlistment 
would expire and they be lost to the service. So he called upon the 
patriotism of Iowa to fill this call, also, with three years men; and so 
well was this call x'esponded to that the whole number were so enlisted 
and sent to the field. 

"Of all the wise things done by Governor Kirkwood during the 
war, and there were very many of them, none were wiser than this. 
Had this call been filled throughout the country in the same manner, 
the Rebellion would have collapsed much sooner than it did, and tens 
of thousands of precious lives and hundi'eds of millions of treasure 
been saved. But all Governors did not have Iowa patriotism to draw 
upon. But Iowa received at Washington credit for only the number 
of men sent, without reference to the length of time for which they 
were enlisted. 

"As the war progressed with all its casualties, and the expiration 
of the enlistment of the nine months men, more recruits were wanted, 
and as they could not be enlisted fast enough a draft was ordered in 
1863, and Iowa was called upon to furnish troops under it. I then 
suggested to Governor Kirkwood that Iowa was entitled to credit for 
\.\xQ length of time of enlistments, as well as for the number of men 
enlisted. He directed me to correspond with the War Department and 
present the claim. This I at once did and received prompt reply that 
the claim was just, but that the Department was overwhelmed with 
work, and had no time then to adjust the matter, but would do so and 
give due credit on any subsequent call; that the necessity for men was 
most pressing, and this draft must go on as it did early in 1864. In 
July, 1864, another draft was ordered, and Iowa had not received her 
due credit. Governor Kirkwood's last term closed in January, 1864, 
and Governor Stone succeeded him. He also pressed this claim for 
credit; but it was not till January 23, 1865, that he was enabled to 
issue his proclamation announcing that, 'After a careful settlement 
with the War Department and adjustment of credits due under previ- 
ous calls, together with recent enlistments, we are gratified in being 
able to announce that all demands by the Government upon this State 



232 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

for troops have been filled, and that we are placed beyond the liability 
of a draft under the impending call for 300,000 one year men.' " 

Had proper credit for these three-year men been obtained 
as the men were furnished, our quota would have been full 
when the first draft was ordered, and with the enlistments 
which were constantly being made, all calls would have been 
met by enlistments, and Iowa at no time subject to draft. 
The 10,500 for three years were equal in time of service to 
42,000 men enlisted for nine months. In actual value they 
were vastly greater than this. They were, after the nine 
months expired, veterans in service to the close of the war, 
while some of the greatest embarrassments the government 
encountered were from the expiration of the terms of the 
nine months' men from the other States. 

This was one of the most striking and creditable events 
in Iowa' glorious war record — that she went so far beyond 
the demand made upon her by the government as to furnish 
this so vastly greater support than she was asked to do, or 
than any other State did do or attempt to do. The initia- 
tion of this was due to the good sense and sound judgment 
of Gov. Kirkwood. The fulfillment of it was due to the 
abounding patriotism and heroic valor of the young man- 
hood of Iowa. 

There was no draft during Gov. Kirkwood' s adminis- 
tration. 

THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION. 

To the Peojjle of Iowa: 

In token of our dependence upon the Supreme Ruler of the universe, 
the more especially in this the hour of peril to the nation, in fervent 
thanksgiving to him, that no pestilence has prevailed in our midst, 
that the labors of the husbandman have been measurably rewarded, 
and for the many blessings vouchsafed us as individuals and citizens, 
in devout acknowledgment of His soveieignty and over-ruling Provi- 
dence, and in heartfelt gratitude that our armies in the field have won 
such renown in the great cause of the Union, that our citizens at home 
have been inspired with such devoted loyalty, and munificence in 
relieving our brave soldiers, and that we have been permitted to follow 



I'HE LIFE AiSID TI^NFKS OF SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 233 

in a peaceful manner our usual pursuits, Avhile war is desolating our 
land, I, Samuel J. Kirkwood, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 27th 
day of November inst., as a day of thanksgiving, prayer and praise, 
and do hereby entreat the people, abstaining from their usual pur- 
suits, to assemble together on that day in their chosen places of wor- 
ship and offer up their prayers to Almighty God. humbly acknowledg- 
ing their short comings and their dependence upon Him, thanking 
Him for the manifold blessings conferred upon them by His hand, 
beseeching Him to crown our arms and cause with signal triumph, to 
confer strength upon our gallant soldiers, to mitigate the sufferings of 
the sick, wounded and imprisoned, and to succor and heal the anguish 
of the bereaved, and Imploring the speedy extinction of rebellion, 
a return of peace in His ow^n good time to our distracted land, and 
that we may prove ourselves worthy of the institutions bequeathed us 
by the fathers of the republic by becoming once more a united, 
fraternal and happy people. 

] In testimony whereof I have hereto set my 



By the Governor, 
ELIJAH SELLS, 

Sec^y of State. 



hand and caused the great seal of the State to 
' be affixed this 1st day of November, 1862. 
SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



The battle of Corinth, one of the most important and 
decisive battles of the war was fought on the 3d and 4th of 
October, in which oar troops under Gen. Rosecrans secured 
a glorious and decisive victory. The following Iowa troops 
took part in the engagement: The 2nd, Col. Weaver; the 
5th, Col. Matthies; the 7th, Col. Elliott; the 10th, Lieut. - 
Col. Small; the 11th, Col. Hall; the 13th, Col. Crocker; the 
15th, Col. Reid; the 16th, Col. Chambers; the 2nd Cavalry, 
Col. Hatch, and the Union Brigade. 

After the new^s of the battle reached Iowa, Gov. Kirk- 
wood wrote a personal letter to each of these ten command- 
ants, no one letter being like another in phraseology, but all 
of the same tenor, and breathing the same spirit. As a sam- 
ple here given is the one to Col. Crocker: 

Executive Office, Iowa, | 
Iowa City, Nov. 19, 1862. S 

Colonel: — It is with no ordinary feelings of pleasure and State pride 
that I congratulate your brave regiment on its courage and achieve- 
ments at Corinth. Its devoted loyalty and attachment to the Union and 
the Constitution have been thus attested on the field of battle, where 



234 IPHE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

life was at stake, and the gallant bearing of youi* men in the face of 
death has pi'oven them patriots as well as soldiers. 

Accept for yourself assurances of my esteem and best wishes. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
Col. M. M. Crocker, 

13th Iowa Infantry, Corinth, Miss. 

On the Dews of the battle of Prairie Grove in Arkansas 
reaching him, he writes as follows: 

Executive Office, Iowa, { 
Iowa City, Jan. 5, 1863. \ 

M. B. Cochran, Surgeon First Regiment Iowa Cavalry, 

Acting Medical Director 3d Division Army of Frontier. 
Sir: — I returned from Washington on the 2ud and found your letter 
of 13th December this morning. I am truly rejoiced to hear from you 
and am both grateful and grieved to hear the particulars of the hard 
fought battle of Prairie Gi'ove. Iowa as usual did her share of the 
lighting, and did it nobly, but also as usual lost heavily. I regret the 
loss of McFarland very much. He was a noble man. How is Thomp- 
son doing? *Flease write me how he is. He is a gallant fellow. I 
need not impress on you the necessity of doing all that can be done 
for our brave boys. Let me say one thing: Don't let them lack for 
anything, "red tape" or no "red tape;" see that they have all that they 
need. Please write often. 

Very truly your friend, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Executive Office, Iowa, [ 
Iowa City, Jan. 6, 1863. J 

Oeneral'. — I wish I could shake hands with you and express to you 
verbally my thanks and congratulations for the well fought battle and 
dearly won victory of Prairie Grove. I have transmitted to the 19th 
and 20th letters of thanks, which I hope will be read to them. They 
have proved themselves worthy to be called "Iowa boys." 

General, you are surpassing yourself. Your name is in all men's 
mouths, and the people delight to speak the praises of our plucky little 
Iowa general. Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove make a 
record of which any man may well be proud, and I assure you you 
can't feel more pride in that record than I do. 

Very respectfully your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
Brig. -Gen. J. F. Herron, 

Commanding 2nd Division Army Frontier 

In his anxiety for the care of the sick soldiers he writes: 



*Wm. G., Col. of the 20th Reg't. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 235 

Executive Office, } 
Davenport, Iowa, Dec. 16, 1863. ^ 

John Clark, Esq., State Agent, 

Springfield, Mo. 
Dear Sir:— I have just seen Col. Giftord, who returned night be- 
fore last. He gives me a deplorable account of the condition of our 
boys at Spriugtield. I want you to stay in Missouri as long as you 
find it necessary. See the Medical Director, Gen. Curtis, Gen. Herron 
and everj^ on else until you get our boys cared for. You need not be 
backward or raealj'-mouthed in discussing the state of affairs, and in 
cursing everyone who wont do his duty. Talk right hard, and have 
our boys cared for. If hay and straw cannot be had, have Gen. Curtis 
send cots and mattresses, and call on the Sanitary Association of St. 
Louis for help and supplies. 

Very truly, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On the same subject he again writes a long letter to the 
Secretary of War as follows: 

Executive Office, Iowa, ) 
Iowa City, June 23, 1863. 
Hon. Edwin Stanton, Secretary of War, 

Washington, D. 0. 

Sir: — I have received the letter of Brig. -Gen. Canby, A. A. G., 
covering copy of Surg.-Gen. Hammond's report on my application for 
the transfer of sick and wounded soldiers from Iowa to hospitals in 
that State, and confess that I am deeply mortified and much disheart- 
ened by their contents. 

Sui'g.-Gen. Hammond reports that on the 37th of May last he 
reported to you that at hospitals then established, there were 40,000 
vacant beds, that a compliance with my request would involve the 
construction of more hospitals, and therefore he disapproved it; and 
Gen. Canby 's letter merely states that he has been instructed by you 
to enclose to me a copy of Sui'g.-Gen. Hammond's report. 

I do not at all dispute the correctness of the facts in Surg.-Gen. 
Hammond's report, but I think you will be troubled, as I certainly 
have been, to discern the reason why these facts render my I'equest an 
improper one, when I state to you another fact which certainly would 
be known to Surg.-Gen. Hammond, to-wit: That one of these hos- 
pitals in which these vacant beds are, is in the city of Keokuk in the 
State of Iowa. Immediately after the battle of Shiloh a hospital was 
established at Keokuk, and the same has been kept up continually 
until this time. Thei'e are now some 500 or 600 patients there, and 
"vacant beds" for at least 1,000 or 1,500 more, and when I apply to you 
to have our sick and wounded men sent there, backed as I suppose 



236 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KlRKVfOOD. 

myself to be, either by a positive law or joint resolution of Congress, 
it is exceedingly mortifying aud disheartening to learn asltlo unfortu- 
nately, that the existence of this hospital is unknown at Washington, 
and that to comply Avith my request will require the construction of 
new hospitals. There is room enough in the hospital now established 
at Keokuk, aud now hi operation there, for all or nearly all our sick 
and wounded men, and thus the reason assigned by Surg. -Gen. Ham- 
mond for refusing my request being removed, permit me to renew that 
request and further urge it upon your consideration. 

There is a great deal of ill feeling among our sick and wounded 
men and their friends at home on this subject. When men ai'e suffer- 
ing from wounds or disease, there is among them a natural desire to 
be as near home as possible aud to sec their friends if they can. If 
you, or Surg.-Gen. Hammond or I were sick or wounded, we would 
feel thus, and our friends would desire to have us near them so they 
could see us. Our sick and wounded men feel thus, and it is right 
that I should say to you plainly and frankly that the belief prevailing 
among our soldiers and their friends at home that the government 
refuses to gratify this natural and proper feeling of the soldiers and 
their friends, when as in this case it can be fairly and properly grati- 
fied, is producing results in the public mind unfavorable to the gov- 
ernment and prejudicial to the cause of the country. When speaking 
on 'this subject men whose sons are in the ai'my begin to say, and to 
say freely, that it would be well for the government to pay some re- 
gard to the feelings and wishes and opinions of those who have given 
all they have for the country, as well as to be careful to conciliate 
those who are doing much against it. 

I therefore renew my request and base it on the following grounds: 

1st. We have already hospital accommodations in the State. 

2nd. Our people are well satisfied, and they are sustained in their 
belief by the best medical avithority, that not oul}' will our sick and 
wounded recover more rapidly in their own climate, but that many 
will recover if sent here who will die if kept below. 

3rd. The sick and wounded can be as well guarded at Keokuk, as 
elsewhere, and returned to their regiments upon their recovery as well 
from that point as from any other. 

4th. It will be a cause of heartfelt pleasure to many a poor fello"w 
to be in a place where his wife, his sister, or his mother can go to see 
him aud caeer him in his suffering, aud will encourage their friends to 
stand by and support the government that shows a SA^mpathy for those 
who are suffering for its preservation. Very respectfully 

Your obedient sei'vant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

To guard the interests and protect the rights of the citi- 
zens of the State, the Governor had occasionally to cross 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 237 

swords with some of the United States officers as the follow- 
ing letter will show: 

Executive Office, | 
Jan. 1, 1863. f 

L. Thomas, 

Adjutant General, U. S. A. 

Sir: — In November last Capt. Parker had in camp and was filling 
up a company, the organization of which Avas commenced August 18. 
The company had been full, but by reason of delay in getting barracks, 
a number of the men had left. The county authorities of the county 
in which the companj' was being raised, in order to encourage enlist- 
ment and thus secure the county against the liability to a draft, were 
paying a county bounty of $50 to single and $75 to married men. The 
men had received this county bounty, but the company was not fully 
organized, nor had the men signed triplicate enlistment papers as 
required by General Order No. 75, 1863. 

Under these circumstances Capt. Yates, 13th U. S. Infantry, re- 
cruited nine of these men for the regular army from the State camp, 
and the Adjutant General of the State refused to permit them to go 
into Capt. Yates' company. I learn that you have issued instructions 
to Capt. Hendershott at Davenport, to turn the men over to Capt. Yates, 
taking them from the company for which they enlisted. 

I respectfully and firmly protest against this action; these men were 
not liable to enlistmen*^ in the regular service, because they had not 
then signed their enlistment pai:»ers; they were not liable to enlistment 
as citizens, because they had then volunteei'ed and were in camp as 
part of an organized company, being raised by one of my recruiting 
officers to fill a requisition made upon me by the Secretary of War. 

It is bad enough to have our volunteer organizations, raised with so 
much labor and mustered into the United States service, decimated to 
furnish commands for men who do not enlist men under them; but if 
these men are allowed to go among ovir incomplete organizations and 
take from them men who have been recruited by State recruiting ofii- 
cei's, and who have received large, local bounties, it is proper I should 
say frankly, I shall not feel disposed to make any great exertion for 
the future to pi"ocure voluntary- enlistments. In this particular case 
the company from which these men ai"e taken is assigned to one of our 
old regiments, and with these men lacks three of having the minimum 
number. If these men are taken away this company will be still fur- 
ther delaj'^ed in its completion. The officers who have raised it have 
spent much time and money in raising the company, and plainly speak- 
ing it is an outrage on them to take the men from them. Capt. Hender- 
shott, at my request, has delayed any action on the order issued to 
him till I caQ bear from you, and I earne§tly request a careful coasid- 



238 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

eratiou of the matter, as your decision must seriously affect further 
recruiting in the State. I cannot get men to undertake to recruit 
companies, if while they are engaged in the work officers of the regu- 
lar army can seduce their men from them by promising the immediate 
payment of the bounty which is delayed to them as volunteers. 

Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

That traitorous and unpatriotic institution known as the 
' 'Knights of the Golden Circle" had about this time gained 
a strong foothold in the State, and its members were num- 
bered by the thousand, and while their treasonable acts were 
not of such an overt and open character as to subject them 
to arrest and trial for treason, their whisperings and mutter- 
ings were sent forth with all the vile and venomous treason 
they dare utter. Had they left the State and openly joined 
their Southern Secession allies, their course and conduct 
would have been much more honorable than it was while 
they remained at home to spit out and fume their vile venom, 
and do all they dare and could do to hinder, retard and frus- 
trate the eflforts of Union men in restoring the country to its 
former condition of peace and prosperity. Their influence 
was felt more strongly along the southern border than else- 
where, though some of the interior counties contained nests 
where the foul brood was hatched and nourished. 

To give these people warning of their impending danger, 
and to put others on their guard, there was issued this 



PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 

Executive Office of Iow^ 
Iowa City, March 23, 1863 



To the People of Iowa : 

There is reason to believe that a very considerable number of men, 
some of whom have been in the Rebel army, and others of whom have, 
as guerrillas, been engaged in plundering and murdering Union men 
in the State of Missouri, have taken refuge in this State to escape the 
punishment due to their crimes, and that instead of seeking to merit a 
pardon of past offences by living peaceably and quietly among us, as 
becomes good citizens, many of them are endeavoring to array a por- 
tion of our people in armed resistance to the laws. And I very deeply 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 239 

regret to say there is reason to believe that some of our people have 
been found weak enough to aid them in their mischievous designs. 

These men, by bold and tierce denunciations of certain acts of the 
President and of the Congress of the United States as unconstitu- 
tional, and by industriously teaching that the citizen may lawfully re- 
sist by force what he deems an unconstitutional act or law, and in 
other ways are seeking to array such as may be duped and deceived 
by their artful and wicked machinations into armed resistance to the 
General Government, and to inaugurate civil war within our limits, 
thus exposing their dupes to the punishment due to traitors, and our 
State to the storm of war, which has swept as with fire the State of 
Missouri. These men are endeavoring to induce our soldiers in the 
field to desert their colors, thus exposing them to the penalty of deser- 
tion, which is death, and are endeavoring to induce our citizens to 
violate the law by resisting the arrest of deserters, and a conscription 
in this State, if oi'dered, thereby exposing themselves to the punish- 
ment due such criminal acts. 

It is my duty to, and I therefore do, warn these men that their 
courses are fraught with peril to themselves and the peace and good 
order of the State, and if persisted in to the extremity they intend will 
certainly bring punishment; and I also warn all the good people* of the 
State, as they value peace and good order, and would avoid the 
horrors of civil war, not to be misled by these wicked and designing 
men, who, having nothing to lose, hope for plunder and profit in the 
license of civil war. The laws of the General Government will be 
e7iforced among us at any cost and at all hazards, and the men who 
array themselves in armed resistance to the laws will certainly be 
overpowered and punished. As long as those who have sought shelter 
in Iowa from other States behave as quiet and peaceable citizens, I 
have no disposition to interfere with or molest them; but it cannot be 
tolerated that these men who have been compelled to flee from their 
own State for fear of punishment for ciimes committed against the 
laws of their own State, or of the United States, should, while enjoy- 
ing the protection of our laws, be permitted to bring among our 
peaceful homes, and upon our peaceful people, all the horrors they 
have brought upon the State from which they have fled. We owe it 
not only to ourselves and our families, but much more to the families 
of those who have left us to defend on the battlefield the life of our 
country that we preserve peace and good order at home. It must be a 
bitter reflection to our gallant soldiers that while they are enduring 
the hardships and dangers of a soldier's life in defense of their coun- 
try, bad men at home are plotting to bring on their unprotected fami- 
lies the dangers of civil war. 

Moved by these considerations, I have this day notified the proper 
authorities of the United States and of the State of Missouri that many 



240 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

criminals against their laws are in Iowa engaged, as I believe, in in- 
citing rebellion, and that I shall insist on their arrest and removal 
when necessary, and their trial for their crime if their conduct shall 
continue to be such as is dangerous to the peace and safety of the 
State; and I enjoin upon all good citizens who know that such men 
are among them that they especially notice their demeanor and con- 
duct, and if it be seditious and dangerous that they furnish the United 
States District Attorney or the United States Marshal, or either of the 
Congressional District Provost Marshals, to be appointed, or myself, 
with their names and affidavits, showing their criminality before their 
coming to this State, and their conduct since, to the end that our State 
may be relieved of the danger of their presence. 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 

Breastpins made from the transverse section of a butter-, 
nut, and also from an old style copper cent, with the head 
side exposed, were favorite badges of those who were boldly 
displaying their disloyalty, and they were emblems of the 
treasonable hearts beating within the bosoms upon which 
they were worn. Governor Kirkwood received several let- 
ters written by these home-bred traitors, which letters had 
been gathered and sent to him, and replying to Peter Dolbee, 
the person who forwarded them to him, he writes: 

" It must be excessively pi'ovoking to all loyal men, and especially 
to those men who have been in the ranks of our army as soldiers, to 
have these copperhead breastpins publicly and offensively worn, being 
as they are emblems of moral treason. * * * It seems to me per- 
sons wearing these badges at public places, knowing the effect such 
conduct must produce, that it is disturbance and breach of the peace, 
must be held to intend to do what they have good reason to believe 
their acts will do. It seems to me much the same as if one of these 
men would bring a Rebel flag to any of the places named and there 
cheer for the Rebellion. He tmist know such conduct would cause dis- 
turbance and breach of the peace, and he should be punished if found 
guilty of an infraction of the law. " 

The Secretary of War was written to on this subject as 
follows: 

Executive Office, Iowa, | 
Iowa City, Mar. 18, 1863. j" 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Sea-etary of War, Washington, D. C: 

SiK — I have to-day received the enclosed package of papers from 
Mr. Hp^ie, United States Marshal pf this Stftte. Tfeere is uo douW 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 241 

there is a very unfortunate condition of affairs at this time in this 
sfate 1 se Jet organization known popularly as the "Kmghts of the 
Golden Circle" is widely spread through the State the object of whj h 
lam informed and believe is to embarrass the Government in he 
prosecution of the war, mainly by encouraging desertions from the 
army protecting deserters from arrest, discouraging enlistment., 
preparing the public mind for an armed resistance to a conscription 
f orderel and if possible, to place the State government a the next 
election in the hands of men who will control it to thwart he policy 
of the Administration in the prosecution of the war. Indeed, with the 
exception of advising desertions, the purposes above mentioneo are 
openly advised and advocated by many persons in this State. 
^ Lieutenant Henry came to me in regard to the matter mentioned in 
his letter to Marshal Hoxie. and. at my instance, Capt Hendersho 
furnished him with a detail of ten armed men to go with him to his 
place of rendezvous, in Madison county, and remain with him. I also 
sent by him fifty muskets and some ammunition to place lu the hands 
of loyal men. I have not heard from him since his return Theie is 
undoubtedlv a feverish and excited state of the public mind and mat- 
ters must be managed here prudently and firmly or a collision may 
ensue. I wrote you a few days since asking that you send me some 
arms, and also that you allow me to raise two or three regiments as a 
•State Guard,' not to leave the State. I regard these measures bothas 
measures of precaution and prevention. Much that is said in regard 
To the resistance of the laws is no doubt mere bluster by se f-impoi t- 
ant men of small caliber and small ambition to give themselves local 
importance and to secure for themselves petty offices, and who, if an 
outbreak were to occur, would not be in the way of danger. 

But I also believe there are engaged in this work men of despe ate 
fortunes, political and otherwise, who would have the courage to lead 
■m outbreak, and who would rejoice in the opportunity. I think it ex- 
tremely probable that there are in this and other Northern States paid 
agents of the Rebels, who are organizing machinery and using the 
x^eans to effect the purposes herein attributed to t'.e Knights of the 
Golden Circle; and there is real d.nger that the efforts of these a,en 
may so far operate on the minds of their honest but deluded followexs 
in some localities as to cause a collision among our people. If we had 
arms in the hands of our loyal citizens, and a State Guard as I sug- 
ge^tit might, and I think would, prevent this. The condition o 
fhfngsis in my judgment, such that the Government can only make 
self p^ierlv respected by convincing those disposed to be trouble- 
m of is determination and ability to preserve the peace and enforce 
^hxws The dismissal of those "arbitrarily arrested," as the phrase 
.oes has had a bad effect in this, that it has led many to suppose that 
fhe Government has not the power to pu>mk. Let me impress upon 



242 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

you my conviction that in case of any armed resistance to the laws, the 
inmishment be prompt, certain and sharp, as any thing looking like 
indecision or timidity would be disastrous. 

I scared}' know what to advise in regard to these men who are 
"talking treason," huzzaing for Jeff Davis, and organizing the Knights 
of the Golden Cii'cle, etc. It would be worse than useless to arrest 
them, unless they can be tried and, if found guilty, punished. If 
arrests could be made, trials and convictions had and punishment 
sharply administered, the effect Avould be excellent. Has the United 
States District Attorney of this State had his attention called especially 
to this matter? It seems to me if it has not, it should be done, and he 
or the marshal furnished with the necessaiy money to detect arrest and 
punish some of these active scoundrels who are producing so much 
mischief. 

I have already organized and armed a company in each of the 
southern tier of counties in the State. These have been placed under 
the orders of Provost Marshal Hiatt, of Keokuk, and will be placed 
under the orders of the ncAV pi'ovost marshals in Congi'essional Dis- 
tricts as soon as I am advised of their names and appointment. I 
hope good selections have been made. I am now organizing a com- 
pany in each of the second tier of counties from the south line, and, 
when organized and armed, I will also place them at the disposal of 
the Provost Marshals. If I had arms, I would organize companies in 
all the counties in the State where I think they may be needed. None 
of these companies would draw any pay or cause any expense except 
when called on by the pi'oper authorities, except those in the southern 
tier, a squad of ten men, each of which is on duty all the time. I 
regard it as a matter of the first and most pressing importance to get 
a supply of arms and ammunition. * * * 

Very resisectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Fall of Vicksburg-Letters to the Soldier s-To General Qrant-To Gen. 
Logan— The Tally War-^The Governor's Life Threatened— Insur- 
rection Troo2)s— State Troops— The War Ends Without the Smell of 
Powder, the Whiz of Bullets, or the Stain of Blood-The Governor's 
Speech at West Union— Some of His Apt Illustrations— Speech at 
Dubuque— Plain Talk to the People of thai County. 

After news was received of the surrender of Vicksburg, 
the following letter was sent: 

Executive Office, Iowa, ) 
Iowa City, July 11, 1863. ) 

To the Soldiers of Iowa in the Army of the Tennessee : 

You have passed through cue of the most memorable campaigns of 
history and are now rewarded for all your toil, privation and suffer- 
ino- by beholding the foul emblem of treason traile.l in the dust to give 
place to the glorious banner of Liberty over the city of Vicksburg. 

The eyes of the world have been upon you and your brave and 
worthy comrades from other States, and admiration of your fortitude, 
patience and indomitable bravery, watching the progress of your work 
as one of those great events which shapes the destiny of a nation. 

You yourselves have probably been unaware of the momentous re- 
sults consequent upon your failure or success. Despots the world 
over have earnestly desired the former, while the good, the generous 
and the nobly brave have prayed Almighty God to give you the 
victory. But while the world has been thus observant of you, all 
lovers of liberty in Iowa have beheld with an intensity of gaze and 
admiration unknown to others the deeds of her valiant sous. Many 
thousands of her citizens are bound to you by kindred ties, while 
every one has felt that the name and standing of this State were in 
your hands, and that he was honored in your honor, and that he 
shared in your glory. ■ ^ ■ a 

The brightest hope of all is realized. You have not only maintained 
the lofty reputation of your country and your State, but have added 
greatly thereto, and shown the world that whoever insults the Hag of 
our beloved country must meet the bravest of the brave. 

The State of Iowa is proud of your achievements and renders you 
her homage and gratitude, and with exultant heart and exuberant joy 
claims you as her sons. Her tears flow for the brave men fallen, and 
her sympathies are warm for the sick, wounded and suffering. 



244 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

You have made it a high privilege to be a citizen of Iowa to share 
your I'enown, and it will be a proud remembrance to you while life 
shall last and a rich legacy to your children that you were members of 
the Army of the Tennessee. 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 

To General Grant this was written: 

Executive Office, Iowa, ) 
Iowa City, July 15, 1863. S 

Major-Oeneral U. S. Orant, Com'crg. Army of the Tenyiessee : 

General — Permit me to congratulate you upon your great triumph 
in the capture of Vicksburg. Your campaign resulting in that great 
success stands unrivaled in the history of this war for boldness of 
plan, thoroughness of execution and brilliancy of success. 

In the name of the people of Iowa, whose brave boys aided in 
achieving this great result, I tender you their hearty thanks. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

Samuel J. Kirkwood. 

Writing to Gen. Logan, commandant of the post of 

Yicksburg after the surrender, in regard to sending our sick 

and wounded soldiers to Northern hospitals, and especially 

to the one at Keokuk, Governor Kirkwood closes his letter 

with: 

"Thank God and our brave army for the fall of Vicksburg. I 
would have freely given a year of my life to have been with you when 
you entered the city. The campaign ending in its capture has been in 
plan, execution and results the most brilliant of the war, and I hope 
will be a model for other campaigns. I did not formerly think highly 
of General Grant, but I now take it all back. He is the. man of the 
day." 

THE TALLY WAR. 

When, in the year 1858, in the great debate between 
Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, in the statement 
made by the former, uttering that truism that "A house 
divided against itself cannot stand," and that "This country 
must eventually become all slave or all free," nothing was 
farther from the mind of that great man who made that 
uttor.'incc tlmn that he was to be the person whose one single 
ac;t would make it so. 



245 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

"But there's a Divinity that shapes our ends. 
Rough cast them as we may." 
It w?s his immortal Emancipation Proclamation that, 
on the first day of January, 1863, made this country at once 
and forever free. Illustrating the truth of the adage, that 
^^the pen is mightier than the sword,- with one stroke o his 
trenchant pen he cut off the heads of 250,000 slave-holders. 
He wiped from the face of the fairest land on earth an insti- 
tution that had been the cause of more study, more discus- 
sion more dissensions, more bitterness and more anxious 
solicitude on the part of American statesmen, more planning 
and scheming by politicians, and more anxiety on the part of 
the friends of free government in our country, than any 

This act by the President enraged and embittered the 
friends of this defunct institution, both North and South, 
more than anything else; and when in addition to this there 
was a prospect that a ccmscription would be had, and that 
thev mioht possibly be drafted and be compelled to fight as 
soldiers in what they had been in the habit of calling the 
^Abolition War," their treason became more intense, and 
their opposition to the prosecution of the war more pro- 
nounced and more bold and emphatic. 

In no place in the State was this feeling more deep- 
seated, more manifest or outspoken, than in Keokuk county. 
It .irr-wed neighborhoods one against another. The recrim- 
inations and bickerings of small feuds were magnified by the 
enormity of the contest prevailing until passion g owed at a 
white heat. There was disloyalty to the Union which found 
open and intemperate expression from some whose sympa- 
thies were with the States of their birth south of Mason and 

Dixon's line. • ^ i ^.u ^ 

No more open or bold defender of slavery existed than 

Geor-e Cyphert Tally, whose father was an original Tennes- 

seean" Young Tally was a Baptist minister, a rugged, force- 



246 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

fill, crude, uneducated man, with more zeal than discretion, 
but possessed of a natural gift of oratory. He was a product 
of the frontier. Imbued with a fervid belief in the justness 
of the Southern appeal to arms, he became the bold, fearless 
outspoken champion of the disloyal minority, who discredited 
the valor of the Northern soldier and denounced the prosecu- 
tion of the war. While trying to preach the Gospel from 
the pulpit, he preached moral and political treason on the 
stump. 

Saturday, August 1, 1863, a great Democratic mass 
meeting was held near English River, in Keokuk county, at 
which young Tally was the chief speaker. Several hundred 
persons w^ere present. They came mostly in wagons and 
brought weapons concealed beneath the straw in the bottom 
of their vehicles. Wild, and doubtless idle, threats had 
been made to "clean out" the town of South English, a 
Union stronghold, whose people, learning of the menace to 
their safety prepared to defend themselves. A Republican 
meeting had been held there and tire arms had been dis- 
played. 

Tally had been in the habit of wearing a butternut breast 
pin, a badge only worn by the members of the disloyal party. 
When going through the town on his way to the meeting, he 
had an altercation with a couple of the. citizens in regard to 
his wearing it, and they attempted to snatch it from him, 
but did not succeed. 

In the afternoon the Tally party started for the town 
with the avowed intention of passing through it. The Rev. 
Tally stood up in the wagon that led the procession. Some- 
one warned him not to enter the village, but he said Iw 
meant harm to no one, and only demanded the privilege of 
the street. As the party in the wagons reached the narrow 
crowded thoroughfare where the Republicans had held their 
meeting, there were cries of "Copperhead," "coward" and 
"why don't you shoot?" Someone did shoot, but it was 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 247 

afterwards claimed to have been done accideutly, but it be- 
came a signal for a general fusilade. and from one to two 
hundred guns and revolvers were very soon discharged. 
Tally stood in his wagon in the fore-front of the affray. In 
one hand he grasped a long bowie knife, the other held a 
revolver. This revolver spoke among the first; once, twice, 
and then he fell dead in the wagon, pierced by three bullets, 
one in the brain and two in the body, grasping his weapons, 
one in each hand till they were taken from him, in the cold 
embrace of death. News of his killing was spread far and 
wide, and his friends vowed the direst of vengeance. An 
incredil)le excitement was fanned by the fury of the popular 
passion. The menace of a vendetta was at hand, and no 
man trusted his fellow or felt safe in his home, where before 
the door had been unlatched and every stranger was a wel- 
come guest. 

Monday a committee of influential citizens from Sigour- 
ney visited the Tally neighborhood for the purpose of assuag- 
ing the rising storm, by the assurance of prompt justice. But 
this had no effect, and from Wapello, Mahaska and Powe- 
sheik counties the avengers began to gather. 

The very next day after the murder the Governor was 
written to for help by three of the citizens of South English, 
and so pressing were their needs, and so great their fears, 
they repeated the request the following day. 

By Monday night so serious was the aspect of affairs, 
that two citizens of Sigourney went to Washington, the 
nearest railroad station, on horseback; there they procured 
a hand car and went to Wilton where they took a train to 
Iowa City to see the Governor, who at once ordered forty 
stands of arms and ammunition to be sent to the scene to be 
used in suppressing the outbreak. This prompt action had 
a warlike appearance to one of the men, who said: "My 
God! Governor, am I to understand you that we are to return 
home and shoot down our neighbors ? " The Governor re- 



248 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

fleeted a nu)nu'nt, ;iiul then ivjilied: '*On second thought I 
guess I'll go myself. •"' 

He went, but not till he h:id niiide arrangements for half 
a score of companies of infantry and a squad of artillery to 
follow closely after him. As the artillery squad had no tixed 
ammunition for their guns, bars and rods of iron were cut 
into inch pieces to do duty in the place of canister, grape 
and solid shot. 

In sending arms to the persons applying for them, the 
followdug letter was written: 

State of Iowa, Executive Office, [ 
August 3, 1863. S 

Messrs. Allen Hale, W7n. Cochran and Thos. Moorman. 

South English, Iowa. 

Gentlemen: — I have learned with regret the unfortunate occur- 
rence at your place on Satui'daj^ last, and also that there is danger of 
further conflict and disturbance in consequence. I of course cannot 
determine ■where the fault is, or who are the parties responsible, but 
it is very clear that this is a matter to be determined by the court and 
not by a mob. If it shall turn out that Tally Avas unlawfully killed, 
the law must show who is the guilty person, and must inflict the pun- 
ishment If a mob of his friends are permitted to determine who is 
guilty, and to inflict punishment, it is just as probable that the inno- 
cent will suffer as the guiltj'. Such proceedings unsettle society and 
render every man's life and propertj' insecure. 

I have sent to the sherift' of Washington couutj' forty stands of 
arms and ammunition for the same, for you. These arms ai"e intended 
only and strictly for the defense of your people against any lawless 
attack on your town bj' a mob, and for the purpose of aiding the law- 
ful authorities in enforcing the laws and maintaining the public peace. 
They must not be used for anj' other purpose, or in an}' other manner. 
You must keep your people sti'ictly on the defensive, and clearly 
within the law. You must not i-esist the execution of legal pi-oeess, 
but must aid in enforcing and executing it. If you are attacked by a 
mob of rioters and lawless men you will of course defend 3'ourselves. 

The public mind is much excited by the acts of mischievous and 
designing men, and it becomes law abiding and peaceful citizens not 
to add to this excitement. Act prudently, coolly and lawfully. 

I trust the threatened danger may pass over without further dis- 
turbance. 

I have written the sheriff of your county to act in this matter. Until 



TIIK I.IFF, AND TIMES OF SAMT'EL J. KIRKWOOB. 249 

his airivul J must trust to your judgment and discretion, upon his 
arrival act under his authority. Very respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKVVOOD. 

Charles Negus, an attorney (^f Fairfield, was sent for by 
the friends of Tally to assist in bringing the guilty parties to 
trial, and as he became a very close observer and a partici- 
pant in many of the scenes that followed his arrival, and has 
published what came to his notice, portions of that publica- 
tion are here inserted: 

"My road to Sigourney led near where the Tally party which had 
been constantly increasing by arrivals from the surrounding country 
and adjoining counties had made their headquarters about two miles 
from Sigourney, on the south bank of Skunk River. I drove to the 
encampment and took a survey of the premises. Here were to be seen 
the offal of slaughtered beeves, the camp fires where food had been 
cooked, the stacked arms, the places where men had taken their repose 
during the night, and large numbers of wagons, horses and men. The 
place looked warlike. * * * When I first met them they were not 
oi-ganized, Vmt they soon went to work, divided them-selves into com- 
panies, elected officers for each company, chose officers to command 
them as a brigade, and became organized for regular mi'itary drill, 

"As soon as it was known that I was on the ground calls were made 
for me to address them. I did nut think it a very desirable task to 
talk to such an audience, and at first declined; but finding I could not 
well avoid it, I ascended a stand and told them the only thing I had to 
say was not to act under excitement but to be cool and deliberate in 
all their actions, and especially to maintain the character of law abid- 
ing citizens, and not to do anything they were not authorized to do by 
law. * * * Under the then exciting state of affairs I thought it 
was not a very desirable crowd to be in, and got away as soon as I 
could and went to Sigourney. There were a great many strangers in 
the town, and a great many constantly coming and going, and nearly 
all took the Tally side of the controversy. Those that did not had very 
little to say. I had not been in the hotel very long before I saw J. H. 
Sanders coming into town on his return from having been to see Gov. 
Kirkwood. As soon as he had stopped, a few of the leading Republi- 
cans gathered around him in private consultation. Among the num- 
ber was the landlord. On his return, just as he passed me, I heard 
him remark in a low tone, "There'll be plenty of pale faces before 
to-morrow at this time." As soon as I saw the landlord alone I went 
to him, told him what I had heard him say, and asked him why he 
mad© that remark. Then I was informed that the Governor would be 
there that night with a well armed military force, that he had made 



250 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

arrangements and that it was his intention, if necessar}', to take the 
whole Tally camp prisoners, or if they resisted to ' shoot them on the 
spot.' 

' 'A little before sundown the Governor drove into town accompanied 
by three of his aids. Soon after he arrived he went to the Court House, 
and it was announced that he wanted to talk to the citizens. There 
soon collected quite an audience, and the Governor from the Court 
House steps addressed those assembled, closing his remark with, 'I 
will make an example of those engaged in these disturbances, which 
will forever deter others from engaging in like proceedings. I say 
what I mean and I inean what I say.' 

"The Govei'uor continued his remarks till it was quite dark. While 
he was speaking I made it an object to circulate through the crowd 
and learn the effect iiroduced upon it by the speech. I heard frequent 
expressions of disapprobation and sujjpressed threats of personal 
violence, and evident signs of much discontent. One man apparently 
between forty and fifty years old, whose beard had begun to be silvered 
over with gray hairs, and possessed of a fierce determined visage used 
the expression, 'I'll shoot the d d old scoundrel.' His cool, decis- 
ive and deliberate manner, and his emphatic tone though uttered in a 
low voice forcibly impressed upon my mind that he meant mischief, 
and might be a dangerous jjerson. 

"After the Governor had closed his speech, he went back to the hotel 
and took a seat at the door. I had taken a chair and was seated out 
doors on the pavement near him. There were but few persons about 
the house at that time, daylight had disappeared, and every thing ap- 
peared peaceful and quiet. The Governor in his thoughts had 
apparently forgotten that he was the Executive of the State, and 
commandei'-iu-chief of all its military forces, and in his feelings had 
become an Iowa farmer again; he gave a description of his own farm, 
how he managed it; stated that he had recently purchased a lot of 
steers from the western part of the State, told how he was going 'to 
handle them, ■■ and the profits he expected to realize from his farm and 
steers. 

♦'It vras a beautiful evening, the sky was clear, the stars shone 
bright, all nature apparently calm and lovely. While these things 
were being discussed, I noticed the gray-bearded man who had made 
the threats at the court-house come near where we were sitting and 
take a close observation of the surrounding premises and then go 
away. 

"Soon after I saw a .squad of men consisting of five persons, one in 
the lead and two abreast, following each other in close proximity, with 
quick and hurried steps, coming up the opposite side of the street from 
the hotel. When they got to the corner of the public square they 
turned and came across the street directly towards where we were 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 251 

sitting. As they approached near us, I discovered that the leader was 
the gray-haired man I had heard make the threats at the court-house. 
The thought immediately sti'i;ck me that they had malicious intentions 
and designs toward the Governor. I sprang to my feet, placed myself 
at the door, so that my body formed a barrier between them and the 
Governor. They came in front of the door, made a halt, turned their 
faces towards us, stood motionless with a steady fixed gaze at their 
surroundings; not a word was spoken, but after a few moments 
passed, they left. 

"The Govei-nor soon retired to his room and I to mine. In connec- 
tion with the many persons about town there was nothing in the com- 
ing, stopping, or departing of those men which excited especial atten- 
tion or comment, and nothing w^as said about the matter at the time, 
and their bearing would not have especially attracted my attention 
had I not heard the emphatic threats of the gray-bearded man at the 
court-house. There was no explanation given by the party at the 
time, and no especial comment made by any one. The circumstances 
had nearly passed from my mind, when, several months afterwards, I 
was informed that those men had come prepax'ed, and it was their in- 
tention to have shot the Governor, and if it had not been for my inter- 
ference they would have carried their intentions into effect. 

''About the time the Governor came to town, the man who I un- 
derstood had been elected commander-in-chief of the Tally forces came 
up to Sigourney. From him 1 learned that they had got their forces 
fully oi'ganized, and it was their intention to start for South English 
early the next morning. I told him of the information I had got in 
relation to the Governor's preparations and intentions, and how I had 
got it, and advised him to go back to the camp and as soon as it Avas 
dark have his men disperse and go to their respective homes. 

"The Governor in his speech at the couit-house made no mention 
of his having out any military forces, and apparently it was not his 
intention to have it publicly known; but that night there came to 
Sigourney, or in close proximity to the Tally camp, the Muscatine 
Rangers, Caf)t. Satterlee; Washington Provost Guards, Capt. An- 
drews; Brighton Guards, Capt. Sheridan; Richland Home Guai'ds, 
Capt. Drummond; Fairfield Prairie Guards, Capt. Alexander; Fairfield 
Union Guards, Capt. Ratcliff; Abingdon Home Guards, Capt. Peck; 
Libertyville Home Guards, Capt. Cowan; Mt. Pleasant Infantry, Capt. 
Jericho; Mt. Pleasant Artillery, Capt. Burr; and Sigourney Home 
Guards, Capt. Price." 

While one of the artillery men was standing guard over 
his gun, in the early dawn of the morning, a stranger, led by 
curiosity or as a spy from the Tally camp, came up within 
speaking distance of the guard, and asked him what he had 



252 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF flAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 

there, when he got the reply, "That, sir, by , is a but- 
ternut cracker." 

As the "enemy," following the advice of their counsellor, 
had all disbanded and scattered during the night, no hostile 
demonstrations were made on the part of our troops. They 
were all put under the command of Col. N. P. Chipman to 
remain until notified by the sheriff of the county that they 
were no longer needed. 

The camp of the Tally forces was estimated to contain 
from one to three thousand men, but as no muster rolls of 
them were ever made, or, if made, never published, their ex- 
act number was never known. 

Upon warrants issued, twelve men were arrested for the 
killing of Tally, when Mr. Negus, who had returned to his 
borne in Fairfield, was sent for by the Governor to assist in 
their prosecution, but the men all waived examination and 
gave bonds for their appearance at the next term of the Dis- 
trict Court, and thus ended the noted "Skunk River War." 

For the prompt and decisive action of the Governor in 
suppressing this outbreak much credit is due him, as it pre- 
vented the shedding of much blood and a long train of 
domestic troubles and disasters that would have followed 
dilatory measures. 

In June of this year the Republicans nominated Col. 
William M. Stone to become Governor Kirkwood's suc- 
cessor, and the latter took some part in the canvass to pro- 
mote his successor's election, making several speeches as the 
canvass progressed. The following are portions of a speech 
he made at West Union, in Fayette county, on the 8th of 
September. Being introduced to the audience by Joseph 
Hobson, Esq., as a live governor. Governor Kirkwood said: 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Oentlemen .-—Whether I deserve the ap- 
pellation of a live Governor or not, I don't know. Since this war 
broke out I have certainly been a busy one in doing what I conceived 
to be your work in the way in which I supposed you desired it to be 
done. Of late 1 have been traveling about some portions of our State, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 253 

talking at various i^laces with my fellow-citizens regarding our duties 
in the terrible struggle which has fallen upon us. The pi-esent posi- 
tion of our political affairs is such that every person is interested in 
them. There never has been a time since the history of the country 
began when all the people were more deeply interested in these things. 
We have enjoyed many years of peace and great prosperity under this 
government. And in past days of peace, we have been accustomed to 
gather together on the Fourth of July — anniversary of our independ- 
ence — and talk joyously and boastingly of our privileges, and quite 
loudly of our patriotism and our devotion to the institutions which our 
fathers have handed down to us. Our orators, on these occasions, 
have given us grand pictures of our greatness and glory. They have 
made for us very broad pledges to stand up bravely to the death, if 
need be, for the honor and integrity of this government, and now the 
day of real trial has come. We have talked our patriotism, and now, 
my friends, we are called upon to make good our professions. The 
day has now come for us to make good the words which in times of 
peace we have so loudly spoken. The life of the government is im- 
periled. Bad men have sought to destroy this government, and we are 
called upon in earnest to stand up and defend it— to protect it from 
the rough hands of its enemies— that we may hand its blessings down 
to posterity. 

Now, I knoAv you will not expect me to-day to talk to you of any- 
thing but this war which is upon us. Indeed, there is no use of talk- 
ing about any thing else at this time. Well, we are at war, and what 
are we fighting for? For our government? Well, what is a govern- 
ment? Let us consider that matter for a moment and see what we are 
fighting for. Many people seem to get an idea that the government is 
only a set of machinery put in motion for the accommodation of 
aspiring, ambitious men — just to make Presidents and Governors and 
other officers to eat up their substance — to lift fat, lazy fellows into 
positions of power and luxury to use up the money the people are 
yearly taxed to pay. This is not exactly a right view. The govern- 
ment is the means through which you are protected in your life, your 
liberty, your proj^erty, in all that you do and have. Its protection is 
around you and goes with you continually. It stands by you by night 
and by day. The government protects your persons, your families, 
your farms, your workshops, yoi.r various places of business. It pro- 
tects you from the violence of the strong, and from wrong through the 
machinations of the cunning and dishonest. And all this it does for 
you, not only at home, but abroad. Go to foreign lands — to the end 
of the earth, if you will— and it goes commanding respectful protec- 
tion, and demanding it in the name and strength of a nation that all 
people every where shall treat you well. And this it does not only for 
the native born, but for the foreign born— for all who, having left the 



254 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

shores of other lands, declare allegiance to our country. The govern- 
ment protects our ships, our commerce, through which we make those 
exchanges of our surplus products for such produce of other countries 
as are desirable aud necessary for us. It is thi'ough the government 
alone under God that we ai'e enabled to acquire and enjoy everything 
that is desirable in civilized life. 

Now, then, to a government which so richly blesses us — which is 
doing all this for us — which is so showering good upon us continually 
— do we owe nothing in return? I believe we do. We owe everything 
that the government can possibly ask that we can possibly give. 
When the government calls upon us to pay, shall we refuse? What do 
you think of that man who is always asking to be accommodated Avho 
is always receiving good from his neighboi's and is never willing to 
make any return? Whj' j^ou think him a mean man, and he is one. 
Just so is the man who receives good all his life from his government, 
and when that government, in sore need, calls upon him for his 
services to pay some part of the honest debt he owes, tries to sneak 
out. [Applause.] These are duties which at all times we owe to the 
government, and verily we owe it to the government first to be peace- 
ful and law-abiding citizens; second, to pay cheei'fully our share of the 
public tax, to bear our full share of the public burdens. But at this 
time there is a duty higher thau these. The duty to our government 
now is as sacred as that which every man owes to his wife in time of 
danger — the duty not only to love and cherish, but to jrrotcct — to in- 
terpose his body, when called upon, between it and the bayonets of its 
enemies. And the man who by any means tries to get rid of this re- 
sponsibility — to crawl out of performing this dutj- — is a meanmanand 
a coward. [Great applause, and cries of "That's so."] 

To-day the life of our government is threatened. Its enemies must 
be put down, or it must die; and it seems to me there is but one ques- 
tion which a man should ask himself: "What can I do to aid the gov- 
ernment in this its time of peril?" Not what can my neighbor do; 
not what can the county do, or what some other couut}^ can do, but 
"What can I do!" Not who began the i-ebellion. Some of you tvill 
stop to ask who began it, and some of you Avill say the Abolitionists 
did it. I don't say whether they did, or not. But suppose they did; 
the rebellion is here, and we must put it down. We cannot stop to 
argue such questions. What difference does it make who caused the 
Rebellion. We should postpone such questions till the war is over. 
The Abolitionists may have caused it, but I know the}' are now trj'ing 
to put it down, and so far they are doing well. So far, at least, we 
should all work together. Neither should we stop to question as to 
Avhat is to be done after the rebellion is over. Let us be sure first that 
we are to have a government before we wrangle as to what is to be 
done with it. For the present, let us take hold with a will, and ex- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 255 

pend all our energies in putting the rebellion down, as it is most 
assuredly our duty to do. I am in the habit of illustrating my view- 
in about this way: You have a fine court-house building here — not 
large enough, I am sorry to say, to admit all who desire admittance 
to-day — but it is a fine l)uilding, and has cost you many thousands of 
dollars. Some night the cry of fire is heard in your streets. Looking 
towards the public square you see this building in flames. Now, 
while one class of citizens ai*e pulling off their coats and grasping a 
bucket hei'e and a ladder there, and running with all their might to 
the Avells and cisterns of the town, and from them to the fire, all unit- 
ing in a desperate effort to subdue the flames, another class are seen 
deliberately meeting on the square, and while the fire is still raging, 
and while men are still laboring manfully to put it out, raise and 
begin to discuss the question who started the fire. Men about the 
building are dropping away from exhaustion, and others are needed 
to take their places, but these fellows stand with their hands in their 
pockets, stopping every man who comes along to inquire who caused 
the fire. What would you think of such men? Wouldn't you think 
they were sneaks? Wouldn't you think they were fools? Would you 
believe their professions, ever so loudly made, that they earnestly 
desired the house to stand? [Laughter.] Well, now at the same time 
another class meets and organizes a meeting in the face of the flames, 
just far enough away to be out of danger. A chairman is elected — not 
the chairman you have elected to-d.ay, I apprehend [laughter, and 
cries of '"No! no!"] — and the meeting goes to work to discuss the ques- 
tion as to hosv the bviilding shall be fixed up after the fire is put out. 
They are determined to have the house just as it was l^efore the fire 
broke out. It must be built up to just the same heighth; every brick 
must be just in the same place; they must have just the same number 
of windows and doors; the arrangement about this stand must be ex- 
actlj'^ as it is now; the window-sash must be just the same size and 
must contain exactly the same number of panes of glass; everything 
must be just as it was before the building was set on fire. It does not 
matter that the flames are still raging, that it is yet doubtful whether 
the brave men who are throwing the water on will be able to save the 
building or not. These "house-as-it-was" men will not lend a single 
hand to save the edifice unless the noble boys, who, in the midst of the 
work, all covered Avith sweat and dust and cinders, are splashing the 
water on to the hissing flames, will stop and enter into a solemn con- 
tract to have the house built up just according to their plan. 

Now, what would you say of the men who composed such a meet- 
ing? You would say they were in league with the fiends who set the 
building on fire. [Applause.] Today our political edifice is on fire, 
and while one portion of our people are crowding forward with all the 
energy and strength that God has given them to put out the fire. 



256 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

another class are meanly quibbling about who started the fire, and 
about what shall be done when the fire is over. Now, why need this 
be so? Why can we not all come together and with one ignited effoi't 
save the edifice? We want peace all of us, and why can not we leave 
all these questionings and bickerings to the future and take hold as 
one brave man and crush this rebellion out, and then we shall have 
peace? You say, "We were united at first. We could so take hold if 
this war was only carried on on the same policy under which it be- 
gan. It was then a war for the Union, but Lincoln has issued his 
proclamation and changed it into a war to free niggers, and we won't 
fight in such a cause. The proclamation is unconstitutional, and we 
intend to stand by the constitution. You Abolitionists and Republi- 
cans who are urging on this war admit yourselves that the measui'e is 
unconstitutional. You said when you wei'e trying to elect Lincoln 
that you had no right to interfere with slavery in the States where it 
then existed. Lincoln disclaimed his right or intention to do such 
thing. Now you are making a wholesale thing of it and freeing the 
slaves of many States at once. Where's j'our consistency?" 

It is possibly true that the proclamation may be unconstitutional. 
It is possible the President may have violated the constitution. He 
thinks it constitutional, but he may be mistaken. And yet there is 
another side. The President may be right. I know that very manj' 
lawyers think him so, lawyei's whose reputations for learning and 
ability are not verj' limited. And these lawj^ers do not all belong to 
the party which put Mr. Lincoln in power; many of them were his 
political enemies. I know that going about through the towns of the 
State I meet another quite numerous class, who call themselves law- 
j^ers, and who sit most of the time on empty boxes in front of the vil- 
lage stores, having nothing to do but to talk and to whittle [laughter], 
who gravely declare that this measure is unconstitutional! [Great 
laughter.] 

Now, these stoi'e-box lawyers may be mistaken. In relying on their 
opinions you may be mistaken. The Proclamation may prove to be 
coustitutioual after all. You are as liable to error as other great men, 
and if in error what are you doing? Why you ai'e refusing to aid the 
government which greatly needs your assistance, even when called 
upon in a legal manner. You are doing yourselves and the country a 
great wrong. Now, it seems to me where the chances are so nearly 
even as we here suppose, the safest way would be for you to act 
through the direction of the existing administration until the question 
is settled by the proper tribunals. It seems to me if j'ou are really 
honest and patriotic in this matter you will do this. You cannot act 
effectively in any other way. If the power of the government is 
Drought to bear upon this war, it must be thi-ough the coustitutetl 
authorities. [Applause]. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 257 

Now a word as to our position regarding the unconstitutionality of 
freeing the slaves of our enemies. Suppose when we were trying to 
elect Mr. Lincoln they had told some such electioneering story as this: 
" When the Black Republicans get Lincoln elected he will send out 
here to Galena and get Ulj^ses S. Gi'ant. He will call upon thousands 
of the young men of Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois and other 
States of this great northwest. He will take the money of the government 
and supply these men with arms. He will build at the expense of the 
United States Treasury gun boats. And this man Grant will lead these 
young men down South and there at an enormous expense to the gov- 
ernment he will go to work to dig a ditch across the neck of land in 
front of Vicksburg, in order to turn the course of the Mississippi River 
to the injury of that city. Failing in this he will take his band of 
armed men down below, force his way up into the country back of 
Vicksburg, take the property of the inhabitants, even kill thousands 
of them, and finally march into the city and take military possession 
of it?" Why we would have answered you by calling you crazy, and 
assuring that the President would do no such thing; that he would 
have no right to do anything of the kind; that he would be sworn .as 
all Presidents of the United States have been, to support the Constitu- 
tion; that he would support it; that such a proceeding would be out. 
rageously unconstitutional. 

Well, after all, this is just what the President and Ulysses S. Grant 
have been doing. And they have done it in a perfectly constitutional 
manner. Who dares to say the rapture of Vicksburg is unconstitu- 
tional? Why this great charge? li is just here: The electioneering 
story is told upon the hypothesis lliat we are at peace; that these peo- 
ple of the South have by no act of their own lost their right to be 
treated as peaceful, law-abiding American citizens. The fad is we are 
at war; that these inhabitants have become rebels, traitors, enemies of 
the government in open armed resistence to it, and we have now a 
moral, constitutional and every other right, if there are any other 
rights to fight them to the best of our ability. [Applause.] We have 
a right to do everything we can which hurts them and helps us until 
they submit. Now, the President gets the power under the Constitution 
to take their negroes, just where he got the power to take Vicksburg. 
[Great applause]. You do not deny the right of the government to 
take the life of the enemy, and yet say it has no right to take his 
negroes. Do you hold that slavery is more sacred than life? These 
negroes were doing the rebels good, and so far were doing us harm. 
They did the drudgery, the heavy labor; entrenchments Avere made by 
these slaves; breastworks were built by them, behind which the rebels 
stood to blow the brains out of our brave boys. The rebels have no 
scruples about using them for tliemselves, and I know no reason why 
we should object by turning the tables and using them for ourselves. 



258 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

I can see no objections to their fighting for us if they want to. Why 
should not a negro fight, if he is willing to fight? You said they 
wouldn't fight for anything. They themselves gave the answer at 
Milliken's Bend, where the fortunes of the day turned upon their 
heroic conduct. The fact is they will fight, and so long as they are 
willing and can take the place in the conflict of Iowa husbands, Iowa 
fathers, Iowa brothers and Iowa sons, I am willing to let them. They 
are awkward with arms and there is a reason for it. They are not 
accustomed to handling them. You know how much we have been 
told of the perfect confidence masters have in their slaves. Slaves love 
their masters. They say you can't coax them away. The masters are 
always willing to trust everything, even their lives, in their hands; 
and yet there is something peculiar about the fact that go ai'ound 
among the plantations as you will, you will never find arms in the 
hands of slaves. As I have said they are awkward, and it may be that 
the masters knowing this, and considering the great value of the prop- 
erty in them, are afraid to let them have guns for fear that they will 
be so awkwai'd as to shoot themselves. [Great laughter and applause]. 

Be that as it may, the negroes are awkward with arms and need 
training in the use of them. They have proved their valor, and only 
need fair usuage to be made immensly valuable to us. 

I was over the ground at Milliken's Bend after the battle, and was 
called to notice some of the evidences of desperation with which our 
own men and these negroes fought. It was a bloody hand to hand 
encounter. Men were found together, each i^ierced with the baj^onet 
of his adversary. At one place one of these negroes with the breach 
of his gun— he was too awkward to use the bayonet end — had knocked 
down five of the chivalrous rebels. I came to a mound where twenty 
of the brave sous of Iowa lay buried. As I thought of the Iowa widows 
whose husbands lay under that heap of earth, as I thought of the Iowa 
children whose fathers were there, of the Iowa sisters whose brothers, 
and of the Iowa fathers and mothers whose bravest sons lay in that 
rough burial of the glorious dead, I felt like pouring a flood of tears 
over that mound. I went to another greater; sixty of these negroes 
lay buried there. As I looked upon that mound I thought of the Iowa 
soldiers whose lives had been spared because their places in the fight 
had been occupied by these men. I thought of the many Iowa homes 
that had been saved at least from one cau.se of sorrow and mourning, 
because these brave fellows liad been willing to fight. I thought that 
by the help of these blacks the enemy had been prevented from boast- 
ing a victor}^ for rebel arms, and I thanked God tliat they had had the 
manliness and the bravery to come forward and help us. I thought it 
made little difference whether men were white or black or what color 
they were. Let men be pea green, or sky blue, or any other color 
under the heavens, if thevhave the manliness and the courage to come 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 259 

up and fight for the old flag, I am ready to say God speed them. [Great 
applause]. I visited still auother mound; it was where the rebel dead 
were buried — the traitors that these negroes had forced to bite the 
dust. I walkeij about the mouud carefully, I thought there might be 
some stir. It seemed to me that the damning disgrace of having been 
whipped by a "nigger" might make the chivalry restless in the grave. 
[Laughter and applause]. But there was no stir. The mound was 
siill. 1 have not heard that any ghosts have been seen walking about 
Ihei'B since. I have come to the conclusion that when a rebel is killed 
liy a "nigger" he is just as dead as when killed by a white man. [Great 
laughter]. 

Some of you said our boys would die disgraced if negroes were 
allowed to fight. But I have yet to see the soldiers who are not thank- 
ful for their help. Talk aliout the disgrace of fighting with a negro? 
Why here there are two classes in this country; one class is white; the 
government has showered blessings on this class all their lives. 
It has always protected them in their lives, their liberties 
and their property. It has opened to them the way to wealth, 
to luxury and power. They have been honored by the officers of the 
government, and enriched from its treasury. The other class is com- 
posed of negroes. Our government has done nothing for them, but to 
put the heel upon their necks; it has denied them liberty; denied them 
the right to their own wives; denied them the right to their ow^n chil- 
dren; denied them everything except the right to labor under the lash 
for nothing. Now the life of the government is imperiled. The enemy 
are dealing heavy blows upon it. We call in the country's distress 
upon these two classes to fight for us, to help us defend it. The 
abused negro class come up manfully and fight. The other class 
refuses to do anything for the government that has done so much for 
them. Now, which class will it disgrace a man most to act with? 
Which class is the most respectable? Which is the most decent man, 
the white man who when called upon deserts and skulks away, or the 
negro who comes up bravely and fights? The man who fights, the man 
who does what he can to help crush the enemies of the country is the 
man with whom I would clasp hands always. [Great applause]. 

Again, you say you cannot unite with us because Lincoln makes 
arbitrary arrests; you say, "Lincoln is changing this government into 
a tyranny." I don't believe this. I believe the President to be a noble, 
patriotic man. But suppose he were not, it is strange he should do 
this thing. In little more than a year he will be a private citizen 
again, unless he should be re-elected, and I am sure he will not want 
to be for his personal comfort, and if he changes this government into 
a tyrann}' he will have to live under it and his children also. * * * 

A great deal of the talk made at this time about the constitutional 
rights of private citizens is foolish, and actually disloyal. In times of 



260 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKNVOOD. 

war and rebellion the i-ights of the private citizen must be subordinate 
to the good of the government. It is impossible that the citizen should 
always be entitled to all the px'ivileges in time of war, to which he is 
entitled in time of peace. We cannot have an exact ride of law for 
everything in such a time No man or set of men that ever lived 
could have wit enough to frame an article which should mention all 
the acts by which an open enemy or secret ti'aitor can liarm his coun- 
try in time of war. We must all sometimes give up private interest for 
public good. To illustrate: Suppose I come to your beautiful town to 
live; suppose I am very rich— a violent presumption, but suppose it 
were true; I build me a grand house, and arrange the most magnifi- 
cent grounds, I have fountains and a large cistern to furnish them; I 
have on my grounds every tree and every shrub and flower that can 
be made to thrive in our climate; my garden is crowded with these 
things; the children pass along my place to school. Some bright 
morning a sweet little gii'l with sparkliug eyes comes tripping along, 
and looking >ip with a smile says, "Mr. Kirkwood, please give me a 
tlower." I say, "No, keep away from my yard." Why you would s;iy I 
was a mean man. But I would have the constitutional right .to do just 
so. I have a constitutional right to make a hog of myself if I choose 
to do so. I should say power perhaps, for I apprehend that to say I 
have the "right," is a misapplication of terms. But let us pass on 
with the illustration. Sujipose that on the opposite side of the street 
from my grounds is a row of tine business buildings filled with valua- 
ble goods. A fire breaks out in that row and threatens to destroy all 
that projierty. The fire boys run with their engines and hose carts to 
the spot, and the boys with hose in their hands cry to their chief fire- 
man, " There is no water, what shall be do? " He replies, "Push your 
hose through Kirk^vood's gate there and run to his cistern." But I 
stand at my gate and say, "No, you must not come in here; I will not 
have you running over my shrubbery and trees and flowers; besides I 
don't want the water drained from my cistern." The boys cry back, 
"Kirkwood wont let us in." The chief fireman answers, " Don't mind 
him, hurry up! Go along about your business, quick! " Then I stand 
and claim my co7islitutional rights and make personal resistance. The 
chief fireman seeing it says, "Boys, just laj' that crazy man one side 
till the fire is over, [laughter] and then w^e will settle the damage with 
hiiu," [Applause]. The people would say the fireman was right and I 
was wrong. And they would speak the truth. The constitutional 
rights which a citizen may have in times of peace and safety, must give 
way when in times of war public danger requires. But you say, "This 
war is a terrible thing; we want peace." So do I Avant peace, but 3'ou 
wont agree to my way of getting it. What is your way? "Compro- 
mise with them. We can never whip the rebels, we must compromise 
with them." Now, I think we can whip them. With your help we 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOU. 261 

could do it very soon, but we shall put this rebellion down whether 
you help or not. [Applause]. 

So much has never been done in the world to put down an enemy 
as has been done by our administration since this rebellion began. We 
have conquered moi'e territory in this war than Napoleon ever con- 
quered, and it is territory that counts with us. Our great trouble is 
that the enemy have all creation to run over and keep out of the way. 
Suppose we had the entire force of the rebellion shut up within the 
State of Missouri? Where would the rebellion be now? But you say 
compromise. How shall we compromise? Farmers can compromise 
where there is a question regarding the line which separates their 
lands. They can fix a line which will do justice to both which will be 
equally fair for the one as for the other, and thus settle the matter 
forever. But how shall we compromise with these rebels? What are 
we disputing about? They say they will not submit to the same laws 
that govern you and me. We say they shall. Now, how will you man- 
age Ihat? You cannot compromise by saying that they need not obey 
them and /must. I will not stand that, I count myself just as good as 
Southern chivahy. Put us luider tlie government on an equality if 
3"0U will, but I shall submit to nothing less. You wrong me and you 
wrong the government by any other arrangement. I don't believe in 
getting peace. I don't believe we can get a valuable peace by compro- 
mise with rebels in arms. When you offer to compromise with such 
men, you encourage rebellion. Suppose a thief comes in the night 
and steals your horses and runs them off. In the morning you look 
for them. You come across an old log house out somewhere where 
you see the horses, and you are satistied that the man who stole them 
is inside. You notice as you approach, that parts of the chinking be- 
tween the logs are knocked out, and through the holes a row of guns 
protrudes. You get near enough to demand your property, and you 
do so. The thief threatens your life and says you can't have it. You 
come back to town and get the sheriff, and he gets a hundred men and 
you a 1 go out again. As you approach the cabin the thieves threaten 
to fire their guns upon you. You see the thing is getting desperate. 
You can easily overcome them, but you ai'e afraid somebody' will get 
hurt. While you pause to consider the matter a moment in comes an 
outsider whom any sensible man would take to be one of the gang and 
says, "I'll tell you h(}vv to get out of the scrape. Just compi-omise 
with them." You say, " How can we? " He replies, " Give up one-half 
of the property, and take the other half." You agree to it and the 
matter is soon arranged. You take one-half of j'our property, and 
come home withoiit further trouble, and leave the other half to the 
ihieves. You run to the house and say, "Wife, we came near having 
a bloody time; the fellows talked pretty sauc3% and threatened to shoot 
us, but we scared them out and settled up without having anybody 



262 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KiRKWOOD. 

hurt." [Laughter]. "Settled it," your wife would say, "how did you 
settle it? " "Why we had to give them one-half the horses and let them 
go, and they let us biiug the other half home." "Why you coward," 
your wife would say. She would really think you a miserable cowai'd, 
and would turn her back on you ail day and all nigld. [Uproarous 
laughtei*]. 

Now, would this be a profitable way of settling with thieves? 
Would it be an honorable way? Would it fi*ee you from further 
depredations upon your property? Would such a "settlement" be 
likely to last long without further trouble? You know it would not. 
You know you would be offering a premium for stealing. You would 
be saying to thieves, " If you come to steal my property, I will give 
you one-half you get and let you go uuharmed and unpunished." Now, 
it is just so with rebels in arms. If you do compromise with them and 
give them what they ask, you encourage them to rebel every time 
things do not go exactly to suit them. The i^eople of the South rebelled 
because they were beaten at an election, we will say. Now, if you 
give up to them on that ground, how do you know that the "Black 
Republicans " will not rebel next time, if they are beaten? It may be 
the turn of the Abolitionists next. It wont do to settle in this manner. 
If the right to rebel is half acknowledged by compromise, if the weak- 
ness of the government is thus acknowledged we shall never be at 
peace. We shall soon have no government at all. The true way to 
secui'e peace is to crush the rebellion out, to grind the enemj^ to the 
earth. Give them Gi'eek fire and sword and bayonet continually, 
without stopping a moment to give them breath, until the signal of 
unconditional surrender appears. When they are willing to obey the 
laws as they stand, when they lay down their arms, when they stop 
tiring on the old flag, when they express a willingness to show proper 
respect for the authorities of our go\ ernment, it will be time for us to 
stop fighting. We can then talk with them if they desire to reason 
about the matter. We must enforce the laws everywhere. The peo- 
ple everywhere must uuderstand that there is no such thing as indulg- 
ing in a factious opposition to the laws of the land with impunity, that 
there can be no such thing as a successful appeal fi'om the ballot box 
to arms, and then we shall have peace worth having. [Great applause]. 
I feel like talking to you a little regarding our approaching election, 
because I feel that it is intimately connected with the war. The good 
name of our State depends very much upon the character of the 
men who fill its offices. Two men are mentioned in connection 
with the office of Governor. I know both men. I believe they are 
both brave men. Some are saying that Col. Stone is not a brave 
man. I think he is a brave man. It has been my duty to look 
after him somewhat in this respect. His promotion has come through 
my hands. I have had pretty good opportunities for judging, and I 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SA31UEL J. K'lRKWOOD. 263 

assure you he would never have been pi'omoted by any act of mine if 
I had not known him to be a brave man. [Applause]. I would not 
detract a particle from the good name of the man who led the noble 
Iowa second up the hill at Donelson. *Gen. Tuttle has proved his 
bravery well. But there are others as brave as he is. * * * There 
were thousands in the ranks that were just as brave as the men who 
led them, and they deserve their full share of the honor. I tell you 
the men in the ranks deserve ')nore at your hands than the men who 
wear the straps. [Applause and cries of that's so]. You say if Col. 
Tuttle is a good man why not vote for him in preference to Col. Stone. 
Why, Col. Stone is a good man and his associates on the ticket are 
men of undoubted loyalty. 

This cannot be said of the associates of Gen. Tuttle. He is on the 
ticket with Buncombe, as bitter a Copperhead as there is in the State; 
and with Mason, who pledged himself two years ago, when a candi- 
date for the Supreme bench, to decide the law authorizing the issue of 
State bonds to be unconstitutional. The very bonds, colonel, (to Col. 
Brown of the Iowa third who was upon the stand) with which I 
obtained the money to clothe your regiment. Mason still stands 
pledged to this thing. Tuttle is dissatisfied with the treatment of the 
government towards Vallandingham. He is dissatisfied because Val- 
landingham was not hung. There are men in Iowa whom he says 
ought to be hung, and yet these persons are going to vote for him. 
There is something strange about this. I would not expect a man to 
support me whom I thought ought to be hung. I should not want him 
to vote for me. I tell you there must be a trick somewhere. Some- 
body is to be cheated. Either the Copperheads are to be cheated, 
or we are. When they are trying to make the soldiei's and Cop- 
perheads vote together, the same ticket, you may be sure some- 
thing is wrong. 1 can prevent myself from being cheated. I can 
keep myself perfectly safe by not voting that ticket. Are you 
willing to run the risk? (Cries of no! no!) I hope you will not. I 
wish I could talk to the soldiers a few minutes about this matter. But 
there is no need of it. Soldiers understand this matter as well as we 
do, and they are more in earnest. Suppose the ticket which Gen. Tut- 
tle heads is elected. Then suppose it may happen, human life is 
uncertain, suppose Gen. Tuttle dies. Then you have Buncombe in the 
chair of the chief magistrate of the proud State of Iowa. An executive 
who will bitterly oppose the furnishing a man or a dollar to aid the 
government. I repeat, there is a trick somewhere. The plain open 
way is upon the other side. 

Ladies, I have been talking to these men about their duties. They 
may not heed me, but I have faith to believe that you will. I there- 
fore desire one word with you. You have a wonderful influence, and 



♦Democratic candidate for Governor, running against Col. Stone. 



264 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOU. 

you can make it of great service in the struggle which is upon us. 
You have done well. Through the instrumentality of the Sanitary 
Commission, you have done a great, a noble, work. I wish you could 
know how heartily the brave boys— the poor, sick and wounded fel- 
lows — thank j^ou, and pray God to bless you. But there is still more 
you can do. You can cast your influence against the enemies of the 
government at home. Set your faces against them. Let them know 
that you do not entertain a very high respect for them. And you 
young ladies should exert your influence in this direction. When you 
meet one of these young men who hang about home with no excuse, 
who is down on the Administration and the war, and the policy of the 
government generally, and who never has any fault to find with Jeff 
Davis or the Rebels — I say, when you meet such a young man at the 
lecture room, or the social party, or anywhere else, and he ofi'ei's his 
arm to escort you, just tell him you prefer to be excused. [Laughter.] 
And should one of these young men have the impudence to ask you to 
marry him, just say, "No; I'm going to wait and marry a soldier." 
[Applause.] I had a little talk with the boys back of Vicksburg, and 
I told them that all the prettiest and best Iowa girls were going to wait 
for husbands until they got home. I wish you could have heard the 
cheers upon cheers they sent up. The soldiers are almost all good 
cooks, you know, and that is one advantage. [Laughter.] And, again, 
the man who is false to his country, mark my word for it, canyiot be 
true to you. * * * 

In conclusion, let me appeal to you all to come forward and strive 
to heal up the divisions which exist among us. If we could only all 
take hold and strive earnestly together, we should soon make an end 
of this war. Division has killed thousands of our brave boys. It is 
killing them yet. Let us work together. Let us all with one united, 
earnest effort put our shoulders to the wheel and w^e shall soon have 
peace and a restored Union. [Long continued applause and three 
cheers for Governor Kirkwood.] 

Speeches were made by Governor Kirkwood at several 
other places during the canvass. 

Dubuque county had been noted as containing quite as 
large a per cent, of disloyalty as any other in the State, and 
one in which w^as manifested much opposition to the enforce- 
ment of a draft, if one should be ordered. *It was also the 
residence of that prince of disloyalists and that" preacher of 
treason, D. A. JMahoney. 

At a Union meeting held here earl}' in September, this is 
reported as a speech made there by the Governor: 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 265 

Fellow-citizens of Dubuque : — My name is not on the program as 
one announced to speak here on this occasion; but being here, and 
being called upon, I will say a few words — because I have a few words 
that I want to say right here in Dubuque. 

Perhaps you know I have been favoring the organization of volun- 
teer companies and arming them in various places in the State. I find 
that there have been men base enough to say that these companies are 
being armed for the purpose of driving Democrats from the polls on 
election day. I also find that men are fools enough to believe it. 
And I want to tell you why I have done this. 

The other day a man in Keokuk county got into a row very unfor- 
tunately for himself — got killed. His friends in that vicinity chose to 
believe that the perpetrators would not be called to an account and 
punished bj' the proper aut' orities, and accordingly attempted to take 
the matter into their own hands. The result has been such as to show 
that tJieir services in the case were not needed. 

You remember that the draft commenced in New York the other 
day and a mob was raised to stop it, and threats have been made that 
the same thing would be done here in Iowa — would be done here in 
Dubuque. And I wanted to talk here in Dubuque just long enough to 
tell you that it will be a very bad thing to start a mob here in opposi- 
tion to the draft. It is for your own interest that no mob is started 
here. I tell you I will see to it that any mob that is started shall be 
put down for you! You see that I am not onl}^ a plain-looking man, 
but a plain-speaking man; and I intend to speak plainly. 

When this war began Iowa had no history. People in the East 
knew there was such a State west of the Mississippi, but they supposed 
it was inhabited by a few white persons and a good man}' Indians, and 
that the balance of the population was composed of wolves. But 
Iowa's soldiers have been making a patriotic name for her. On every 
battlefield in the West since the commencement of the war they have 
fought, and fought with a bravery not surpassed by any other State in 
the Uniou. Iowa has a name noiv. And it will be a shame, a burning 
shame, men and women of Iowa, if the soldiers who are in front of the 
enemy cannot be assured that their wives and children and loved ones 
at home can be protected from traitors in the rear. Why, down in 
Keokuk county, the countj' records had been packed up and were 
about to be carried to a more safe place of deposit, and the wives and 
families of absent soldiers trembled and lied in fear fx-om their homes. 
What will the solciiers thiuk? What did the soldiei's from Keokuk 
county think when they learned that their homes had been in jeop- 
ardy, and that their mothers, and wives, and daughters, and sisters 
were made to tremble for their lives, unprotected because they had 
given up those who once cared for them to the service of their coun- 
try? Such a burning shame shall not disgrace our State and grieve 



266 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the hearts of our uoble soldiers again without punishment, dire, swift 
and sure, reaches the traitor tliat engages in it. The homes and fami- 
lies and property of those who have gone to tight their country's bat- 
tles must be protected; and may my God forget me in my hour of 
sorest need if I do not see to it that they are protected. 

But the affair in Keokuk county was soon ended, and those who 
engaged in it will think twice, I am of the opinion, before they enlist 
in such an enterprise again. It commenced on Saturday. I received 
word of the position of affairs on Tuesday, and by Wednesday night I 
had five companies and one piece of artillery on the ground, and by 
Thursday night five more companies and another piece of artillery; 
and there was not a blank cartridge there. And I tell you if it be- 
comes necessary for me to come here to Dubuque on the same errand, 
I shall not bring a blank cartridge here. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

Letter to the President— Laat Annual Message — Qen. Baker^s Compli- 
ment to the Governor— The Oovernor's to the General — Kirkwood' s 
Gubernatorial Admiiiistration — Difficulties Eneountered — His Able 
Assistants — Allison, Price, E. Clark, R. Clark, Hubbard, Baldwin, 
Nutt, Edwards, Ingham, Sanders, Dodge — Dodge Sent for Arms — 
Gets Them When Others Could Not — Is Appointed Colonel of the 
Fourth Iowa — The Governor Childless — Children in the Family — 
S. Kirkwood Clark — Enlistment — Wounded at Arkansas Post — Dies 
From the Wound — Letters From His Uncle — From His Colonel — 
Appointed Minister to Denmark. 



St. Louis, Feb. 3, 1863. 
His Excellency the President : 

Sir — Appreciating as I do the responsibilities and cares of your 
position, I have avoided obtruding upon you my opinions, except in 
cases wherein I would, in my judgment, have been wanting in my 
duty to my country had I foi"boi"ne to do so. A case of this kind, in my 
judgment, now presents itself, illustrating a grave question of policy. 

On the 8lh of Januarj^ Col. William T. Shaw I'eceived from Major- 
Gen. Cui'tis, commanding the Department of the Missouri, written 
orders to repair to Helena, Ark., and report to the otiicer command- 
ing the Eastern District of Arkansas, for duty in organizing and mus- 
tering in troops to be raised from persons emancipated from servitude 
for garrison and other duties as contemplated in the proc- 
lamation of his Excellency the President of the United States 
of the 1st of January. In obedience to this order, Col. Shaw re- 
paired to Helena, reaching that point about the 16th of January, and 
reported to Brigadier-General Gorman, commanding, delivering the 
order of General Curtis. Genei'al Gorman positively refused to recog- 
nize Col. Shaw as an officer under his command; positively refused to 
issue any orders or to afford Col. Shaw any facilities to execute the 
ordex's of Gen. Curtis; used grossly insulting language to Col. Shaw 
for being willing to act under such an order; stated that if he (Gen. 
Gorman) had any officer under his command that would help to exe- 
cute such orders he would have him mustered out of service, and that 
if any man should attempt to raise negro soldiers there his men would 
shoot them. Throughout the entire interview his demeanor and lan- 
guage to Col. Shaw was grossly insulting and abusive. Shortly after 
this interview, a member of the Second Arkansas Cavalry handed to 



268 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Col. Shaw a letter directed on the outside of the envelope, "Col. Shaw, 
in charge of negro camp. " The letter was as follows: 

"Executive Office, Helena, Ark., Jan. 23, 1865. 
" Oeneral Orders No. 2. 

"No person, or persons, in the State of Arkansas shall be enlisted, 
or recruited, to serve as soldiers except by an officer duly appointed by 
the Military Governor of this State. 

"Amos F. Eno, 
" Secretary of State, p7'o tem." 

Col. Shaw finding he could not execute the order of Gen. Curtis, 
reported in person to him. 

Mr. President, I do not desire to intermeddle in matters, with which 
I have not legitimate concern, nor do I think I am so doing in bring- 
ing this matter to your notice. Col. Shaw is a gallant officer from ihe 
State of Iowa, commanding the Fourteenth Regiment Iowa Volunteer 
Infantry. He led his regiment bravely at Donelson and Shiloh; was 
taken prisoner at the latter place, and after a long and severe impris- 
onment, was paroled and exchanged in October last. Except in mili- 
tary position, he is at least Gen. Gorman's equal. He has been grossly 
insulted while endeavoring, as a good soldier should, to execute the 
oixleis of his superior officer. 

But the precise point to which I desire to direct your attention is 
this: The proclamation issued by yon on the 1st of Januai-y last was 
an act tne most important you have ever performed and more import- 
ant than, in all human probability, you will ever again perform. I 
shall not here argue whether its results will be good or evil. 

Had you not believed the good of the country imperatively de- 
manded its issuance, you would not have issued it. I most cordially 
and heartily endorse it But, Mr. President, that proclamation can- 
not be productive of good results unless it is observed and put in force. 
You know its promulgation has afforded many men a pretext for 
arraying themselves against the country, and if, having been promul- 
gated, it is allowed to be inoperative, its effects must be all evil and 
none good. Then how may it be executed? Can it be, will it be, by 
such men as General Gorman? 

Permit me to say, in all frankness, but with proper respect and 
deference, the history of the world cannot show an instance where a 
policy of a nation to array men strongly for or against it was ever 
successfully carried into effect by its opponents. It is not in the nature 
of things it should be so, and with the facts herein presented within 
my knowledge, I can not feel that I have discharged my duty without 
saying that, in my judgment, it cannot produce the good effects its 
friends believe it is capable of producing, and must produce only evil, 
unless you depend for carrying it into effect upon those who believe it 
to be a wise and good measure. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 269 

Many men holding high commands in the armies of the Union 
openly denounce the proclamation as an "abolition" document, and 
say it has changed the war from a war for the Union into a war for 
fi'eeing the negroes. This is caught up and goes thro'igh the ranks 
and produces a demoralizing effect on the men whose affiliation has 
been with the Democratic party, and they say "they did not enlist to 
tight for niggers;" while the men whose affiliation has been with the 
Republican party are disheartened and discouraged at discovering that 
the policy of the President, which they heartily endorse and approve, 
is ridiculed and thwarted by the men who should carry it into effect. 
If that proclamation is not to be respected and enforced, it had better 
never have been issued. I am unwilling to be misinterpreted or mis- 
understood. 1 am not influenced by party political considerations. 
There are few men in the country with whom I have differed more 
widely politically than with Gen. Butler, yet it is to me a source of 
great pleasui'e that he is to supersede, at New Orleans, a distinguished 
and able officer of my own political faith. Gen. Butler is prompt, 
ready and anxious to do the work assigned him, and such are the men 
we must have to obtain success. I care not what their political opin- 
ions have been, if they are unconditionally for the Union to-day. 

Permit me fuither to call to your notice the document copied 
herein issued by ' Amos F. Eno, Secretary of State, pro tern.'" As the 
Governor of the loyal State of Iowa, duly elected by the people of that 
State, I would not feel at libex'ty to order that no person should be 
enlisted or recruited as soldiers in Iowa, except by an officer duly ap- 
pointed by myself; and it certainly seems to me that the subordinate 
of a military governor, appointed by you, for a State in rebellion 
against the government, should not have that power. This act of this 
man is evidence of the determination of men holding their authority 
from you to disregard and bring into disrepute the policy you have 
felt bound to adopt. There is a further act of this Mr. Eno that I feel 
obliged to bring to your notice. He claims to act as the Adjutant- 
General of the Military Governor of Arkansas, and 1 am informed by 
authority, upon which I contideutly rely, he turned from 100 to 150 
sick and wounded soldiers out of a comfortable house, wherein they 
had been placed, in order to use the house as his headquarters; that 
these poor fellows were removed while it was raining, and that some 
of them actually died while being removed. There are manj' sick and 
wounded Iowa soldiers at the place, and some of them may have been 
among those thus treated. I would not, in my judgment, be discharg- 
ing my duty to them, if I did not bring this matter to your notice and 
demand an investigation of the facts alleged. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



270 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On the 11th day of January, 1861, the annual guberna- 
torial message was delivered, in which the State's finances 
were declared never to have been in a more healthy condi- 
tion. School and University Funds and Lands, Des Moines 
River Grant, Swamp Land Grant, Agricultural College 
Grant, Supreme Court, State University, Charitable Institu- 
tions and State Historical Society, were treated upon and 
their condition and needs were presented and discussed. In 
regard to the latter the Governor says: 

"Passing events render the work of this society vastly more im- 
portant than ever before. We are now making history with wonder- 
ful rapidity, but are making it in a fragmentary manner. Future ages 
demand of us that we collect and preserve these fragments as material 
from which a full and reliable record of the great events of our day 
may be preserved. This, with the ordinary work of the society in col 
lecting the early history of our State, is more than it can well perform 
with the means at its disposal. No man can be found to devote to it 
the necessary time without compensation. I recommend an appropri- 
ation of $500 as a compensation for this purpose, in addition to the 
$500 appropriated to it for other purposes." * * * 

ORGANIZING AND ARMING VOLUNTEER COMPANIES. 

I became satisfied during the early part of last summer that 
designing men in this, as in other loj'al States, were making prepara- 
tions for an armed resistance to the authority of the General Govern- 
ment. The law of Congress, providing for a draft to fill the ranks of 
the Union army, contained a provision that was eagerly seized upon 
to array the poorer of our people against the government, upon the 
specious pretense tiiat the object of the law was to disci'iminate Ije- 
tween the rich and the poor, to the injury' of the poor. 

The action of the government in freeing and using the slaves in 
the Rebel States for the suppression of the rebellion was represented 
as a scheme by the government to overrun the free Stales with the 
freed slaves, to the prejudice of the interest of the poor white men. 

The government, in some instances, arrested and temporarily im- 
prisoned, or sent beyond our lines, persons whose restraint the public 
safety required, and this was interpreted to mean an intention on the 
part of the government to break down all the defenses of civil liberty 
and to establish a despotism. The entire policy of our government, as 
interpreted by these men, was that the war was waged, not for the 
preservation of the Union, but for the abolition of slavery, that the 
object of the government in seeking to abolish slavery was to bring 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 271 

the freed slaves North and force their labor into competition vriththat 
of the poor white man; that by the so-called Conscription Law, the 
government songht to force only the poor men into the ranks of the 
army to effect these objects so prejudicial to their interests, and that 
while these objects were being effected, the government intended to 
overthx'ow our free institutions and establish in their stead a des- 
potism! 

It is passing strange that intelligent men could be found so wicked 
as to make these statements, and that other men could be found so 
ignorant and foolish as to believe them. But so it was. These state- 
ments were made through the press and on the stump in the most 
violent and exciting language, apparently with all the earnestness of 
conviction, and thousands of honest but deluded men believed them, 
and in consequence entertained feelings of deep hostility to the gov- 
ernment. In this excited state of the public mind, secret societies 
were organized in many, if not all, of the loyal States, the members of 
which were, to some extent, secretly armed for the avowed purpose of 
protecting themselves from what were called "Arbitrary Arrests." 
But I am satisfied it was with the intent on the part of the leaders to bring 
their members into armed collision with the General Government in 
case an attempt should be made to enforce the draft. The natural re- 
sult of these teachings and this action was seen in the bloody riot that 
occurred in the chief city in the Union, and in similar smaller out- 
breaks in other places. 

Under these circumstances my duty seemed to me to be plain and 
clear. I was bound to see to the enforcement of the laws, and the 
preservation of peace and good order; and when organized action 
Avas being taken through the state to prevent the one, and violate the 
other, I did not think my duty permitted me to wait until the evil was 
upon us, before I took steps for its prevention. I accordingly called 
upon the loyal men of the State who were willing to aid in the enforce- 
ment of the law, to organize a volunteer company in each county of 
the State. Such companies were promptly organized in most of the 
counties, of loyal and substantial citizens, and as they were organized 
I placed arms and ammunition in their hands to make their organiza- 
tions effective. By these means a sufficient force was provided to 
preserve the peace of the State, and insure the enforcement of the law 
of Congress, without weakening our army facing the enemy by with- 
drawing any portion of it for that purpose, and in my judgment this 
state of preparation to preserve the peace, tended largely to prevent 
its violation. There was but a single occasion iu which it was neces- 
sary to use the force, thus organized, and that was in Keokuk county.* 

At the commencement of the session of the Ninth General 
Assembly, the State had organized and sent to the field fourteen regi- 



*The eveuiB LOEuected witU that case Uave heretofore beea narrated, see page "^44-53. 



272 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ments of infantry, three regiments of cavair^y, and thi'ee batteries of 
artillery; and liad in process of organization two regiments of 
infantry, and one of cavalry. Of these regiments the first infantry 
was enlisted for three months, and had then been mustered out of ser- 
vice. All the others were enlisted for three years. Since the com- 
mencement of that session the two regiments of infantry and one of 
cavalry, then incomplete, have been organized, and in addition there- 
to twenty-four regiments of infantry, live regiments of cavalry, and 
one battery, and all for three years. Besides these complete organi- 
zations a large number of men have been enlisted for regiments in the 
field. * * * 

Besides tlie troops thus furnished to the Army of the Union, there 
wei'e organized five companies of mounted men for the protection of 
our northwestern frontier against Indians, and ten companies of 
mounted men on our southern borders, to protect the persons and 
property of our people on that line, against the depredations of organ- 
ized bauds of guerillas from Missouri. * * * Tlie companies on 
the northwestern frontiers have all been disbanded, and their place 
supplied by troops of the United States. While these companies wei-e 
in service, they were required to erect block houses and other build- 
ings at different points for their own convenience, and to serve as 
rallying points for the people in case of attack. These buildings are 
now occupied in whole or in part by the United States troops on that 
line. I recommend such legislation as may be necessary for the pre- 
servation of these buildin.s. They may be useful in the future, in 
case of another outbreak of the Indians. 

We owe much, very much, to the brave men who have gone out 
from among us to take their places in the ranks of the army, battling 
for the preservation of the Constilution and the Union. We owe much 
to those of them who are still living to fight for us, and much more to 
the families of those who have given their lives for our protection. 
Their duty to go was no greater than ours, but, in patriotism they far 
excelled us. How shall we pay this debt ? The praise we so freely 
accord, the honors we so joyfullj' confer on them, and the gratitude 
we so deeply feel are but small recompense. Of those who have died 
in the hospital and on tlie battlefield, many have left behind them 
young childrea, who need cai"e, protection and education, which the 
State is under the most solemn obligation to supply. Some of the 
soldiers yet living have been so far di.sal)led, that they cannot properly 
care for themselves. These we should support and maintain. I very 
earnestly recommend that either wholly by the State, or by means of 
aid furnished by the State to those of our people wlio may be disposed 
to enter upon this Avork, ample provision be made for a home in which 
the childi'en of deceased soldiers may be cared for, and educated^ 
and in which those of our soldiers who may not be able to support 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 273 

themselves may pleasantly live the honored guests of a grateful 
people. * * * 

Much has been done by sanitary associations in this and other 
States for the health and comfort of our troops in the field and in the 
hospital, and for the support of their families at home. 

The business of the General Sanitary Association, and of the local 
aid societies in furnishing supplies to our soldiers in the field, has now 
become well arranged and systematized and conseq lently much more 
effective. This work can be done much better by those societies than 
by the State, and I recommend that the State leave the matter in their 
hands. There should be however a liberal appropriatio:i for a con- 
tingent fund, under the control of the Governor, from which he can 
upon emergency furnish aid to those societies, and to sick and disabled 
soldiers under special circumstances, and by means of which he can 
send to and keep in the field such agents for the State, as may be 
necessary for the comfort and well being of our soldiers. 

I Very earnestly recommend that some systematic mode of furnish- 
ing aid to the needy families of our soldiers be adopted. Whether 
this can be best done by monies furnished by the State and distributed 
by persons appointed by the State, or through the instrumentality of 
local aid societies, is a question of doubt. It is very certain the work 
should be done in some way, and I have no doubt your wisdom will 
ascertain and adopt the proper mode. * * * 

NATIONAL AFFAIRS. 

I cannot close this communication, and with it my official connec- 
tion with the people of the State, without adverting lo the conditioQ 
of national affairs in which we are all so deeply and vitally interested. 
The war for the destruction of the Union on the one hand, and for its 
preservation on the other, still goes on. During the present year the 
s;iccesses of the Union arms have been so numerous and so important, 
that the public mind appears to have settled down into the belief that 
our ultimate success is certain, and not far distant ; and is now to 
some extent occupied vrith the question of reconstruction so-called. 
The question as to the manner in which, and the terms and conditions 
on which, the people within the territory composing the rebel States 
can again take part with the people of the loyal States in administer- 
ing the affairs of the General Government. 

The President has recently issued a proclamation to the people of 
the rebel States, in which he proposes to them such terms and condi- 
tions as in his judgment are right and pi'oper. He proposes in sub- 
stance, that as soon as the number of the voting population of any 
one of those States, equal to one-tenth of the entire voting population 
of the State, as shown at the last presidential election, shall take an 
oath, the form of which is prescribed, and shall establish a new gov- 



274 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ernment, Republican in foi'm, and consistent with the terms of the 
prescribed oath, such government shall be recognized as the true 
government of the State and protected as such. * * * 

(Here follow the exceptions prescribed by the President:) 

The terms and conditions proposed by the President are that the 
party guilty of treason shall swear : 

First — That he will faithfully support, protect and defend the Con- 
stitution of the United States and the union of the States thereunder. 

Second— That he will abide by and faithfully support all acts of 
Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, 
so long and so far as not repealed, modified or held void by Congress 
or by decision of the Supreme Court; and, 

Third — That he will abide by and faithfully support all proclama- 
tions of the President, made during the existing rebellion, having ref" 
erence to slaves, so long and so far as not modified by the decisions of 
the Supreme Court 

Are these terms and conditions reasonable? * * * This is just 
what it is the dulj^ of every citizen to do— to abide by and support the 
law until changed by the law-making power or declared void by the 
courts. * * * In imposing these terms and conditions on those in 
rebellion against our government who may desire to lay down their 
arms, the President is but requiring of them the performance of a 
duty required of all men who have remained loyal. * * * 

It is directly or impliedly admitted by all that slavery is the cause 
of the civil war now desolating our land, although different parties 
endeavor to throw the immediate blame upon their adversaries. The 
anti-slavery men of the country say that slavery is the causae of the 
war because, being founded on force, it is necessarily aggressive in 
its character; that it necessarily makes slaveholders, as a class, 
haughty, overbearing, impatient of control, and unwilling to submit 
their opinions to those of a majority whom they consider their in- 
feriors. Some of the Rebels admit frankly that the desire to perpetu- 
ate slavery, and to make it the "corner-stone" of the new Confeder- 
acy, caused the rebellion; while others and their apologists generally 
insist that the cause of our troubles is, not slavery itself, but the 
fanaticism of anti-slavery men on the subject of slavery; and there is 
still another class of our people who declare that, in their judgment, 
the cause of the war is to be found in the fanaticism on the subject of 
slavery among the extremists North and South. These are but vari- 
ous statements of the same thing, showing that however prejudice or 
partisanship may seek to evade or disguise the fact, our people gener- 
ally recognize slavery as the cause of the war. 

It is also true that slavery has been very much weakened since the 
war began; very large numbers of slaves have been set free in fact, 
while other very large numbers, yet under partial control of their 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 275 

masters, have been so operated on by events as to make them unfit for 
slaves. It is indeed thought by many North and South that, in any 
event slavery will perish, * * * 

But we should not permit the discussion of these or similar ques- 
tions to divert us from the paramount purpose of prosecuting the war 
earnestly and vigorously, until all men in rebellion against the gov- 
ernment shall either voluntarily or by compulsion lay down their 
arms. In this consists our only safety, and I feel well assured that 
you will, so far as depends on yon, see to it that Iowa in the future, as 
in the past, will do her full share of this good work promptly and 
well. 

The position occupied by our State in this war for the preservation 
of the Union is a proud and enviable one. From the first outbreak of 
the rebellion until the present time, Iowa has neither faltered nor 
wavered in the discharge of her duty. In both branches of the Na- 
tional Council she has presented an unbroken front to treason and 
rebellion, and has given a steady and undivided support to the Gen- 
eral Government. Her State government in all its branches has given 
evidence of her unflinching and unconditional loyalty and devotion to 
the good causp. Her people have at all times and promptly filled all 
requisitions made upon them for troops to fill the ranks of the Union 
armies; and the men she has sent to the field have been at least second 
to none in all soldierly qualities. 

To these men yet another word is due from me. When this war 
began ours was a new State without a history. To-day her name 
stands on one of the brightest pages of our country's record— graven 
there by the bayonets of our bi-ave soldiers — and that page is all over 
glowing with the proofs of their heroism and devotion. We have scut 
to the field no regiment of which we do not feel justly proud, and the 
bare inention of the names of many of them stirs the blood and warms 
the heart of every lowan. 

It may perhaps be permitted me to say that I trust when the his- 
toi-y of the gallantry and devotion of these men shall be written, the 
position I have held will of necessity connect my name humbly and 
not discreditably with theirs, and that this trust affords compensation 
for somewhat of toil and care, which have attended that position, and 
should be sufficient to satisfy an ambition greater than mine. 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In making his annual report to the Governor on the 11th 
of January, 1864, Adjutant-General Baker, as this would be 
the last one he would make to his present superior officer, 
under whom he had served from his first appointment in 
1861, and with whom his relations had been of the most 



276 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

friendly and confidential character, pays him this high com- 
pliment: 

"As we are about to terminate our official conuec.tion, I trust that 
it will not be deemed improper for me to allude to the manner in 
which you have dii'ected the military matters of the State, including 
not only the organization of the militia companies, the arming and 
equipping of the same, and the preparations made against the difficul- 
ties on the borders and elsewhere, as well as the organization of the 
volunteers for United States service. Prompt in your decisions, 
decided in your actions, faithful in your duty, you have met every 
emergency Avith an energy and determination unsurpassed in any 
Executive of any State in the Union." 

This is what the Governor said in his last message to the 
General Assembly in regard to his Adjutant-General: 

"The office of the Adjutant-General has been since the commence- 
ment of the war, and still is, a very important one. The labor and 
responsibility of the Adjutant-General have been very great. The 
labor has always been well and promptly performed, and the respon- 
sibility cheerfully borne. The books of the office are well systema- 
tized and kept in most excellent condition. * * * It affords me 
great pleasure to say that whatever of success has attended the raising 
and organization of troops in this State is due to the efficient services 
of the present incumbent of that office." 

Department of State, } 
Washington, March 18th, 1863. ) 
Samuel J. Kirkwood Esq. , 

Iowa Oily, loiva. 
Sir:— The President, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate having appointed j^ou to be Minister Resident of the United 
States to Denmark, I have the honor to announce the same to you, 
and to request that you will inform this department how soon, in the 
event of your accepting the appointment, you will be prepared to pro- 
ceed to Copenhagen. 

I am, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

Executive Office, Iowa, ) 
Iowa City, March 20th, 1863. S 

Sir: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of 
the 18th inst.. announcing to me my appointment as Minister Resident 
of the United States to Denmark, and enquiring how soon, in case of 
my acceptance, I will be prepared to proceed to Copenhagen. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 277 

I beg leave to tender my thanks for the honor conferred upon me 
by this appointment. 

The tender of this position to me was wholly unexpected, and con- 
sequently I desire a short delay and some information before I make 
my determination. My principal reason for asking delay is this: The 
condition of affairs in this State at this time is somewhat critical and 
many of our people have expx-essed to me a strong desire that I shall 
continue in the discharge of my present official duties for a few 
months longer. Will you be kind enough to inform me how long I 
can be permitted to remain here in case I accept the appointment ? I 
also wish to know what attaches, if any, belong to this mission and 
how they are appointed and j)aid. 

Upon receiving this information I will immediately determine the 
question of acceptance. Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, 
Washington City, D. C. 

Department of State, ) 
Washington, April 18th, 1863. f 
Samuel J. Eirkwood, Esq., 

Oovernor of Iowa, Iowa City. 
Sir: — Your letter of the 13th instant has been received, and the 
reasons you assign for declining to accept the mission to Denmark, 
which has been tendered to you, until the expiration of your term of 
service as Governor of Iowa, are entirely satisfactory. You intimate, 
however, that it is possible these reasons may have less weight with 
you some few months hence, and that you ma}^ then, perhaps, feel at 
liberty to accept the appointment and to proceed to Copenhagen 
before the close of your gubernatorial term. Under these circum- 
stances, I see no objection to your holding the appointment under 
consideration for a few months at least. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

Department of State, | 
Washington, April 4th, 1863. ) 
Samuel J. Kirkwood Esq., 

Iowa City, Iowa. 
Sir: — Your letter of the 80th ultimo has been received. In the 
event of your acceptance of the appointment as Minister Resident to 
Denmark, it is deemed desirable that j'ou should proceed to Copen- 
hagen without much delay — say within two months. If, however, the 
public interests in the State over which you preside, should in your 
judgment, render it necessary that your departure should be delayed 



278 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

beyoud that time, you have the President's permission to accept the 
appointment with the understanding that you are to set out for your 
post as soon as you can do so without detriment to those interests. 
The law makes no provision for attaches to the legation. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 

Executive Office, Iowa, [ 
Iowa City, April 13, 1863. \ 

Eon. Wm. E. Seward, Secretary of State, 

Washington City, D. C. 

SiE:— The next regular session of the General Assembly of this 
State will commence on the second Monday (the 11th day of January), 
1864, and my term of service as Governor will close as soon thereafter 
as the votes can be counted and my successor inaugurated. It will 
be very agreeable to me to accept the Mission to Denmark, if I can be 
permitted to do so at the expiration of my term of service as Governor, 
and after examining the matter carefully I cannot, consistently with 
my sense of duty to the people of my State, accept it on any other 
terms, at this time. 

It is possible, that a few months hence, the condition of affairs here 
will be so changed, that I may feel at liberty to leave the State at an 
earlier date, but, it is I presume desirable to have the question of my 
acceptance definitely settled and I therefore say that, if I can be per- 
mitted to remain at home until the expiration of the term of my 
present office I will be glad to accept the position, and if not, that I 
very respectfully decline it. Of course, if my acceptance on this con- 
dition can be permitted in view of the public interests, my compensa- 
tion as Minister Resident to Denmark will not commence until the 
expii'ation of the term of my present office. 

I am unwilling to have you suppose that I sought this position and 
then hesitated as to its acceptance after having it tendered to me. I 
was informed in December last by the delegation in Congress, from 
this State, that my name had been submitted to the President, and 
early in January I wrote them that I could not, for the reasons above 
stated accept the position tendered. I heard nothing more of the 
matter until I saw in the newspapers the announcement of my nom- 
ination and confirmation. 

I very much regret that I am compelled to send you what I pre- 
sume is substantially a declination of a position which, under other 
circumstances it would be very agreeable to me to accept. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 279 

With reference to his acceptance Mr. Allison writes : 

Dubuque, March 15th, 1863. 

Dear Governor: — I congratulate you on your confirmation as 
Resident Minister to Denmarlv. I regret very much that you are 
called to leave the State at so critical a period in its history. Your 
State administration has been successful and impartial. You have 
won the esteem and affection of the people. I fear very much that we 
shall find difficulty in choosing a successor who will sustain our good 
name and fame. I would like very much to see you before you leave 
the State. Could you not hold the position in abeyance, until your 
term expires, or very nearly so ? We will have a bitter contest this 
fall, and will need all the wisdom, influence and ability we have to 
confront the rebels at home. You can be of great service to us, and 
thereby to the country, by remaining here most of the summer, if no 
longer. Whenever you go however, you will bear with you the best 
wishes of the loyal people of Iowa, whom you have so well and faith- 
fully served. 

Sincerely your friend and servant, 

WM. B. ALLISON. 

The gubernatorial administration of Governor Kirkwood 
forms the most brilliant period in the whole history of our 
State. Since its organization, never has history been more 
rapidly, more interestingly, more intelligently, more glow- 
ingly, or more profitably made. It was, and must ever re- 
main, our heroic age. Its leading participants will ever be 
our leading historical heroes. Entering upon the duties of 
the oflSce during, or immediately after, a period of great 
financial depression, with a treasury wholly depleted, with 
public credit at its lowest ebb, when the war cry was raised 
the Governor had but to ask for funds, when the vaults of 
our banks and the pockets of our capitalists, though neither 
were very plethoric, at his magic call poured forth every dol- 
lar they could spare; bonds were voted and issued by the 
hundred thousand, till from these sources and taxes levied 
more than a million of dollars were poured into the treasury, 
and disbursed on that line of economic expenditure that lies 
between waste and extravagance on the one hand, and parsi- 
mony and stinginess on the other. 

With no military organization except here and there a 



280 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

single company, poorly armed, with no State arsenal and no 
arms except a few disabled muskets scattered hither and 
thither, he had but to sound his patriotic bugle note, where 
no militia had heretofore been listed; when 60,000 valiant 
soldiers rushed forward to enlist under his banner and go 
forth at his command to tight the battles of their country, 
where traitors were trying to destroy the best government 
that was ever organized and established to bestow blessings 
upon civilized man. Under laws passed upon his recom- 
mendation, over 86,000 State militia were enrolled and more 
than ninety companies were organized that were afterwards, 
under his successors, formed into eighteen battallions and 
regiments and armed for home protection. 

His whole administration was loaded down with hercu- 
lean labors, but he proved to be the modern Hercules that 
could perform them all. Immense responsibilities were 
heaped upon him, but he met them all with a boldness and 
alacrity, coupled with an intelligence, an integrity and fore- 
sight, that enabled him to discharge all duties imposed upon 
him with honor to himself and to the advancement of the 
public welfare. 

In the selection of his aids and trusted lieutenants were 
included such men as William B. Allison, Hiram Price, 
Ezekiel Clark, A. W. Hubbard, Caleb Baldwin, Rush Clark, 
John Edwards, S. R. Ingham, H. C. Nutt, Ad. H. Sanders, 
G. M. Dodge, and others. The selection was a very wise 
and fortunate one, both for the Governor himself and for the 
various branches of the service in which they were respect- 
ively engaged, not one but that proved himself to be the right 
man in the right place, possessed of sound discretion, stern in- 
tegrity, undoubted loyalty and rare executive ability. As show- 
ing the confidence afterwards reposed in them by the people, 
it may be mentioned that six of them were afterw^ards sent to 
Congress, one being afterwards a colleague of the Governor 
in the United States Senate, in a seat which he still holds. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 281 

In the absence of telegraph communication and fast mail 
facilities, it often became necessary for some of these aids 
to be entrusted with full discretionary executive powers, par- 
ticularly those who w^ere to act on the southern and north- 
western border, remote from the Executive office and not in 
ready communication with it, and in no case were those 
powers exceeded or abused, but were used with eminent 
ability in the promotion of the public good. 

Among these men one of the most determined and perse- 
vering was G. M. Dodge. In the commencement of the war 
one of the greatest needs was arms. For the purpose of 
obtaining them the Governor issued the following commis- 
sion: 

Executive Chamber, ) 
Des Moines, Iowa, May 25, 1861. ) 
Capt. O. M. Dodge : 

Dear Sir— I hereby confide to you a communication to Major- 
Gen. Harney, at St. Louis, desiring from him, or, through him, from 
the Secretary of War, 3,000 stand of arms from the command at Fort 
Kearney, Neb. Should it be deemed proper by you, when at St. 
Louis, upon conference with Gen. Harney, to go to Washington City 
in order the more readily to obtain these arms, I desire you to go 
there at once. When the order is obtained you will report to me im- 
mediately for further instructions. 

Respectfully, 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

Governor of Iowa. 

Gen. Dodge at this time was captain of an independent 
military company, which he had some years before organ- 
ized, and which was known as the 'C'ouncil Bluffs Guard." 
He tried to get it into the First Regiment, and, failing here, 
into the Second, but Governor Kirk wood refused to enlist it 
in either, thinking it would be needed for the protection of 
the southern border from Missouri Secessionists or the west- 
ern Indians. 

So anxious was Dodge to enter upon active military ser- 
vice that he told the Governor he should seek service in the 
Regular Army. The Governor then issued to him the 



282 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

above commission, which he at once proceeded to execute. 
Failing to get arms, either at St. Louis or Fort Leaven- 
worth, he went direct to Washington. On his arrival there, 
Cameron, then Secretary of War, said "every State was ap- 
plying for arms and he had none to give them." Gen. Fitz 
Henry Warren went with him, and they urged the matter so 
strenuously that Cameron told Dodge that if he could find 
any arms, he could take them. He did find some arms, and 
he took them, for he had a friend in the Ordnance Depart- 
ment that put him on track of 6,000 smooth-bore Springfield 
muskets, which he got upon the order, which he sent at once, 
in charge of a man, to Davenport and Quincy, where they 
were used to arm the Second and Third Iowa Keo-iments and 
afterwards the Fourth. Some of them were used to displace 
old guns formerly issued that were so old, thin and poor 
they were as likely to kill those who fired them as those at 
whom they were fired. 

Cameron ofiered him a captaincy in the Fifteenth United 
States Infantry, and after obtaining the arms, the colonelcy 
of the Fourth Iowa. The latter was tendered him, as Cam- 
eron said, in consideration of his successful efforts in obtain- 
ing arms, w^hen such men as Senator Grimes, Gen. S. R. 
Curtis and others had failed. He telegraphed the Governor, 
"Shall I accept 'f' and got an affirmative answer. 

Cameron and Warren both wished him to take the briga- 
dier-generalship afterwards offered to and finally obtained 
by Curtis, but he declined it, not then having confidence 
in himself of being able to fill it, and lacking in ex- 
perience, though he had a thorough and complete military 
education. 

Gen. Grant, in after years, said he was the best railroad 
builder and the best railroad destroyer in the Federal army. 
In destroying Rebel railroads he could give the heated rails 
a twist which nothing but Federal ingenuity and Federal 
machinery could untwist. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 283 

Of the military company under Capt. Dodge and other 
ones like it, Governor Lowe, in his last message, said: 

"There are several indepeudeut military companies in the State to 
whom arms have been distributed. Yet there is no law of the State 
under which they are organized, or that would strictly authorize the 
Executive to call them into the field in cases requiring their services." 

The Governor has never been blessed with children of his 
own, and yet his home has rarely been without more or less 
of those of his own kindred, and it has been a great gratifi- 
cation to him, as well as to his matronly wife, to have them 
under their parental care. The Kirkwood hearthstone has 
always been one around and on which children were wel- 
come to prank and play, and a couple of grandchildren, son 
and daughter of an adopted daughter of Governor and Mrs. 
Kirkwood, are occupying it for that purpose to-day; and 
there they will be welcome as long as the embers remain warm 
upon it. The one who was most near and dear to them was 
one who bore his name, Sanmel Kirkwood Clark, son of his 
brother-in law, Hon. Ezekiel Clark, and he went to live with 
his uncle almost from the time of leaving his cradle, his 
mother dying when he was but five years old, and he grew 
up to the age of incipient manhood, if not the pet, at least 
the pride of the family. He was endowed with all those stern, 
ruo-o-ed virtues in his love of truth and justice that would 
have made him, with his training under his uncle, a fat per- 
son upon whom the mantle of that uncle could most fitly 
fall when it should leave the shoulders of him who had first 
worn it. But though he was the crown jewel of the family, 
he was a willing offering on the altar of his country's good. 
He gave himself to her service at his nation's call, enlisting 
November, 1861, at the age of eighteen, in the Fourth Iowa 
Cavalry. He filled the post of second lieutenant until his 
promotion to the position of adjutant in the Twenty-fifth 
Iowa Infantry. Engaging in the battle of Arkansas Post, on 
the 11th of January, 1863, he received a severe wound, 



284 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

which terminated fatally on the 20tli of February, in the 
hospital at St. Louis. . His uncle und aunt were with him 
much of the time during his last illness. 

The colonel of the regiment, reporting to Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Baker, the day after the battle, says: 

"Adjutant S. Kirkwood Clark was wounded severely by a gun-shot 
wound in the left leg just below the knee. I do but justice when I 
notice the Adjutant in this report for his cool and gallant conduct as 
well in this fight as the one in the vicinity of Vicksburg. He has re- 
ceived and has well earned the praise of the entire regiment." 

As showing how his memory is cherished where he spent 
most of his life, the camp of the Sons of Veterans located at 
Iowa City is called "Kirkwood Clark Camp." 

In writing home, his letters commenced "Dear Uncle," 
and they, when not of an official character, closed with from 
"your son," 

While he was in school his uncle writes him: 

Executive Chamber, ) 
Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. 29, 1860. S 

Dear Kirk ." — I have been so busy that I have not found time to 
write you until to-day. 1 do not want you to fail to write to me because 
I do not answer all 3'our letters. One object for wishing you to write 
to me is to have you improve in writing by practice. 

When your father was here he I'elated to me a conversation he had 
had with j'our teacher, which gave me great pleasure. Your teacher 
says you are well behaved and gentlemanly in your deportment as a 
scholar, diligent and attentive as a student, of clear head and strong 
mind, and that you occupy, to a great extent, the position of leader 
among your fellow students. 

You can hardly understand how much I was gratified to hear this, 
because I think you cannot understand the kind and extent of the in- 
terest I feel in your pi-ogress in life and your welfare. The character 
given you by your teacher goes far towards making up the character 
of the true man. 

Allow me to give you a word of warning. If it be so that you 
occupy, to some extent, the position of leader or umpire among your 
fellows, that position has not oul}' its pleasures and advantages, but its 
dangers and difficulties. You must not allow yourself to become 
proud and overbearing. You must not use your jjosition to put down 
any one who is weaker than yourself, either mentally or physically, 
but rather to support and defend such — in short, you must use your 




c_ 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 285 

influence to see that ''the right'' is done at all times and under all cir- 
cumstances, and you must not allow anything to make you flinch 
from seeing it done. You must not be quarrelsome. Avoid all per- 
sonal difliculties, if possible, but if compelled to engage in such, then 
so bear yourself that your adversary will not wish to come in contact 
with you again. No man is flt to control others who cannot control 
himself. 

Will you allow me to say a few wonis to you about smoking. I 
don't intend to scold. You are too old to be scolded. You are old 
enough to be argued with— in short, you are in feeling, if not in years, 
a man. Your aunt Jane has scolded you about smoking. She made a 
mistake in so doing, but you should not feel angry with her for so 
doing, because in what she did she acted for what she thought your 
good. She has borne much for and from you. You should bear much 
for and from her. I do not intend to scold you about smoking. I do 
not intend to ask you to quit smoking as a personal favor to mj'self, 
because this might look like tr3'ing to use a personal influence with 
you. I intend merely to reason the matter with you. A perfect man, 
aside from all questions of religion and moi'als, is a man who has a 
sound mind in a sound body. Now smoking injures both mental and 
physical health, weakens both body and mind. Examine and see if 
this is not so. Talk with medical men and those who are not medical 
men on the subject; read books that treat of it; then if you And the 
facts to be as I have stated, determine about what you should do. 
Have you not courage to do what is right and necessary for your 
health? The habit with you is new and therefore more easily broken. 
Think of all this and write rae what you think. 

I send you a copy of my inaugural address. It is praised by some 
of my party friends and denounced by some of my party enemies. 
You are neither the one or the other. Write me just what you think 
about it. Write me what you think about all these things. Take your 
time to do so, half a dozen evenings, if necessary, and half a dozen 
sheets of paper, if necessary. I will read it all. You are at entire 
liberty to show this to your father, if you want to talk about it with 
him, and I think it would be well for you to do so. He may help you 
to read it; perhaps his help may be necessary. 

Very truly, your friend and affectionate uncle, 

S. J. KIRKWOOD. 

Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. l, 1863. 
Dear Kirk : — A happy New Year to you. I send you a New Year's 
gift, in the shape of your commission, so that you are a lieutenant and 
eighteen years old on the same daJ^ 

Be a "good boy" and do your duty manfully, and you will alwa3's 
be sure of the affection of your uncle 

KIRKWOOD. 



286 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On hearing of his death, his colonel writes: 

Young's Point, La., March 14, 1863. 

My Dear Sir : — Your favor of the 25th ult., is received. I had 
heard of the Adjutant's death several days before your letter came to 
hand. The news of his death cast a gloom over the entire regiment, 
men as well as officers, and little groups gathered in almost evei-y 
street of our camp giving and receiving the sad intelligence. 

It is not flattery or idle words to say that the loss of no officer 
would have been more deplored than his. You say truly "he was an 
honorable, noble boy, " and had, by strict attention to his duties, by 
the energetic manner of always doing his duty, by his kindness to all 
and by his cool, gallant conduct at the hill of Vicksburg and Post Ar- 
kansas, endeared himself to all of us. None speak of him but to 
praise, and I do not think he had an enemy in the whole regiment. 

I cannot express in words to you, my dear sir, how /mourn him,^ 

and have only heart to say that up to this period of my life I have ha(l 

-but two among all my companions whom I really loved -Frank Maun 

and S. Kirk wood Clark— one was shot down by my side at Wilson's 

Creek and the other I lost at Post Arkansas. 

I envy each his death. God grant when in His good providence I 
am to die, I may meet a soldier's death and die, like Frank and the 
Adjutant, charging a Rebel battery. 

I am, sir, Very truly yours, 

GEO. A. STONE. 

Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa City. 

Resolutions deploring his loss, recounting his virtues and 
condoling with friends were passed at a meeting of the offi- 
cers of the regiment, and at a meeting of the students of 
the State University, where the Adjutant had been a stu- 
dent with them. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Chosen United States Senator— Discusses the Homestead Bill—Ap- 
jiointed on the Committee on Pensions and on Public Lands— Cere- 
monies on the Death of Lincoln— Funeral Oration— Early Railroad 
Building— Bonds Voted— Bonds Exchanged for Stock— Stock Be- 
comes Nearly Worthless— Bonds Still Valid— Anti- Bond Meeting- 
Resolutions Passed— Nominated for Governor Again— Enthusiasm 
of Convention— Informed of Nomination— A Reluctant A^iswer Sent. 
Ouns Turned on Him by the Enemy— Sjjeech in Des Moines— One at 
Dubuque— Temperance Question— Favors Local Option— Discusses 
National Politics. 



Governor Kirkwood, in bidding adieu to the Executive 
office wliich lie had for four of the most eventful years of the 
State's history so ably and satisfactorily filled, did not return 
to the mill and farm, but built a comfortable and spacious 
residence on a few acres just outside the city, but which has 
since been taken into it, and the street on which it stands is 
named Kirkwood avenue, and this has ever since been and is 
now his home. He associated with his brother-in-law, J. E. 
Jewett, and together they engaged in the practice of law ; 
but he hardly got well into practice till, on the 13th of Jan- 
uary, 1866, he was elected to the United States Senate to 
fill the unexpired term of James Harlan, who had resigned 
to take a seat in Mr. Lincoln's cabinet as Secretary of the 
Interior. 

When the Senatorial canvass opened the names of Jas. 
Harlan, S. J. Kirkwood, John A. Kasson, A. W. Hubbard, 
F. H. Warren, Wm. Yandever, Gen'l G. M. Dodge and E. 
W. Eastman were presented by their respective friends for 
the position, but it soon became evident that only Messrs. 
Harlan and Kirkwood stood any chance, with the possibility 
that Mr. Kirkwood alone would be chosen for the unexpired 
part of Mr. Harlan's term, and also for the full term follow- 



as? 



288 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ing. But the result was that Mr. Kirkwood got the short 
term, and Mr. Harlan the long term to be entered upon 
when he should retire from the cabinet. 

Governor Kirkwood did not enter the Senate at a time 
when, or under circumstances which were particularly favor- 
able to his taking a prominent part in its deliberations. It 
was not till some time after the session had commenced, 
when all the standing committees had been appointed, and 
the performance of their various duties had been enteretl 
upon and the work they had in hand had been somewhat 
advanced, yet the records show that he was prompt and con- 
stant in his attendance, and took a lively interest in the busi- 
ness transacted. The questions upon which he spoke more 
at length than on any other, and then not at any great 
length, for he did not consume much of the time of the 
Senate, were the establishment of an Arsenal and Armory at 
Rock Island, the admission of Nebraska into the Union as a 
State, the change of the pre-emption and homestead laws in 
their application to some of the lately seceded States, and the 
Niagara Ship Canal. 

The vote taken by the people of Nebraska on the question 
of admission as a State, resulted in a majority of but 100 in 
favor of admission, and when the question of admission came 
before the Senate on the 27th of July 1866, the opponents 
of admission claimed that two military companies of Iowa 
soldiers voted at that election in that territory. In the dis- 
cussion Mr. Kirkwood said : 

" I wish to make a single remark in regard to this allegation about 
our Iowa soldiers voting in Nebraska. I was perfectly confident when 
the Senator from Wisconsin said before, that two companies of an 
Iowa regiment had voted there, that he was in error, because we had 
no Iowa regiment or part of a regiment in Nebraska at that time. It 
now turns out t'.at the allegation is, that certain men from Iowa, 
forming companies in a Nebraska regiment, voted there. In the com- 
mencement of the war the Iowa troops could not get into the field as 
fast as they wanted to, and there were some men who went from Iowa 
and entered the First Nebraska regiment, forming wholly or partially 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 280 

two compauies. I do not know whether they were all made up of 
Iowa men or not. This was in 1861. The term of enlistment was for 
three years. All of those men who could have been in the first 
Nebraska regiment in June 1866, must have been such of them as re- 
enlisted as veterans. Now, counting that the whole of them originally 
were from Iowa, then deducting the number who died from disease, 
the number mustered out, the number killed in battle and those who 
suffered from other casualties, and then the number of them that did 
not re-enlist as veterans, and you may have some idea of the number 
of original men enlisted in Iowa in 1861, remaining in 1866. I am 
satisfied it amounts to nothing on the vote." 

Upon the question of restricting the homesteads and pre- 
emptions in the late rebellious States to eighty acres each, 
Mr. Kirkwood said : 

"Since the bill has been reported by the committee, I have been 
induced somewhat to change my opinion upon this point, not for the 
reasons alluded to by the Senator from Indiana, but for others that I 
will now state. Since the bill was reported I have had a conversation 
with a gentleman from Florida, which is one of the States included in 
this bill. He suggested to me this idea which seems to me to be reas- 
onable : He saj's, that if we restrict the amount of a homestead in these 
States to eighty acres, leaving the amount of a homestead in other 
States at one hundred and sixty acres, our action will tend to divert 
immigration from the States named. For instance the commissioner 
of immigration of Iowa, if we hii\ e such an officer, is in New York, 
and there is a similar officer or ageut there from Florida, each endeav- 
oring to induce immigration to his State. The agent of Iowa says to 
the immigrant: 'If you go to Iowa you can get a homestead of one 
hundred and sixty acres of the public land ; ' and the agent of Florida, 
says : ' If you come to Florida, you can get a homestead of eighty 
acres of public land, and only that much.' The result as he argued — 
and it seems to me very forcibly argued — would be that immigrants 
seeking homesteads would go to those States in which they could secure 
one hundred and sixty acres of land, and would pass by those states in 
which they could get only eighty acres. This argument when pre- 
sented to me struck me very forcibly. Although I may not agree with 
some Senators in regard to some matters concerning these seceded 
States, I certainly do not desire to do them any injustice ; I do not 
desire to take any action that will injure their material interests, and 
I 8m strongly inclined for the reason stated by me to agree with the 
Senator from Indiana, that it would not be good policy to restrict the 
homesteads in these States to eighty acres. If we do so it will certainly 
give to those States where there ai e public lands, in which the home- 
stead is not restricted, the advantage of inducing immigrants to go to 



290 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

those States, and it will tend to keep immigration from States named 
in this bill. For this I'eason therefore, although I felt otherwise in 
committee, I am now strongly disposed to favor the amendment 
offered by the Senator from Indiana. I think it would be but fair to 
these States. * * * I have just sent to the committee room for 
some information in regard to the amount of public lands within these 
States derived from the Commissioner of the General Land Office, aiid 
I have it hei'e. It appears that the quantity of surveyed unsold public 
lands in the States named in this bill is over 46,000,000 of acres. I was, 
as I before said, strongly in favor of the eighty acre limitation until 
the suggestion to which I have alluded was made to me by the gentle- 
man from Florida, to whom I have referred. There is however, one 
consideration which operates much upon my mind ; whatever we do 
here uufortunatelj^ is misrepresented among the people to be affected 
by this bill. There are men who make it their busmess to misrepre- 
sent all we do ; and to give it not only the worst possible construction, 
but constructions wholly impossible. Now if we make a distinction 
between the amount of the homestead in these States, and the amount 
of the homestead in the other States, that fact will be seized upon by 
this class of men to further prejudice these ijeojjle against our action 
here. That is the reason why I should be willing to see the limitation 
of eighty acres stricken out, and one hundred and sixty acres inserted 
in lieu of it. Another reason operating on my mind is that this limit- 
ation will really tend, or may at least tend to retard immigration to 
these States of persons from other States, a thing that I do not desire 
to see. I am strongly impressed with the belief that we had better 
leave the amount of the homestead in these States precisely as it is in 
the other States, making no distinction between these and the other 
States, and then there will be no cause for complaint. 

I fully concur in the propriety of withholding the lands from sale in 
the States named, and allowing them to be taken as homesteads. We 
all know that there are large amounts of land scrip now in circulation; 
and, as soon as the land offices in those States are opened again, the 
best of the lands will be swallowed up by persons holding this scrip, 
and the poor men of this region will not be able to get hold of the 
lands. I will vote for the bill either with or without the eighty acre 
limitation, but I think it would be better for us to leave the home- 
steads in these States at one hundred and sixty acres as in other 
States." 

Mr. Kirkwood was assigned a place ou the Committee on 
Pensions and also on Public Lands. As a member of the lat- 
ter committee he reported an amendment to a bill granting 
a right to an Iron Mining and Manufacturing Company, to 
enter upon and purchase a portion of the unsurveyed public 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 291 

lands for the purpose of establishing an iron foundry. The 
following is a portion of the debate on the bill and amend- 
ment : 

Mr. Grimes — I should like to inquire from the Senator from Indi- 
ana, under what law this New York and Montana Iron Mining and 
Manufacturing Company was incorporated, and whether he has seen 
the charier. 

Mr. Hendricks — The bill was not under my charge in the com- 
mittee. The Senator from Iowa (Mr. Kirkwood), had charge of the 
bill and made the investigation. 

Mr. Kirkwood — I will give my colleague the information he desires 
upon that point. This company was chartered under a law of the 
State of New York, and I hold in my hand a copy of the articles of 
incorporation. They were submitted to the Senator from New York 
(Mr. Harris), who is a member of that committee, and are in accord- 
ance with the laws of New York. 

While I am up I will say a word in regard to the bill itself and in 
explanation of its provisions. The public lands of Montana Territory 
have not been surveyed, and therefoi'e can only be located under the 
pre-emption laws, limiting the amount to one hundred and sixty acres. 
Mining is being carried on there to a very considerable extent, and in 
mining and other operations there, iron is necessarily used to a large 
extent. We know that now the iron used in that territory has to be 
furnished from the iron manufactories of Pennsylvania and elsewhere, 
and carried to St. Louis and up the Missouri River to some point from 
which it is started on wheels out to Montana, or else brought by i-ail 
to Iowa, wheeled across Iowa, and then by wheels carried to Montana. 
The result is that the freight upon the iron used in that Territory 
must be from thirty to thirtj^.tive cents a pound. This state of affairs 
must necessarily be a great drawback upon the prosperity of that Ter- 
ritory, and if we can in any legitimate waj' reduce to them the expense 
of iron used there, it seems to the committee proper so to do. We are 
expending a great deal of money that does not bring back mo)iey 
again to the public treasury, or increase the wealth of the country ; and if 
we can legitimately legislate so as to increase the wealth of the 
country, and the prosperity of these Western Territories, it seemed to 
the committee well to do so. 

What the committee therefore propose to do is : Not to give to this 
company any lands whatever ; not to give them an acre of land, but to 
allow them in advance of the survey which we will not make, or do 
not make at all events, to take up the quantity of land named in this 
bill ; with the same privileges and subject to all the liabilities of pre- 
emptor, save and except so far as they may use the timber on the land 
for building and running their iron works. We require them to make 



292 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the surveys at their own expense. We require them before Ihey shall 
receive a title to their laud to satisfy the Secretai'y of the Interior, that 
tliey have built on these lauds iron works capable of turning out 
lifteen hundred tons of iron per annum. If they fail in any one of 
these conditions, they forfeit their entire right and are compelled to 
pay for the land the price of $1.25 per acre. The whole departure 
from the oi'dinary policy of the government is in allowing this com- 
pany to take up more laud than it can take up under the existing law. 
One hundred and sixty acres of land would not justify an iron com- 
pany in establishing iron works. They must have timber for coaling. 
They canuot get it under the existing law If they go upon the unsur- 
veyed lands without a law of this kind, they are trespassers and are 
liable to be sued and mulcted in damages for every offence. Without 
the timber they cannot do the work. The question then is shall they, 
or shall they not be allowed to take up this land upon paying into the 
public treasury the ordinary pi'ice of the public land, and establishing 
works there before they can receive title to their land ? It struck the 
committee that it was necessary for the development of that Territory, 
and it would tend to do what they thought was required to be done at 
this time, especially when we have such heavy drains upon our people 
in the way of taxation, to increase the productive wealth of the 
country, to some extent without at all injuring the public. 

On the fifth day after his death, funeral ceremonies in 
honor of Abraham Lincohi were held in Iowa City of the 
following character : 

PROCESSION. 

Hearse drawn by four horses draped with the emblems of mourn- 
ing, one flag to each horse, and one flag to each corner of hearse, also 
draped. Each horse led by a colored groom draped in black. 

FORMATION OF PROCESSION. 

1. Hearse with grooms and pall bearers. 

2. Martial music. 

3. Returned soldiers commanded by Capt. Geo. W. Clark. 

4. Military companies commanded by Capt. J. H. Branch. 

5. Odd Fellows. 

6. Good Templars. 

7. Band of music. 

8. Ladies Aid Society, 
y. Hibernian Society. 

10 Bohemian Society. 

11. Fire Department. 

12. Masonic Societies. 

13. City, County, and Township Officers led by the Mayor. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 293 

14. President, Faculty and Students of University. 

15. All the schools, Public and Private. 

16. Citizens of City and County. 

17. African Association. 

After marching through the designated streets, the procession, over 
a mile long, assembled on the University Campus to participate in the 
following : 

Proceedings from the balcony in front of the university. 

Prayer. 

Funeral hymn. 

Oration. 

Funeral hymn. 

Benediction. 

Tolling of bells from 6 to 7 a. m., 9 to 11 a.m., from 12 m. to 6 p. m. 

Fii'ing of Minute guns from 6 a. m. to 6 p. m., at intervals of ten 
minutes. 

THE FUNERAL ORATION DELIVERED BY EX-GOVERNOR 
SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, AT IOWA CITY, APRIL 19, 1865. 

We have met to mourn the untimely death of the Chief Magistrate 
and the chief man of the nation — of the magistrate pre-eminent for 
purity of purpose, devotion to the public good, clearness of judgment 
and firmness of will — of tiie man pre-eminent for unselfishness, kind- 
ness of heart and love for his ferow-uien. We mourn him not oulj' as 
the good Magistrate and the good man, but as the good friend, for 
there was not in all our broad land a man so humble that he was not 
his friend, unless that man was the enemy of his counti'y, and our 
grief is deepened by the reflection that this gi"eat loss falls upon us 
thi'ough one of the foulest crimes which the infamous rebellion that 
has desolated our laud has yet developed. 

Abraham Lincoln was born in the State of Kentucky in February, 
1809. His aucestoi'S, who are said to have been Quakers, removed 
from Pennsylvania to Virginia, whence his grandfather removed to 
Kentucky, [n 1816 his father, with his family, removed to Indiana, 
and thence, in 1830, to Illinois, at which time the subject of this sketch 
was about twentj'-one years of age. He thus grew up on the frontier, 
almost Avholly deprived of the benefit of schools, and engaged in the 
toils and privations of a frontier life. Upon reaching manhood he 
engaged in various avocations — was a flat boatman, a clerk in a store, 
himself a storekeeper and a surveyor, and served for three mouths as 
captain of a company of voluuteers in the Black Hawk war. In 1837 
he engaged in the practice of the law, and in a few years attained a 
position in the fiout rank of the profession in his State. He served 
several terms as a member of the Legislature and for a single term as 
a member of Congress. 



294 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

The attention of the nation was first directed to him in 1858 by the 
contest between him and the late Senator Douglas, in which he gained 
a reputation for precision and depth of thought, clearness of language, 
fairness of statement, truthfulness, manliness and courtesj^ which he 
has ever retained. He was elected to the Presidency in 1860, since 
which time, by reason of the unhappy condition of our country, his 
name has been on the lips of all men and he has been the observed of 
all observers. 

When the terrible storm of war, which yet desolates our land, first 
burst upon us, the thoughts of all our people at once centered on him. 
Those who brought the war upon us and who sought the destruction of 
our nationality, trained as they had been by teachings and surround- 
ings to ignore and despise men of humble birth and training, laughed 
him to scorn, as one wholly unfit to cope with veteran statesmen — 
men educated and, as they fondly believed, born to command. Their 
sympathizers, at home and abroad, joined in the howl of derision thus 
raised at his alleged total unfitness for the duties of his high station. 
Of those who supported him for that position and placed him in it, but 
few knew him personally, and while none doubted his capacity to con- 
duct the affairs of the nation under ordinary ciVcumstauces wisely and 
well, many good men feared that his inexperience in public affairs 
would unfit him for a leader in the fierce, wild whirl of passion through 
which it was found the nation must pass. It is, I think, but truthful 
to say that had the men who selected him for the Presidency known 
before hand of the peril which universally threatened us, they would 
have chosen some tried statesman for the place. 

We all have reason to-day to thank God that that knowledge was 
withheld from us. Evei'y fiery trial through which he was called upon 
to pass but proved more clearly his peculiar fitness for his most diffi- 
cult position, until, to-day, a belief, amounting to conviction, per- 
vades the hearts of our people that he was the instrument chosen and 
set apart by God to lead us from our political bondage, through the 
fearful wilderness of civil war, not into, but within view of, our polit-- 
ical Canaan, where life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness shall be 
the birthright of all our chosen people. It becomes us, therefore, to ex- 
amine the character of this man— to mark his qualities, so that when 
in the futui'e we need such men we may know the marks by which to 
find them. 

What manner of man, then, was Abraham Lincoln? My knowl- 
edge of him is derived mainly, as yours is, from the current news of 
the day; but I had, to a limited degi-ee, other and better means of 
knowing him. The official position which I held in our State at the 
time of, and for some years after, his first election, made it, in my 
judgment, proper that I should pay my respects to him before he left 
his home for Washington. I did so, and was favored with a somewhat 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOt). 295 

lengthy interview. This was in February, 1861, after several States 
liad seceded, as the phrase goes, and when the whole land was in a 
ferment. Mr. Lincoln talked freely and frankly, and I listened with 
intense earnestness. Afterwards, at various times, I saw him in 
Washington upon official business, and at all times I observed him 
with all the closeness and care I was master of. 

In my judgment, the leading characteristic of Mr. Lincoln as a 
public man was his entire and absorbing devotion to the public wel- 
fare. When determining his public policy and performing his public 
duties, considerations of personal and private interest were wholly 
subordinate to the public good. United with this was a clearness and 
depth of thought perhaps unsurpassed, an earnestness and directness 
of purpose that always went straight to its object, a thorough knowl- 
edge aud understanding of our system of government, a marvelous, 
an almost intuitive knowledge of the habits and peculiarities of 
the mass of our people with whom he was so thoroughly identi- 
lied, a frank, genial nature, and heart so kindly in all its impulses 
that I do not believe he ever knew what it was to hate any man. 
Such was Abraham Lincoln: unselfish, vigorous-minded, earnest, 
direct, well versed in men and affairs, genial, kindly, tender and 
true. 

He was wholly absorbed in the task of putting down the rebellion 
and restoring peace and unity to our people; and here he was much 
misunderstood bv some and greatly misrepresented by many. It has 
been urged that he might have prevented the war bj^ compromise, that 
he might have ended it after it began by compromise. It seems to me 
that those who thus argue, wholly misapprehend his position and sur- 
roundings. He was the Chief Magistrate of our nation, the one man 
of all our people whose sworn duty it was to "preserve, protect and 
defend the Constitution." Now, treason, in all lands and under 
all govei'nments, is the highest crime known to the law. It includes 
all other crimes, and peculiarly criminal in a govei'nment like ours, 
where the people are the source of all power, and have the knowledge 
and the will to correct all wrongs which, at times, they may be led to 
commit. What basis is there for a compi'omise between the magistrate 
and the criminal, especially while the criminal stands out in open and 
bold defiance of the law? What basis is there for compromise between 
him who is sworn to "preserve, protect and defend" the Constitution 
and him who, with his arms in his hands, uses all his powers to destroy 
that Constitution? There is none; there can be none. There is no 
middle ground. One or the other must submit. If the officer yields 
to the criminal a portion of the fruits of his crime, on condition that 
he will restore the remainder, the law is dishonored, and, instead of 
protecting against, offers a premium to crime. If the defender of the 
Constitution yields a portion of it to him who seeks its destruction. 



296 THE LIFE AND TlMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOl). 

the remainder is preserved only until some other may be found who is 
bold enough and bad enough to demand it. 

I repeat it, there cannot, in the nature of things, be a compromise 
between the laws and criminals against the laws. If the laws triumph, 
all is well; if the criminal triumphs, all is lost. The failure to recog- 
nize this truth, in my judgment, has led to much of misapprehension 
and misrepresentation of Mr. Lincoln's character. I have said he was 
wholly absorbed in the tasks of putting down the rebellion and restor- 
ing peace and unity to our people. To effect this object he was will- 
ing to yield much, provided that in yielding he did not give up that 
which rendered worthless what he kept. He hated slavery as much as 
his kind heart permitted him to hate anything. He was too clear 
sighted not to see that when the slaveholders inaugurated the rebellion 
they placed in his hands the power to destroy slavei-y. But he knew 
that his sentiments and the sentiments of those who had placed him in 
power, on this question of slavery, had been grossly misrepresented 
and were wholly misunderstood by the people in the Rebel States, and 
he believed that by convincing them of this error he might win them 
back to their duty and to submission to the laws. Hence, I think, his 
delay in striking directly at slavery as the vital pai't of the rebellion, 
and his adoption, for a time, of the so-called border State policy. He 
pursued that policy with the earnestness of his nature, against the ad- 
vice and remonstrance of his political friends, until he became satis- 
fied he could not find the object he sought in that direction; and when 
so satisfied he took the other course with the same earnestness, direct- 
ness and firmness. He sought, at all times, to restore the unity of the 
people and the supremacy of the laws with the least possible shock to 
the interest, the feelings, even the prejudice, of those who were seek- 
ing their destruction, but with an unwavering determination that they 
should be restoi'ed at whatever cost. 

And now, when his great work was almost done; when the great 
body of the people who had been led into rebellion had seen the folly 
and wickedness of their crime and were willing to lay down their 
arms; when the political leaders were but seeking to prolong the 
struggle that they might insure their own safety; when the hearts of 
all men in the land were praising God for his goodness, and pouring 
forth their thanks to the President and his advisers, and to our brave 
army for their self-sacrifice and devotion; when our tears for all we 
had lost were dried by the sunshine of gladness for all we had won; 
when every heart sang for joy, one man, animated by the devilish 
spirit of treachery and violence that brought upon us this wicked war, 
has dashed the cup of joy from our lips and left us a nation of mourn- 
ers. At the very time when the heart of the President was filled with 
kindness towards those who had sought our ruin; when, as is believed, 
he was devising liberal and generous plans by which they might again 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 297 

arise and enjoy the high privileges they had so wantonly thrown away, 
the fell spirit which generated the rebellion sought and found oppor- 
tunity for its crowning act of infamy by his deliberate, cold-blooded 
and cowardly assassination. I need not attempt to depict the partic- 
ulars of this foul deed. Any language I could command would but 
tend to I'elieve it of the lineaments of its hendish barbarity. It is 
enough to say that we know it was intended to embrace, not onlj^ the 
death of President Lincoln, but that of his chief adviser, Mr. Seward, 
and, as we have reason to believe, the death of the Vice President and 
all the members of the Cabinet. 

The crime is so foul and brutal in itself, so shocking to all the bet- 
ter feelings of our nature, that our great sorrow for our and our 
couuti-y's loss is measurably swallowed up in hot and righteous indig- 
nation against the spirit that provoked its commission. The vile 
wretch who was the instrument in committing the deed is beneath our 
indignation. If caught as I trust he will be, it will be fitting he should 
die, as it is fitting any other venomous reptile should die, because it is 
unsafe to let him live. But it is right and proper that our indignation 
should be active and untiring against the spirit that prompted him to 
this deed, until that spirit is utterly crushed out from among our 
people. That is the spirit engendered by slavery — the spirit of 
violence and treachei'y, that has brought this war upon us with all its 
woe. The system of slavery is founded upon wrong and oppression. 
It teaches men that it is right that others should be slaves that they 
may be fi'ee , that others shall sow that they maj' reap ; that others 
shall labor that they may use the fruits of their labor ; that others 
shall suffer that they maj' enjoy. It begets in the dominant race pride 
and arrogance, a haughty and boastful spirit that will not brook 
restraint or control, and that hesitates at no means to accomplish its 
ends — a disregard for the rights of others — cruelty, injustice and 
revenge. If we trace the development of that spirit in bringing about 
and carrying on this rebellion we may learn its true character. Before 
the actual outbreak we will find many, the principal agents in bring- 
ing about the rebellion, occupying high places under our government, 
all sworn and paid servants of that government, bound in honor and 
good faith to give to it their best service. With these oaths for true 
service yet warm upon their lips, and their pay for true service yet in 
their palms, they are found plotting and scheming how they may best 
destroy that government, and using the power placed in their hands 
as its sworn and paid servants, the better to accomplish its overthrow. 
We will find other men, educated by the government and at the 
expense of the government to be its especial and ever ready defenders 
at sea and on tlie land, at home and abroad, pledged in all honor to 
that duty while yet wearing its uniform and drawing its pay, plotting 
how they may best betray it, and when the hour of trial comes, basely 



298 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 

deserting their flag and turning against it the knowledge acquired for 
its protection. Always prating of their honor, we find that in their 
estimation theft and fraud, falseliood and perjury, the desertion of his 
flag by the soldier and the surrender of his ship by the sailor, without 
a blow in its defense, and the basest treason by the statesman, are all 
honored and alike honorable. We will find that these men have 
sought to lay our chief city in ashes, to throw from our railroad, cars 
filled with women and children, and to plunder our quiet villages, not 
by overcoming our armies with their armies, on the battle-field, but 
by means of lurking emissaries and secret spies. They have broken 
faith even with their own soldiers, keeping them in the ranks long 
after their terms of service had confessedly expired. They have pur- 
posely and systematically starved and ill-treated our soldiers, in their 
hands as prisoners of war, so that thousands have died and other 
thousands have been returned to us to die or to remain among us the 
mere wrecks of men. The spirit that animated these men in these 
acts is identically the same that animated the assassin of President 
Lincoln. You cannot find any fair distinction between them. They 
come from the same foul soui'ce and tend to the same base end. Now, 
why and how is this ? These men are not naturally worse than we. 
Whence then this terrible demoralization ? It is, as I have told you, 
from their having been reared among the wrongs, the cruelties and 
the vices of slavery. They have imbibed its spirit, and these acts are 
but the fruits of that spirit. God forbid that I should stand hei*e to 
encourage a spirit of revenge. "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, 
saith the Lord." But I do stand hex'e to say that we will be untrue to 
ourselves, to God and humanity, if we do not see to it that the foul 
mother of this hateful spirit — the harlot slavery — shall cease to exist 
in our land, henceforth and forever. When that shameless system 
shall have passed away we may reasonably hope that the spirit 
engendered by it will also pass away, and not until then. It may be 
that we needed this terrible lesson to keep us true to our duty. We 
all know the immense power he wielded over the hearts of his people. 
We all know that he was preparing, at the time of his death, measures 
most liberal and genernus for the restoration of the rebel States. We 
all know how our own hearts softened under the influence of the 
prospect of speedy peace ; and it may be, I say, that we needed this 
terrible affliction that has fallen upon us to convince us of the truth, 
that there is no pei'manent peace for this land so long as slavery 
remains within it. If this be so, I think the object has been fully 
accomplished. It is not reasonable to suppose that Mr. Johnson can 
feel as kindly to the rebel chiefs as Mr. Lincoln did. He and his 
family were, for a time, exiled by them from their homes. If I mis- 
take not a price was set upon his head. He has seen his beautiful 
State converted, through their means into a desolation. Besides this, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 299 

even if he has the will he has not the power to control the loyal people 
that President Lincoln had. He is to them yet measurably an untried 
man, and although they will rally around him, and support him 
loyally and truly, they will not Be disposed to yield to his lead as 
promptly and cheerfully as to that of his lamented predecessor. Add 
to these the oilier fact, that the foul deed we mourn here lo-day has 
deeply exasperated our people, and it is very evident to me that, in 
closing up this rebellion, we will see to it that the cause of this rebel- 
lion shall be utterly removed, and that justice, not mercy, but let us 
hope, justice, tempered with mercy, will be our rule of action. 

And now I have nearly done. There are other topics upon which 
I would have spoken, but the time allowed me for preparation has been 
too short, and I cannot trust myself to speak upon them without pre- 
paration, lest my excited feelings should impel me to say words unlit 
to be said, here and now. 

lu the shock of battle the soldier sees his gallant and well-loved 
leader stricken down by his side. He has no time to weep, but grasp- 
ing his weapon with firmer grasp, he pushes onward, with a firmer 
step, over the prostrate body to victory. So should we do. Since this 
calamity has fallen upon us we have been stunned, paralyzed by its 
greatness. But the battle is not yet fully won. Complete victory has 
not yet crowned our efforts, and we must not permit our sorrow for 
our great loss to cause us to falter in our great endeavor. Let, then, 
every man ai'ouse. Let the word " onward" ring through the whole 
length of our mighty host, and let us, over the bleeding body of him 
we loved so well, press on to that crowning victory to which we had 
so fondly hoped he would lead us. Many of you loved Abraham Lin- 
coln as you would have loved a brother, although you had never 
looked upon his face, and I trust that there is not among you one from 
whom his patience, his courage, his kindness, his purity, his patriot- 
ism and his truth had not won the meed of respect, if not of esteem. 
He had been building for himself a monument that will endure as long 
as those qualities are honored among men. But he did not live to 
finish the work. The column has been broken before the temple was 
completed. That monument was a restored, a regenerated Union. 
The work is almost done. Let it be our pious care to complete it. 
When that shall have been done, when again our starry flag shall 
float, more proudly and lovingly, over every acre of our broad domain 
and no man can And within its shadow a slave, his fitting monument 
will have been completed. When the strife and bitterness of the day 
shall have passed away with those who participated in that strife and 
felt that bitterness, when the impartial historian shall have written 
the history of this fearful struggle, our children's children will learn 
to love the name and the memory of Lincoln as we have learned to 
love the name of Washington ; and those two names, brilliant and 



300 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOI). 

glorious beyond all others, because the names of men, not only great, 
but good, will forever alike be " first in the hearts of their country- 
men." 

In the late "forties" and early "fifties," the question of 
the construction of railroads in our State beo^an for the first 
time to be discussed, and as the early settlers were not in a 
condition to furnish funds for their construction, they cast 
about for means to be obtained for that purpose. The great 
Northwest was then but partially settled, and the United 
States Government had a wealth of public lands lying idle 
and awaiting settlement and improvement. Already had a 
grant of these lands been made, through the efforts of 
Stephen A. Douglass, a member of Congress from the State 
of Illinois, to assist in the building of a railroad that should 
extend from New Orleans via Cairo to Chicago, with a 
branch to Galena. This was used as a precedent for a like 
grant for several roads across the State of Iowa, and the 
grants were made by Congress to the State, and by the State 
accepted for that purpose and parceled out to various railroad 
companies, and by these companies accepted upon the condi- 
tions that they should construct certain lines of railroad 
across the State from east to w-est. 

The men composing these companies being Eastern capi- 
talists claimed that they could not build these roads without 
local aid, and as that aid could not be furnished by the peo- 
ple, individually, along the proposed lines of railroad, these 
men suggested and urged that the different public corpora- 
tions through which the roads should run could issue bonds 
payable at a remote date when the corporations issuing them 
would become populous and wealthy and able to pay them. 
These bonds were to be issued to the companies in payment 
dollar for dollar of stock of those companies subscribed for 
and issued to the corporations being counties and cities. 

Bonds were issued by the counties of Washington, John- 
son, Jefferson, Muscatine, Lee, Powesheik, Louisa, Iowa, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 301 

Des Moines and several others and the cities contained in 
them to the amount of several millions of dollars. It was 
represented by these railroad companies that the dividends 
on the stock would pay the interest on the bonds; that when 
the bonds became due the stock could be sold for enouo-h to 
redeem the bonds, and thus the "honest grangers" could get 
a railroad at a small cost, or no cost at all. The theory 
looked plausible; the needs for railroads were great; some- 
thing was wanted to carry to market the crops of our broad, 
fertile acres other than teams, often mired down in our un- 
bridged rivers, creeks and sloughs, and bonds were voted by 
large majorities and issued, in some cases, for roads that were 
never built, though it was claimed by good lawyers that there 
was no authority in law to vote or issue them. 

Soon dividends on stock failed to pay the interest on 
bonds, and heavy taxes were levied and collected to pay that 
interest. Soon again the taxes not only failed to be paid, 
but failed to be levied. 

By a reorganization of the railroad companies, other rail- 
road companies were formed that swallowed up the old ones, 
so that the old stock became badly shrunken or totally value- 
less, while the bonds issued maintained their original full 
rotundity. Suits were brought in our State courts to collect 
unpaid interest, when by the decision of those courts the 
bonds were declared invalid. On appeal to the United States 
courts that decision was reversed. 

In view of this state of affairs, delegates from the ten 
counties above named met at Muscatine December 15, 1869, 
at which meeting the following, among other proceedings, 
were had: 

The Committee on Resolutious, through Ex-Governor Kirkwood, 
reported the following: 

Whereas, The recent decisions of the Federal courts invoMno- 
corporation railroad bonds in this State seem to us subversive of the 
authority and dignity of our State courts, and dangerous to the rights 
and privileges of citizens of the States, if not positive and unvvar- 



302 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ranted encroachments upon the jurisdiction of the State courts. 
Therefore, 

Besolved, That we respectfully and earnestly protest against the ex- 
ercise of such authority by the Federal courts, and hereby pledge our 
sympathy and support to the State courts in the maintenance of their 
riglitful authority. 

Besolved, That this Convention earnestly call upon the General 
Assembly of Iowa to take notice of the late decision of the Federal 
Supreme Court, and apply to Congress and the other States to take the 
necessary steps to protect our citizens against similar encroachments 
on their rights. 

Resolved; That this Convention regards the provision enacted by the 
Twelfth General Assembly, commonly known as the Doud amend- 
ment, as the reservation of the rights of the State to control certain 
railroad companies, in regard to their charges for freight and passen- 
gers, as a most precious and valuable right, and ought to be preserved 
unimpaired and unrepealed. 

Resolved, That the property of railroad corporations in this State 
should be taxed, as our Constitution provides, the same as other prop- 
erty, and the General As.sembly is earnestly requested to provide for 
such equal taxation. 

Resolved, That this Convention recommends to the citizens of the 
several counties and cities interested in this railroad bond question to 
pay all their taxes except their railroad bond tax; to refuse to pay that 
until all legal and practical remedies are exhausted. 

Resolved, That a committee of one from each county be appointed, 
whose duty it shall be to maintain a correspondence between the sev- 
eral counties with a view to harmony and unity of action, and that we 
recommend to the counties here represented not to pay or compro- 
mise said indebtedness, nor any part of the same, without general con- 
sultation; and that we further recommend that each county keep at 
Des Moines, during the coming session, one or more competent agents 
to furnish information to the General Assembly and to attend to the 
interest of their respective counties on this question. 

Mr. Negus, of Jefferson, explained that section of the 
law which had been construed to authorize municipalities to 
aid railroads. He was a member of the legislature which 
enacted it, and said that no such authority was conveyed or 
intended to be conveyed. 

Ex-Governor Kirk wood said: "All will admit that we have 
a right to make our State Constitution and laws just as we 
please, provided we do not trench upon the Constitution of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 303 

the United States. What value is this right if our court can- 
not interpret the meaning of our Constitution and hiws?" 

It was claimed by Governor Kirkwood that under Sec- 
tion 1 of Article 4 of the Constitution of the United States, 
which says: "Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of 
every other State" every person, municipality, corpor- 
ation, officer or court that could be bound by any decision 
of any court, was bound by and should respect the decision 
of the Supreme Court of the State of Iowa, which had 
declared these railroad bonds void. 

The gubernatorial canvass in 1875, previous to holding 
the Republican State Convention on the 19th of June, was a 
peculiar one. No one of the four or five prominent candi- 
dates for Governor went into the convention with any reas- 
onable assurance that he had strength enough to nominate him 
on the first few ballots. Their comparative strength was 
undoubtedly in the order named: James B. Weaver, John 
Russel, John H, Gear, Robert Smyth, W. B. Fairfield, each 
with his host of friends assisting, striving to get all the 
strength possible enlisted in his favor on the first ballot. 
The editor of the Register said in his paper : ' ' The conven- 
tion was all at sea on the choice for governor, no man had 
worked for it, and no wires had been pulled to secure it.'' 

The names of Weaver, Russel, Gear and Fairfield were 
presented, with a prospect that ballot after ballot, excitedly 
repeated, and long continued, engendering bitter feeling and 
personal animosities would have to be taken to reach a tinal 
result, when Dr. S. M. Ballard a delegate from Andubon 
County, an old patriarch in the Republican ranks with a 
head as white as the driven snow, his breast covered with a 
full flowing beard of the same hue, arose and standing six 
feet four inches tall, strait as an arrow, with a stentorian 
voice, like the blows of a trip hammer that reached every 
ear in the large assembly, said : " Mr. President, I desire to 



304 TIE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

present the name of Samuel J. Kirkwood of Johnson 
County." (Immense applause.) 

Gen. Trumbull of Dubuque, inquired by what authority 
the name of Gov. Kirkwood was presented. 

Raising himself to his full heighth, throwing back his 
venerable snow colored head, extending his long right arm, 
with the full intonations of his powerful sonorous voice the 
Dr. replied, "by authority of the great republican 
PARTY OF IOWA." (Trcmeudous cheers oft repeated.) 

Hon. John Russel arose amid the tumult of applause 
and said: ''He would not be a candidate in opposition to 
the great War Governor, whom he was proud to esteem so 
highly, that he preferred him for governor to any and all 
other men, I withdraw my name and second the nomination 
of the gentleman from Andubon." His remarks were 
cheered to the echo. 

Mr. Gear arose amid the cheering, and in the most 
earnest and enthusiastic manner, said : " Neither will I be a 
candidate against the great popular favorite, Governor Kirk- 
wood, who sent seventy-five thousand boys in blue cheering 
to the front to help so potentially in subduing the rebellion, 
and I most heartily second the nomination of the Old 
War Governor and withdraw my name in his favor." 

The brief speech of Mr. Gear was delivered with fire and 
dash, and it had an electrifying effect on the convention and 
he was cheered and re-cheered to the echo. 

Senator Campbell wanted to know if the friends of the 
governor in the convention did not have a dispatch from him 
saying he was not a candidate. He was answered by cries 
from various parts of the house, ''we don't care if they 
have — that don't make any difference." 

A.n informal ballot was taken resulting, Kirkwood, 238 ; 
Weaver, 200; Smyth, 111; Fairfield, 33. 

A formal ballot was then fully taken. Before the tellers 
liad counted up the ballots, counties that had voted for other 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 305 

candidates began to change their votes to Kirkwood, and 
before the count was completed, Capt. Hull, a delegate from 
Davis, and one of Weaver's friends moved to make the vote 
unanimous, which was received and carried with thunderino- 
applause, 

A motion was made to telegraph Gov. Kirkwood for his 
acceptance, which was met by showers of "no, no " from all 
parts of the house. John Y. Stone arose amid the storm 
and said, "Governor Kirkwood must accept," when the 
mover said he would withdraw his motion and second Mr. 
Stone's must. 

Though in the common acceptation of the term, Gov. K. 
had never been an office seeker, he did desire to be returned 
to the United States Senate, and as he could not occupy that 
place and the governor's chair at the same time, he preferred 
not to hazard his chance for the former place, by becoming 
an occupant of the latter. Notwithstanding no formal noti- 
fication was sent by the convention to the governor of his 
nomination, nor a request for an acceptance, several of the 
members of the convention went to the telegraph office, 
among whom were R. 8. Finkbine, John Russel, S. S. Far- 
well and Ed. Wright and wired him, asking his consent to 
become a candidate. The governor was at home and Judge 
Wright was also in Iowa City, and he called upon the gov- 
ernor to press his acceptance, saying that instead of preju- 
dicing his prospects for the senatorship, it would advance 
them. The question was for sometime discussed between 
them pro. and con., when at the other end of the line all but 
Gen. Wright, getting tired waiting for a reply, left the 
telegraph office. It was reported that Gen. Wrio-ht in his 
impatience and anxiety while waiting made the telegraph do 
some swearing for him, but he was too well raised to do that, 
but he did make the wires say, "why in thunder don't you 

answer." Finally the reply came, "if I must answer 

yes." 



306 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

If things had not been Wright at both ends of the line, 
it is quite probable a "no" instead of a "yes" would have 
been sent. 

As a reason for his acceptance it was urged upon the 
governor that the Republicans of Iowa had done much for 
him, and that this was a spontaneous call from them from 
all parts of the State, and he should heed it. He might have 
replied with a great deal of truth, that while they had done 
much for him, he in return had done a great deal for them, 
that he had often sacrificed his own private interests, his 
ease and his comfort for their good. He was never a man to 
press his claims to official station on what he had done — for 
his labors were performed in the honest and faithful dis- 
charge of official duty for the benefit of the public, rather 
than for his own private advantage. 

As soon as the nomination was made all the guns of the 
enemy from the diminutive political revolver, carried by the 
ward bummer in his hip pocket, to the heavy seige guns 
under control of the State Central Committee were turned 
upon him. 

In a speech made in Des Moines, on the 27th day of 
August, he spiked most of these guns, and before election 
they were all silenced. From this speech a few extracts are 
made. 

He said in commencing, he would first pay brief attention 
to some of the charges made against him by the Democratic 
press : 

" My old friend Claggett of Keokuk said, I had 'speculated in tax 
titles.' I never owned or bought a tax title in my life. Another 
editor says, I am a large owner of railroad stock. I once had $300 of 
stock in an unbuilt railroad, which I afterwards sold for $5. I also 
bought a dollar of stock in a new railroad once, in oi'der to qualify 
myself for president, and I own that yet. It has also been charged 
that I own stock in a distillery. I do not own, never have owned> and 
never intend to own any such stock. It has been charged also, that I 
once said, ' we must give the Dutch their slops in order to keep their 
votes.' I never said and never thought of- saying this, or anything 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 307 

like It, I resent, as the pure and able Germaii citizen Nicholas J. Rusch, 
who was lieutenant governor when I was governor, signed the bill 
allowing the sale of beer and wine, would have resented this insinu- 
ation, that the German citizens would have sold their votes for lager 
beer. The Democi'ats charge this now on the supposition, if they 
believe it at all, that if we bought these people with free lager in those 
dajs, they can buy them with free whiskey now. No ! The German 
people were voting with us on principle. They hated slavery as we 
did, opposed secession as we did, and as they do now. They were as 
honest as we were, and as determined in being right. 

"It has also been urged that during the war I once called the Ger- 
mans, Hessians and other vile epithe's, which charge is as false as the 
first. I claim to have a little common sense, even if I have not com- 
mon honesty. I was engaged in raising troops for the war, and no 
citizens were enlisting more spontaneously than our fellow citizens 
of foreign birth. I never spoke of this class of our immortal soldiers 
other than in terms of admiration and praise, and I defy any proof on 
earth that I ever did." * * * 

The charge that he speculated in army clothing was 
taken up and exploded. The governor said, he had received 
among other inquiries one asking how he stood in regard to 
secret societies. 

He stated that he himself was a member of the Masonic 
Craft, and the Odd Fellows Order, many members of which 
will oppose me politically, as bitterly as any others, and this 
no one will think of making an issue in the canvass or at the 
polls. 

The governor said there was another little matter he 
might refer to : 

" Some of my friends who are editing Democratic papers, are 
afraid that if I get to be governor I may want to be a senator. They 
and some others are very anxious that we should have a good looking 
man to send as our governor to the Centennial Exposition at Philadel- 
phia next year, and they are afraid my friend Mr. Newbold, our can- 
didate for Lieutenant Governor would not make as good looking a 
governor at the national festival as I would. (Great laughter.) 

"Now, I could not go to the Senate or leave the governorship if I 
wanted to before March, 1877, the year after the Centennial, so that 
the people of Iowa would still have the benefit of all the beauty that I 
have at the Centennial. (Repeated laughter.) 

"There are five men in Iowa, that are noted for all the good looks 
that they have. There are two of them in one county, Senator Lowrey 



308 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

and Judge Grant of Scott, (laughter). Then there's Judge Lough- 
ridge. (More laughter.) Next. Init not least hy any means is Gov. 
Eastman. (Fui'ther laughter.) The last is myself. (Still greater 
laughter.) Now, I am willing the ladies of Iowa shall select the best 
looking man in this lot for the representative of this State, and its 
manly beauty at the Centennial, and I Avill abide by their choice. But, 
about my wanting or not wanting to go to the Senate, I shall make no 
promises. If I did it might be as it was with the governorship. I said 
I did not want and would not take that ; but, I am the Republican 
Party's candidate for it, and I do not intend to say any more what 
office I will take and what I will not. (Cheers.) * * * 

" To the temperance man we say the Republican party is the only 
one that gives well grounded hope for the accomplishment of all 
objects that tend to promote the improvement of our fellow men. We 
may falter, we may stumble, we may halt, we may swerve to the 
one side or the other; we may even go backward, but earnestly striv- 
ing, desiring and seeking for the good of all, we will ever go onward 
in the right path at last. Your place is with us, you are no doubt as 
honest as you are earnest, and I for one believe that you are. It is 
right too, t© be progressive, radical and advanced. But have a care 
that you do not get so far ahead of public opifiion tliat you will 
get out of sight of the great body of the people altogether and be lost. 
[Applause.] So far indeed that you cannot be heard." 

At Dubuque on the 24th day of September, the following 
speech was delivered: 

Friends and Felloiv Citizens: — Your chairman in introducing 
me to you has mentioned the fact that some years ago I had the 
honor of serving you in the capacity of governor of the State, 
an office for which I am again a candidate. I have very little 
to say in regard to that past time, except this; that it was a very try- 
ing, troublesome time both in our state and in our national affairs. 
The labors devolving upon me were severe, and the duties more diffi- 
cult and delicate than in time of peace. But I endeavored to perform 
those duties the best I knew how; how well I succeeded it is not for 
me, but for you to say. Should it be the pleasure of the people of the 
state to again elevate me to the same olfice, the duties will be much 
more easily performed, and I can only say that I will endeavor to do 
the best I can. I may have made mistakes before; I may make mis- 
takes again. If any of you had occupied the position I did, you would 
probably have made mistakes as 1 did; and if any of j'ou were to 
occupy the posi'ion in future, you Avould undoubtedly make mistakes 
as I will. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 309 

THE LIQUOR QUESTION. 

There is oue subject which is perhaps not qLiite a proper one for 
me to discuss; yet oue that I feel called upou to discuss in many local- 
ities and amoug others in this locality, that is what is called the tem- 
perance question. It is claimed by some, I learn, that I have not been 
frank aud open upou this question. This is a mistake, I have never 
for a moment concealed my opinion in regard to this subject, and I 
have never expressed different opinions at different points. When I 
opened this campaign in Des Moines sometime in August last, 1 
expressed my opinion on the temperance question and what I said was 
published in the papers of that city, and afterwards republished in 
other papers of the state, so that any oue desiring to know my opin- 
ions on the subject might kuow them. The ouly embarrassment I 
ever felt in connection with expressing my opinions on the subject 
arose from this circumstance: The convention that nominated me 
did not express any opinion upon the question. The Republican party 
is not agreed among themselves on this point. The party contains 
many men who are opposed to licensing the sale of intoxicating drinks 
and are in favor of a prohibitory liquor law, it contains men who are 
opposed lo a prohibitory law and in favor of license; and it also con- 
tains many men who occupy the position that I do, a position differ- 
ent from either of the foregoing. Such being the case it would not 
have been honest in the Republican party to have expressed an opin- 
ion upon the subject in their platform, because it is a question upon 
which the party are not agreed and the representatives of a party 
making a platform lay down principles upon which that party are 
agreed. But I have my personal opinions, aud I will give them to 
you. But I give them to you as my own and not those of the Repub- 
lican party, for I have no right to speak for the Republican party in 
a case where that party has not spoken for itself. 

Since the commencement of this campaign I have traveled along 
the southern part of this state to Council Bluffs; theuce along the 
western border of the state to Sioux City, thence through the north- 
ern pai't of the state to this point. In many places I have found the 
situation of affairs to be the same as in your locality. That is the pro- 
hibitory law which is to be found on the statute book of Iowa is of no 
effect. It is not evaded as other criminal laws are by stealth secretly, 
it is openly, boldly, notoriously trodden underfoot. Public sentiment 
does not sustain it, that is the condition of affairs in the county (John- 
son) where I live. But while this is true, it is just as true that in 
many other counties of the State the law is fully and fairly enforced; 
as well enfoi'ced as any other penal laws of your State. And the peo- 
ple in those counties are strongly attached to the prohibitory law, 
because it shields them from evils to which they have been subjected. 
The social habits and manners and customs of people of different 



310 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

localities aud nationalities are as different as are the colors of white 
and black. Living as I do in a community in which the prohibitory 
law is not enforced, I find the result of the existence of that law 
coupled with its non-enforcement to be this; the daily violation of that 
law without rebuke aud without punishment, becomes familiar to a 
man and to the community, it creates a want of respect for law in 
general, and a habit of disobedience to law in general. You aud I, 
my friends, depend for the security and protection of our property 
and our lives upon the law. When tlie laws are reverenced and obeyed 
life aud property are safe. When it is daily and openly violated, aud 
no rebuke or punishment administered to those by whom it is 
violated, reverence for the laws is inevitably diminished, and the 
habit of disobedience created. One man's taste or inclination 
leads him to the violation of the prohibitory liquor law, he 
goes unpunished and unrebuked; on the contrary public senti- 
ment in his locality sustains him. Another mau's taste or inclination 
leads him to violate some other law; aud when he is brought to pun- 
ishment, the question he asks is, "Why am 1 for violating the law 
rebuked and punished, while my neighbor, for violating another law 
goes unrebuked and unpunished." This is a partiality aud an injus- 
tice here all must see, and which inevitably leads him to a disrespect 
and disobedience of all law. And in this condition of affairs, which 
you all know is the condition in this State, the question arises, which 
is the best course to pursue. What policy will result in the greatest 
good to the greatest number? What legislation is best adapted to the 
wants, tastes, feelings, prejudices, if you will, of the different commun- 
ities in the State? This is au entirely proper question to ask, and we 
must find as satisfactory an answer as we can. 

LOCAL OPTION. 

In my judgment, Av hat is called the "local option law" is the best 
solution of this question, most just to each and all communities, aud 
productive of the best general results. You of Dubuque county, 
where the prohibitory law is not enforced antl where there is no pre- 
tense or attempt to enforce it, would be just as well off in every 
respect, and much better satisfied if the traffic in intoxicating drinks 
was more lawful wiih proper restrictions imposed. In other coun- 
ties where the prohibitory law can be aud is enforced, and where 
the people desire its continuance aud enforcement, it is but 
fair and right that they should have it. In the strongest prohibitory 
counties through which I have passed, I have asked of the advocates 
of that law, "while the citizens of your co inty are protected aud their 
interests subserved by the prohibitory law, why insist it shall apply 
nominally to the county of Dubuque, where it commands no respect, 
no obedience from the people, and where its only effect is to demoral- 
ize the public miud by familiarizing the community with the contin- 



THE LIFE AXD TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD, 311 

ual disobedieuce of law, whereby the reverence of all law is weak- 
ened?" And I have never been able to get what seemed tome to be a 
satisfactory answer. And now I ask you citizens of Dubuque the 
.^ame question. If you had a law upon this subject that suited your 
sentiments, your tastes, your prejudices, (as some might say) why 
should you insist that your opinions of what is right should be forced 
upon the people of other counties of the State. My own personal 
opinion is that the best thing for our mixed varied population is the 
'•local option" system. Then where the people prefer a license law, 
a license law can be had; and where the people desire a prohibitory 
law, they can have it and enforce it. This is the ground 1 have 
occupied before the people of this entire State. 1 have made no 
change or variation or shadow of turning in one part of the State 
from what I have said in another part. But let me repeat, that in 
this expression of my sentiments on this subject, I speak for myself 
alone, 1 am not authorized to speak for the Republican party, for 
that parly has not spoken for itself; nor am I authorized to speak for 
my associates on the ticket; they can speak for themselves if they 
choose, or if they are called upon to do so. But you have a right to 
know my opinions, and you have them. If they do not suit you, if 
they excite your displeasure, I only ask that you will visit your dis- 
pleasure upon, me, and upon none else. 

THE BACK PAY MATTER. 

There is another matter somewhat personal in its nature to which I 
ought perhaps to pay some attention. It has been charged that dur- 
ing the two sessions of Congress, that I had the honor of serving you, 
my action in regard to the matter of compensation — pay — was 
improper. The circumstances of the case are these : Sometime in 
Miiy, 1865, Mr. Harlan, then Senator for your State resigned from that 
position. This caused a vacancy in that office. When the Iowa Leg- 
islatui'e convened the next December, I was elected to lill that vacancy. 
I went to Washington and took my place early in January. Now 
there is a law upon the statute books of the United States, a law 
which I had no share in making, but which was made many years 
before I became Senator — by which, when any Senator resigned, his 
successor is entitled to draw pay from the date of his predecessor's 
resignation. In accordance with this law, which I found upon the 
statute books when I was elected, I did as had been the uniform cus- 
tom before and has been the uniform custom since. I drew my pay 
from Mr. Harlan's resignation. But this, some say is very wrong. 
Now, first, let us look at the equity of the law. I served through two 
sessions of Congress entirely except about four weeks — the session 
commencing in December, and I taking my seat in January. If my 
pay had commenced in January, when I took my seat, I would have 
had to serve two sessions in Congress (save those four weeks), and 



312 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMTJEt J. KlRKWOOD. 

draw but oue \'ear's pay, while all my associates serving but four 
weeks longer than I, would have had two yeai's' pay. 
But look at this matter in another light. Your Mem- 
bers of Congress here in Iowa, were elected last year, but 
their pay dates from March this year, 1875. California, elected mem- 
bers of Congress on the first day of this month (September, 1875), but 
they draw pay from last March, the same as your members elected last 
fall. Oregon has not yet elected her membei^s of Congress, but when 
elected they will draw pay from the fourth of last March, the same as 
those of California, and those of Iowa. The same with those of Mis- 
sissippi, which, are yet to be elected. I took the pay which the law 
of the land had provided for me. And here allow me to say that in 
my judgment the men whom you have to fear are not those who take 
the pay the law gives them, and are contented with it, but those who 
attempt to make outside the compensation the law allows them, 
illegitimate gains. 

VOTE FOR INCREASED COMPENSATION. 

During that san;e session of Congress the compensation of mem- 
bers was increased. I voted for that increase. That compensation 
was fixed at three thousand dollars per year, a number of years before 
— in fact sometime before the war, when gold was the standard of 
value. In 1866, when I took my seat in the Senate, the cost of living 
in Washington City as here in Dubuque and everywhere else in the 
country, was at least double what it was when the war began. The 
consequence was that a member of Congress could not more than pay 
his necessary expenses, living in moderate style, out of the compensa- 
tion allowed him at the rate fixed before the war. Perhaps it is 
imprudent for me to say it, but I am in the habit of saying what I 
think, and so I will say that in my opinion it is just as shabby for the 
people of Iowa to desire her Senators and Representatives to serve 
them for less than a fair compensation, as it is for a public servant to 
desire more than a fair compensation. And, I say further, that the 
men who are serving you in Congress, and are doing the best they 
know how, are entitled to something more than their actual living 
expenses. So we increased the pay of Members of Congress from 
$3,000 to $5,000 a year. But at the same time we reduced the mileage, 
from forty to tweuty cents a mile. The result was not so much to 
increase the aggregate amount paid to Members of Congress, as to 
equalize the pay. Under the old law in the case of members of distant 
States, the mileage amounted to more than the compensation did. 
The net result was substantially this: Taking the aggregate received 
by all the Members of Congress for both salary and mileage, the 
increase was but very slight. Well, as I have said, I voted for the law 
and took the increased pay. If I believed to-day, that in so doing I did 
wrong, I should frankly say so, but 1 do not believe it was wrong, and 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 313 

SO no power on earth can make me say so. Our Democratic friends, 
who now declare that it was very wroug were a long time in discover- 
ing any wrong in it. Nine years have passed since then ; and it is only 
duriug the present cimpaign, since I was nominated for Governor, 
that they have discovered how wrong it was. Nobody found any fault 
with it at the time. You cannot find any complaint of it in the pro- 
ceedings of any convention of either party. I will defy you to bring 
even a newspaper of either party or an extract from any speech by 
any member of either party, that made any complaint in reference 
to it at the time. In 1873, seven years afterward, when the price of 
living had all that time been continually and steadily going down, 
Congress passed a law increasing the pay of its members from $5,000 
to $7,500. Then a very different condition of public sentiment Avas 
manifested ; then complaint was made by people, and by papers of 
both parties ; public indignation rose to a white heat. And in answer 
to the demands of the people, Congress reduced the compensation of 
its members to the point at which I aided in fixing it ; and the people 
of Iowa recognized the rightfulness of that action, and have since 
made no complaint. I have heard no complaint that the pay of Mem- 
bers of Congress is now too high ; yet it is today precisely what I 
aided in fixing it. Another thing looks to me a little inconsistent in 
this matter, and that is, that Democrats should blame me in this mat- 
ter, and not blame anybody else among those who did just what I did. 
What statesman in this land was moi-e latided by the Democracy in 
1873, than Charles Sumner V It is true they had not always so high 
an appreciation of him, but when he felt it his duty to follow Horace 
Greely into the "Liberal" ranks, the Democratic party suddenly dis- 
covered that he was one of the ablest, as well as one of the purest of 
men that the country ever produced, and they were right. Yet Charles 
Sumner was a member of the Senate at the same time 1 was : he voted 
precisely as 1 did in the matter of that compensation, and like me to 
use the classic language of the Democratic editors of this State, he 
" went out of Washington with the swag in his pocket.'" Then there 
was Lyman Trumbull, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, whose 
virtues and ability the Democrats never tire of praising ; he was in 
the Senate at the same time I was, he voted precisely as I did, and 
"went out of Washington with the swag in /its pocket." And there 
was Mr. Hendricks of Indiana, now Governor of that State, and pro- 
spective candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency of the 
United States, he was a member of the same Senate ; he voted on that 
question of compensation just as I did, and -'went away from Wash- 
ington with the swag in his pocket." For whom did you Democrats 
shout yourselves hoarse in 1873, as your candidate for the Vice- 
presidency ? You may have forgotten, so I will remind you that it 
was B. Gratz Brown of Missouri. He was a member of that same 



314 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Senate, he voted on the question of compensation precisely as I did, 
and he " went away li-om Washington witli the swag in his pocket." 
And you Democrats did not discover any wrong in it then, and never 
did till I hai^peued to become candidate for Governor of Iowa this 
year. 

PERSONAL ABUSE. 

But, right here my friends I feel moved to say one thing, and that 
is, that it is most humiliating that candidates for office, who claim to 
be gentlemen and honorable men in a canvass such as I am now 
engaged in, should be compelled to answer charges such as these ; I 
mean compelled to answer charges either of petit or grand larceny. 
I do not think our politics are improved by such methods of conduct- 
ing a campaign. I regard the making of such charges as a piece of 
demagoguei'y that will not help the party using it, or hurt the pai'ty 
against whom it is used. 

NATIONAL POLITICS. 

Having disposed of these unpleasant pei"sonal matters, I will now 
S[.eak in regai'd to what I understand to be the present condition of 
the political all'airs of this nation. We are fighting this year a battle 
that is but preliminary to a much severer one next year. Next year 
we have to elei-t a president, and I am satisfied that we are to have 
one of the bitterest and most fiercely contested campaigns since 1860. 
Every election in every State this year is looked upon as tending to 
show the drift of public opinion next year. What then is the polit- 
ical outlook for 1876? Let us first consider what was the political 
condition of the county before the civil war. Before its outbreak for 
many years the Democratic party had ruled in this countiy, and how- 
had they managed, in order to rule this country? First the vote of all 
the slave States was solidly Democratic, there was no break in their 
ranks, the Democratic party held them in the hollow of its hand. It 
had only to count up those States, and the number of their representa- 
tives and calculate safely and surely upon so many Senators, so many 
members of the House of Representatives, so man}' Electoral votes for 
a Democratic president. The number that could thus be surely cal- 
culated upon for the Democratic party was not quite a majority in 
either case; but it came so near it, that a slight addition from the 
Northern States would place the control of the whole country in the 
hands of the Democratic part}'. And now since the reconstruction of 
those states has been accomplished, the managers of the Democratic 
party have been lending every effort persistently, determinedly, unre- 
mittingly to restore the same condition of affairs. They have so far 
succeeded that to-day there are but three of the old slave States that 
are not in their hands; Mississippi, North Carolina and South Carolina. 
Indeed they will have Mississippi this year, they are persuading the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 315 

black men down there into voting for them; or at least into not vot- 
ing against them. They have a peculiar process of "persuading" the 
black men not to vote, and so I fear this year Mississippi will pass 
into the hands of the Democratic party. The political status of 
North Carolina is so uncertain that no one can tell how it will go. 
And the only Republican State in the south, remarkable as it may 
seem, is South Carolina. How strange that would have sounded 
tifteen years ago! The statesmen of the south are men of strong wills, 
determined purpose, and unyielding tenacity, they set their purpose 
and then work up to it, disregarding all minor issues. They are work- 
ing now for the same object and seeking to accomplish it in precisely 
the same way as before the outbreak of the rebellion. Then all that is 
needed to place the Democratic party in power again, in such a condi 
tion of affairs as will give them a few votes from the Northern States, 
and the Democratic party will control the country and the Southern 
wing of the Democratic party will control that party. If you believe 
that a right and a good thing to do, do it, but do it like men; if you 
think it not a right and a good thing to do, don't do it at all, and don't 
indirectly aid in doing it. 

But it may be asked why should not the Democratic party be 
restored to the control of this Government? I will give you my reas- 
ons. Passing by the question that divided the parties in old times, 
slavery; which thank God, is now taken out of our politics, there yet 
remains another vexed question that aided in bringing the civil war 
upon our country, and that is the question of 

STATE RIGHTS 

or State Sovereignty. The Democratic party insists that this is not a 
nation of people; but as many nations as there are Slates, that the 
States are separate nationalities, bound together by a band sometimes 
called a league, sometimes a confederacy; that any one of these States 
has a right to withdraw from the confederacy at its own pleasure, and 
that no power can compel a State to remain in the Union, if it desires 
to leave it. The northern Democracy did not entirely agree with this 
view of the matter; but they took the absurd and fatal ground that no 
Slate had a right to secede from the Union; but that if a State chose 
to secede without ihe right, there was no power under the constitu- 
tion to compel them to remain. You will all remember how, from the 
time of the election of Lincoln to the fall of Fort Sumpter, the cry of 
"no coercion" rang through theland. That meant that it was wrong 
for a Southern State to secede; yet if they did secede our fathers had 
builded our government so unwisely that they had created a nation 
and breathed into it the breath of life, and yet had given it no power 
to protect that life. And the leaders of the Democratic party hold 
that doctrine as firmly now as they did then. You will find it in some 
guise or other in every Democratic platform throughout the length 



316 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

aud breadth of our ' ! '. But the Republican party says this is not a 
true interpretation of wiir Constitution. They say this is one country, 
one people, one nation; that we have but one flag — and God lielping 
us we will see to it that but one flag shall Uoat throughout the length 
and breadth of our land. [Loud applause]. Now, one or the other of 
these two ideas respecting our government will eventually triumph. 
If the Democratic idea triumplis, the outlook of our country is any- 
thing but pleasant to contemplate. We or our childi'en may see this 
broad and glorious realm broken into numerous powerless and petty 
divisions. We may see one independent empire on the Pacific coast, 
and the remainder of our land broken into half a dozen insignificant 
nationalities. We may have in America the same condition of affairs 
that since the wars of the lirst Napoleon has reduced Germany from a 
first-class power to a condition of comparative weakness. The fond 
dream and aspiration of the German mind for years and years has been 
for German unit3^ To-day Germany is united, and being united 
stands the arbiter of the destinies of Europe. A few years ago when 
you asked an emigrant from Germany his nationality, he would 
answer that he was a Prussian, or a Bavarian, or a resident of some 
other of the petty principalities; but to-day ask him what is his nation- 
ality, his "Fatherland," and he will say ' Germany.'" And every 
German clings to the unity of Germany as the only salvation of Ger- 
many. And the same feeling induces us to cling to the unity of our 
nation as its only salvation. 

THE DEMOCRACY DURING THE WAR. 

I will give you another reason why I deem it unsafe to trust the 
country again in the hands of the Democratic party. If any of you 
gentlemen desired to engage a man to occupy a confidential relation, 
you would like to know what manner of man he was — whether he was 
worthy of trust or not. You would inquire what had been his past 
life. If his conduct in the past had been right and honorable, you 
would trust him and engage him in your service, otherwise not. Why 
not in public affairs use the same common sense that you use in your 
private affairs? Let us then in the same way study the course of the 
two parties which have controlled the government and see which has 
shown itself most worthy to be trusted. To go no farther back than 
the war. What was the course of the two parties during that time? 
What did the Democratic party as a party do during the war? I wish 
to do justice to all and in all things; and I am glad and proud to say 
that when the war broke out the Democratic young men of the coun- 
try came forward aud enlisted just as promptly, just as gallantly, just 
as gaily as any; and God forbid that I from any supposed })olitical 
necessity, or any other reason, should fail to give them the just tribute 
of praise they deserve for their patriotic conduct. They did their duty 
fully, manfully and nobly. But these were not the representative men 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 317 

of the Democratic party. Neither were those other men who always 
voted the Democratic ticket, because it was the Democratic ticket. 
But I refer to the meu who directed the policy and wrote the platform 
of the Democratic party during the war. What was their action? Will 
you put your finger on a single measure deemed essential by President 
Lincoln and his cabinet for the suppression of the rebellion, that the 
organized Democratic party of the north did not denounce and oppose? 
When it was proposed to issue greenbacks (that they now are so won- 
derfully in love with) they told us that there was no constitutional 
power to issue them. When we proposed to issue bonds they said not 
that there was no coustitutional power to issue them, but that nobody 
would purchase them; that they would adorn the walls of saloons and 
barbershops, and be as worthless as so much waste paper. When 
President Lincoln proposed to issue his Emancipation Proclamation, 
a howl of indignation went up fi'om the Democratic party all over the 
land. When it was proposed to arm the blacks and let such of them 
as chose to enlist, die for us instead of our own brave sons, you 
remember how fiercely they protested. I remember the position I 
then held gave to me the power of commissioning the Iowa regiments. 
I remember that I received letters from some ofiicers, high in rauk, 
that if that measure should pass they would resign their commissions, 
leave the army and come home, for they did not enlist for the purpose 
of fighting in a 'migger" war. I remember also that I wa'ote back in 
reply that I should be very sorry to lose their valuable services, but if 
they were determined upon resigning, I thanked God that there was 
not an Iowa regiment in whose ranks I could not find soldiers out of 
whom I could make just as good officers as ever wore shoulder straps. 
[Applause]. The act arming the blacks was passed, but I do not remem- 
ber that any of these indignant officers resigned their commissions! 
But I repeat the statement— there was not a single leading measure 
deemed ai^solutely necessary by those to whom the conduct of the war 
for saving the Union had been intrusted by the people of this country, 
that this organized Democracy did not resist. 

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND RECONSTUCTION. 

Well, the war was ended. We did what the organized Democracy 
had declared we could not do; we suppressed the rebellion and pre- 
served the unity of the States. Then came the question of reconstruc- 
tion, the question as to what should be done with the people and the 
States, that had just laid down their arms, after being defeated in 
their efforts to destroy the Union. There were two plans proposed. 
Tlie Democratic plan was very easy, plain and simple; it was to allow 
these who had just laid down their arms-the white men of the rebel 
lions States— to reorganize those States; but there was one difficulty in 
the way. In tho.se States there were some four millions of black peo- 
ple. We have given these people their freedom, nominally. But if we 



318 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

had left them to be dealt with as their former masters desired to deal 
with them, their nominal freedom would have been worth but little. 
Louisiana, after reconstruction, after her first reconstruction before 
she was reconstructed in accordance with the act of Congress passed 
for that purpose, gave us a foretaste of what might be expected, if the 
white men of the South were left to organize their State governments 
to suit themselves. The Legislature of Louisiana passed a law that in 
any year, any colored man who, by a certain day in January had not 
hired out his services for the entire 5^ear, should be arrested by certain 
local oflQcers authorized to do so, and his services sold for the year to 
the man who would pay the most for them. Is there any man in this 
audience who has made his living by hiring out to work for other 
men? I presume there are many here, who like myself have at some 
period of their lives done so. Now, what would you sa,y if the Gen- 
eral Assembly of Iowa should pass a law that you, unless by the mid- 
dle of January in each j-ear you had hired yourself to some man for 
the entire y ai". should be arrested, taken up by the township trustees 
and aucf.oued oflf? Whj', I tell j^ou the passage of such a law as that 
would raise more disturbance in Iowa than the license question! My 
friends, I am now sixty-two years old; I have mixed with the Avorld a 
good deal in my time; I have been brought into contact with a good 
many men, both good men and mean men, but I never found a man 
meaner than the man who would use the services of another in time 
of need, and then turn his back on the man who had risked his life to 
help him out of the trouble. I don't believe the devil would want a 
man to be any meaner than that. [Laughter]. I know that I cannot 
here address an audience as large as this without addressing some 
Iowa soldiers. Some of you when in the South have attended a negro 
meeting. You have heard these colored men pray for you. It may be 
that they did not use very cultured language. You could hear better 
prayers any day in any of your churches here. But when I was a boy 
at my mother's knee, I was taught that the prayer of the poor and 
oppressed and down-trodden, found as ready access to the ear of the 
good God, and as ready answer from him. as the prayer of the rich and 
noble. It may be that in these later days, in the light of advanced 
science, you have found a better theology than that, but that is what I 
was brought up to believe. And if perchance those early teachings be 
true, if there be any power in prayer, you cannot tell nor can I how 
much in the time of our greatest peril the prayers of these poor, 
oppressed, downtrodden people aided us. But they did more than 
pray for us; they worked for us. And when still later in the war we 
would allow them to do so, they took arms in their hands and in their 
awkward, clumsy way they fought for us. And when praying, work- 
inor or fighting, they did what many a man who now turns up his nose 
at tlieni nm\ calls them "damn niggers," did not do; they did all they 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 319 

could for the cause of the Union. And if after these men had risked 
their lives for us, and by their aid we have got through our trouble, 
we have left them at the mercy of their bitterest foes, we would have 
deserved to be a hissing and a scorn to every honorable man that walks 
God's green earth. [Loud applause]. And yet, because we did not ^ 
commit that ineffable meanness, that inexpressible baseness, the whole 
northern Democracy denounced us from one end of this country to the 
other. Thank (Jod that we have, nevertheless, had the manhood to 
stand by them as they stood by us. 

But the Democrcay say, allowing all these things to be true, you 
ought not to talk about it. That tends to keep up the angry feelings 
produced by the war. This ought to be an era of 

PEACE AND RECONCILIATION. 

Now, my friends, I will go as far as any one, I will do as much as 
any man who hears me toward building up the waste places of the 
South, i-estoring her to peace and prosperity, and giving her citizens 
every right that can be rightfully claimed by any citizen of this free 
republic. But one thing I will not do, or aid in doing— because I do 
not believe it to be best for them, nor for us ; and that is to place in 
their hands the control of the government which, they tried their best 
to destroy and that we mean to save. That one thing 1 will not do. 
You must each judge for yourself whether you will do it. 

But you say you are for conciliation. Well, so am I. And now I 
ask you how far you are willing to go toward conciliation ? During 
the war we had in our naval service one of the most gallant sailors, 
one of the bravest men that ever risked his life in behalf of any noble 
cause, 1 mean Admiral Farragut. He it was, who irradiated Mobile 
Bay with a halo of naval glory. He it was, that forced his ships 
between the rebel forts Jackson and St. Philip, and compelled the sur- 
render of New Orleans and all the rebel strong holds in that section 
of the South. Yet he was one of the most modest and unassuming 
men I ever knew. He is dead and has gone to his reward. Our rebel 
brethren had during the war a somewhat celebrated naval officer. 
Raphael Semmes, commander of the Alabama, which did so much 
damage to our commerce. He still lives, but totally unreconciled, 
unconciliated to-day. You will remember that some one wrote him 
an invitation to attend our National Centennial Celebration that is to 
be held at Philadelphia next year. He returned an indignant refusal, 
in which he also advised every southern man to stay away. Now, he 
needs conciliation. It would no doubt conciliate him to appoint him 
to till the place made vacant by the death of Admiral Farragut. Are 
you ready to do that ? If not, why not ? That would do what you 
Democrats say you are so anxious to do— conciliate him and many of 
his friends as well. I cannot think of anything you could do lliat 
would be more conciliating. Why not conciliate him and his friends 



320 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

by making him an Admiral in the American Navy in the place of 
Farragut ? Again, some of you boys who are now listening to me, 
marched with Sherman in his march through the heart of the Rebel 
Confederacy to the Atlantic shore. I need not rehearse to you even 
the leading incidents of that grand March to the Sea. But, I ask you 
are you willing to ask him to step down and out from his position at 
the head of the armies of the nation, and put Beauregard in his place? 
If you are willing to do so, say so, if not, tell me why not? So with 
the gallant Sheridan as well. True, a leading Democratic Senator 
last winter declared that Phil Sheridan Avas not fit to breathe the air 
of a free republic. The poor man forgot that, but for Phil Sheridan 
and men like him, we would not have a republic to breath air of any 
kind in. But are you willing that Sheridan should step down and 
out from his position in the armies of the nation, and Forrest or 
Braxton Bragg be appointed to his place? Nothing surel}' could be more 
" conciliating" to them and their friends all over the South? If not, 
tell me why not ; and I will tell 3'ou why I am not willing to place in 
positions of trust and honor, other men who were no better than they, 
South and North — in fact not quite so good ; for the rebel officers of 
whom I have spoken had the courage to fight for what they believed 
to be right, while the men who are now trying to get hold of our gov- 
ernment did not have the coui'age to do that. (Applause.) 

CORRUPTION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

But, our Democratic friends say the Republican Party is so corrupt 
that we cannot trust it. Well, a good deal might be said about that. 
There is too much corruption in public life, and too much demoraliza- 
tion in private life. Think of things twenty years ago, here in Iowa, 
you who have lived here that long, and j'ou will find that as indi- 
viduals we have been demoralized. My experience tells me this, that 
when there is demoralization in private life, you must expect it in 
public life. I have not time to go fully into the di.scussion of the 
causes which have led to this demoralization, but will examine this 
question of political corruption a little. You ai'e told by Democratic 
speakers and Democratic newspapers, that the Republican Party is 
corrupt and rotten. While there is some truth in that, there is an 
immense deal of falsehood. It is alreadj^ evident that the next cam- 
paign will be conducted by our Democratic friends under a continued 
cry of corruption. They have in their employ as editors and news- 
paper writers, men who write unscrupulously and recklessly — with- 
out caring whether what they say be true or false. The way thej' manage 
to keep the country stirred up, and induce a general belief or suspi- 
cion of their accusations is this, they bring charges against the Sec- 
retary of the Interior, or some other cabinet officer. This will lead to 
an examination before a Committee of Congress ; as soon as the com- 
mittee is appointed these fellows knowing from the first that their 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 321 

charges are false, will begin to "hedge" by impugniug the character 
of the committee; and on finding that the testimony does not prove 
the charges they will boldly accuse the committee of "whitewashing." 
Political writers with no respect for right, truth or justice, will reck- 
lessly make charges of all kinds, knowing them to be false ; and there 
are too many people who without taking the trouble to investigate 
them, will receive them as true. It is a pity that men writing osten- 
sibly for the purpose of instructing the public, should not be desirous 
of giving them the truth; but so it is. And therefore, you must dis- 
count lai'gely before you believe without proof, the charges made 
against public men. I have often thought of what was said by a 
friend of mine in Muscatine County, a Mr. Kincaid, a solid, hard- 
headed, sensible man. I had been invited down to Muscatine to make 
a fourth of July address on the occasion of the unveiling of a monu- 
ment of some of our fallen soldiers. Well, my friend and I were talk- 
ing of the alleged corruption of the Republican Party, and comparing 
it with the old Democratic Party, that some of these writers boast of 
having been so pure. We were talking more particularly of Mr. 
Leffler, my competitor for Governor — a gentleman whom 1 have not 
the honor of being acquainted with, but who I am told is a gentleman. 
When my friend said that the claim of the Democratic speakers and 
writers, that in those old days investigations were rai'e, while now-a- 
days investigating committees were constantly at work, reminded 
him of the time when he lived in Ohio, and used to make maple sugar. 
Many of you young men who have grown up in Iowa have never seen 
maple sugar made ; so I will Ijriclly explain to you the process, the 
sugar maple tree is tapped, a hole cut through the bark into the sap 
wood, and a "spile" driven in below the hole, to carry the sap that 
comes from the tree into a pail or trough. The sap thus gathered is 
boiled and by proper manipulation is made into syrup or sugar. And 
my friend said that two neighbors of his using precisely the same 
material, and the same appliances, produced very different grades of 
syrup and sugar. That of one was dark colored, impure, ill-tasting, 
scarcely tit to eat. That of the other was cleai-, and pure, and sweet. 
And he said the difference in the results was caused thus, the mai; 
that produced the dirty sugar, as the impurities came up to the sur- 
face stirred them all in again with a stick; so the whole paass was 
dirty. But his neighbor stood beside the kettle all the time with 
skimmer in hand, and when any impurities came to the surface, he 
skimmed them off aud threw them one side. And that he said was 
Ihe difference between the old Democratic Part}-, and the Republican 
Party of to-day. lu the good old Democratic days, if any fraud or 
wrong was committed by a Democratic official, they M'ould at once 
stir it in out of sight, and keep it under, while the Republican Party 
stands beside the political kettle, with skimmer in hand, and as fast 



322 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOP. 

as any impurities appear they are skimmed off and thrown aside. 
(Great applause.) This is the illustration my friend used; you must 
judge for yourselves whether it be truthful or not. You will remem- 
ber that a couple of years ago we had a kettle boiling fiercely, while 
the Credit Mobilier business was being investigated and men stood by 
with skimmer in hand; watching to see what would come to the sur- 
face. And it was noticed that when you dipped in the skimmer and 
caught a Republican wasp, side by side with him, you found a Demo- 
cratic yellow jacket. 1 Laughter]. The Democrats raised a triumphant 
cry when we caught Oakes Ames of Massachusetts, but lo! in the same 
skimmer full, we found James Brooks, a leading Democratic repre- 
sentative from New York. Then in the Pacilic mail investigation 
they caught King, a Republican representative from Minnesota, but 
side by side with him we found another Democratic representative 
from Brooklyn, N. Y. And so on through that investigation and other 
investigatiojis since. And I want to say this thing, because I believe 
it to be true, I do not believe that any man who hears me can recollect 
the time when men accused of fraud were pursued as earnestly as 
during these Republican days. Sometimes we fail to catch our rascals, 
and sometimes when we have caught them we fail to convict them, 
just as you fail to capture and convict criminals under your penal 
laws. You ought not to expect the government to do with its crimi- 
nals what you fail to do with your criminals. You make mistakes in 
your own private affairs, and it is unfair of you to demand that public 
officers should make no mistakes. 

HOW TO PREVENT CORRUPTION IN POLITICS. 

I am as much opposed to corruption as any one. I desire to see the 
party I belong to and love, kept pure as sincerely as any man. But 
the question is— how shall it be done? Are you a church member? 
Have you no unworthy men in your churches, serving the Devil at 
heart, and pretending to show you the way to heaven? Can you 
expect a political party to be purer than the churches? And when 
you find corrupt men in your church, what do you do? Do you 
abandon the church, and start off over the prairies on your way to the 
Devil by your own route, (laughter) or do you stand by your organiza- 
tion, and do the best to make it pure as it should be? Let me speak 
to you on this subject frankl-y and truly. You men who complain of 
the corruption of politics, are the very men, who in too many cases 
are the most to blame for that corruption. You have in your hands 
the power to make such nominations as you desire, if you are not too 
indifferent or too lazy to do so. If you fail to exercise that power, 
the fault is with you. And I do say this, that when so much complaint 
is made because bad men are nominated for office, it is because the 
men who complain the most loudly, are in the main good men and good 
citizens, will pot go to the primary meetings and there do what they 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 323 

can to prevent such nominations. When the day comes for the town- 
ship meeting, or the ward meeting, what do you do? Why you stay 
at home, the most of you. The merchant says, "I can't afford to lose 
my time to attend that meeting;" the mechanic saj's, "I can't afford 
to lose my time," the farmer says, "I can't afford to lose my 
time," and the pot-house politician, and the men who have axes 
to grind make the nominations, and then if they don't suit you, 
as very likely tliey won't, you will howl just as loudly, and complain 
of the corruption of politics just as bitterly as though you could not 
have prevented it. It is the duty of every man to belong to some 
political party, and to attend to his duties as a member of that party, 
endeavoring to see to it that only honest and worthy and capable men 
are put in nomination. 

THE FINANCIAL QUESTION. 

I did desire to say something in regard to our finances; but it is 
getting so late that I can refer to that subject but briefly. The sub- 
ject is one of such importance that it ought to be carefully examined 
by our people. My ideas on the subject may not be worth any more 
than those of any of you; yet any man's ideas may be worth listening 
to. This much we all agree in— that the financial condition of the 
country is not so satisfactory as we would like to have it. Some of us 
look back to the time of the war, and say those were good times, 
because wheat was two or three dollars a bushel, and you would like 
to have such times fiuaucially come again. Now I will tell you how to 
have an excellent good time — I haven't taken out any patent on the 
process, and do not charge anything for it. If you have a piece of 
real estate worth $10,000 or $20,000, go and mortgage it and borrow a 
lot of money, then spend the money; while you arespendiug the money 
you will have an excellent good time. You can buy new clothes, and 
a gold watch for yourself, and dresses and jewelry for your wife, and 
horses and shot guns and pointer dogs for j^our boys, and the whole 
family can have a good time, while the money lasts. But when 3'ou come 
to foot the bills and pay up, the pinch begins. Now when the rebellion 
broke out we wanted money; we found we must have it to carry on 
the war, and to obtain it we placed on this whole nation a mortgage of 
three thousand million dollars, and while we were spending the mont^y 
we had a good time. Uncle Sam stood there with both hands full of 
greenbacks, handing them out liberally to pay for putting down (he 
rebellion; and all the while any number of thieves and pickpockets 
were surrounding the old gentleman, helping themselves to all they 
lould carry away. And now for a few years past, we have been pay- 
ing up that mortgage, the process isn't half so pleasant as spending 
the money was. We have done very well so far, we have paid about 
one-third of the d^bt incurred during the war, and are paying more of 
it every month. To return to the cas§ of the individiiali you ^UQW 



324 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

that after giving the tirst mortgage, and having a good time with the 
money 3'ou borrowed, if instead of paying your debt like an honest 
man, you can add to _your gaiety by adding a second mortgage on your 
farm, if any body will take it. So if we have a mind to, if we I'eally 
th:nk it the best thing to do, we can stop paying our debts and borrow 
more money and have a good time of it, until we have exhausted all 
we borrowed on the second mortgage. But so surely as one day 
follows another, so soon will the money obtained from the second 
mortgage on our country be used uf) sovietime; and when that is all 
spent, the pinch will come again and the pinch will be harder than 
ever. 

ANOTHER REASON WHY TIMES WERE EASY DURING THE WAR. 

Let me before going any further remind you of another reason 
why times were easy during the war. We had then, counting both 
armies north and south, something over a million of men in the field; 
vigoi'ous, able bodied men, and they were producing nothing; not a 
thing, not only that, but we were feeding and clothing them, and not 
only that, but we were supplying them with arms, ammunition, yes, 
and all the munitions of war; building ships, buying horses and wagons, 
etc., etc. The men who remained at home were engaged in producing 
these things, while the government was engaged in buying them and 
paying an enormous price for them. By and by the rebellion was 
suppressed and peace came. Then the condition of things changed; 
a million of men returned home, and when they returned to their 
homes, they ceased being consumers, and at once became producers. 
The market they had made for our productions ceased to exist. With 
the loss of our mai'ket, the amount of our agricultural products 
inci'eased, and we had to seek a market for them abroad. And on 
going abroad with them, we had to sell them at the prices prevailing 
in those foreign markets; not only that, but we had to sell at prices 
measured by a coin standard. Of course the pi'ices of our products at 
once tumbled down on our hands. The same was true of the manu- 
facturing interests of our country. The manufacturers thought they 
could defy the natural laws of trade and prevent a reduction in the 
prices of their goods. You will remember that in 1873 you could read 
the proceedings of manufacturers of every kind; men who made shoes, 
woolen goods, cotton goods, etc., etc., combining among themselves 
to keep prices up. Their products were sold mainly in this country, 
so they did not feel the effect of the changed condition of things so 
promptly as the farmers, who had to go abroad to find a market for 
their surplus. But their turn came at last, they organized into com- 
binations, nnd tried in every way to keep up the old prices; but to 
keep up the old prices when the old condition of things had passed 
away was of course impossible. They might just as well have tried to 
lift themselves by the straps of their boots, or hold themselves out at 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 325 

arms length by the waist-band of their breeches. There is a propor- 
tion that must alwaj^s exist between the prices of the agricultural 
products of a country, and its manufactures. Arbitrary edicts of 
powerful combinations may prevent it for awhile; but the result is sure 
at last. When the prices of agricultural products go down, money 
becomes scarce in the hands of our farmers, and they cannot buy 
manufactured goods as freely as before; then the ware-houses of the 
country become loaded with unsold manufactured goods; then the 
manufacturers have to sell at reduced prices, or not at all. Then they 
are hurt, then they squeal. The manufactured goods which two or 
three years ago the manufacturers agreed among themselves they 
would not sell at less than a certain fixed price, are now being forced 
upon the market at a much lower figure. Meanwhile the condition of 
the agricultui-al interests of the country is improving, the harrow has 
gone over us farmers and j)assed by; the harrow is now going over 
them and we are standing. And right here is another combination; 
the men who work for the manufacturers in the factories and shops 
also form combinations among themselves, and refuse to work unless 
they are paid as much for their labor, as when wheat was worth two 
and a half or three dollars a bushel; and the inanufacturei's cannot pay 
high prices to their Avorkmen, and sell their goods at the low prices 
they are compelled to; and hence there arises another trouble; but 
when these troubles pass awaj' as they will, the different branches of 
our business will all get into their proper relations to each other; the 
prices of farming products, of manufactured goods, and of the labor 
that produced the manufactured goods will all be restored to their 
proper relation to each other. We farmers are now out of our trouble, 
in Iowa at least, we havo not had better times in twenty years. Our 
people as a people are as prosperous as they have been in twenty 
years. 

OUH UNSTABLE CURRENCY. 

There is one other trouble I ought to mention in this connection. 
Among the various things I have done in the course of my life to make 
an honest living, 1 spent some time to make a farm in the timbered 
porcions of Ohio. I remember that while there, in driving a wagon I 
had the bad luck to break the tongue. And one of the most difficult 
tasks I ever attempted in my life was to get that wagon home without 
a tongue. [Laughter]. Now we people of these United States have 
been driving our business wagon these last ten years without a tongue. 
That is, we have not had a medium of circulation among us that had 
a stead}', fixed, stable value. For ten 3^ears past there has been no 
sixty daj's, when the price of gold, or rather the value of our currency 
as compared with gold, has not fluctuated several per cent. So men 
cannot with any safety calculate for the futui-e. Let me give you an 
illustration. Our surplus goes abroad. As I have shown you, the 



326 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

price of our surplus graiu iu the foreign market, settles the price of 
all our grain. The people of New York, buying to consume in New 
York or New England, will not pay more for wheat purchased for that 
purpose, than for the wheat they purciiased to send to Liverpool. Well, 
we will say, I waut to send ten thousand bushels of wheat to Liverpool. 
Gold is now, let us suppose, $1.15. If I knew that when I got returns 
from my cargo, the gold I got for it in Liverpool would still be worth 
$1.15 in our currency, I would know precisely what I was doing. But 
I know that it may be five cents lower, or five cents higher. There is 
a chance of gain, there is an equal risk of loss. That loss, if I am a 
prudent man, I must discount in my pui'chase. And the dealer of 
whom I purchase must discount in the same way, the risk he runs. 
Now take that risk out of the business, by making that paper money 
equivalent to coin, and you take away one of the risks that grain deal- 
ers have to discount to-day, and which yon have to pay. The accumulated 
losses from this source fall linally upon the man who I'aises the grain; 
thedefects of our depreciated and unstable currency reflects back, back, 
back, until at last it is felt, and felt the most seriously by every farmer 
in Dubuque county, who raises a bushel of wheat. The continual 
change in the value of our currency forms an element of uncertainty, 
which we Avestern men have to pay for, and that heavily. For this 
reason I desire to have the day come as soon as it can come, without 
serious injury to the interests of our country, when a paper dollar will 
be worth a dollar in gold; and the whole business of our country 
cleared of this element of uncertainty. Then the wagon having a 
tongue once more, will be able to make a straight path, instead of a 
crooked one. That is my view of the matter. That is the view, so far 
as I understand it, of the Republican party. They have placed on the 
statute book of the nation a promise, that on the first day of January, 
1879, and thereafter, they will pay in coin the promises to pay that cir" 
culate among you under the name of "greenbacks." I believe that a 
state of things can be reached by that day that will enable this to be 
done without serious injui'y to the business of the country. I know 
that people 

CLAMOR FOR MORE MONEV. 

Why, we have to-day more money than can be used! Go to any 
money center of the nation, and you will hud l^'ing idle, piled up in the 
banks, thousands and hundreds of thousands of dollars, that can be 
had at a low rate of interest, but the people will not borrow even at a 
low interest. What is the trouble? The trouble is we do not know 
what is to be the future financial condition of this country. Until we 
have settled the question, whether our paper is to become equal in 
value to coin, or whether the nation will adopt the opposite policy 
advocated by some, of putting a second mortgage upon our country to 
bring "good times" tor a few years, to be followed by a crash that will 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KlRKWODD. 327 

make every man's head ache. Until this question is settled, capitalists 
will be timid, men will be afraid to invest their money in new business 
enterprises. My own idea on this subject I have sometimes illustrated 
in this way I know it is not a classical illustration, but most of you 
will understand it. Let one of you go to a stoi'e and buy a gallon jug, 
wash it out nice and clean, then put into it a quart of whiskey. Now, 
that is adequate to furnish a certain amount of-of-of- comfort to those 
who drink it. [Laughter]. Now pour in a quart of water. The liquor 
in the jug is not so strong as it Avas before. It is what an Englishman 
would call '"af-an'-'af." Put in another quart, it is weaker yet. So 
go on till you have filled a barrel. There is a great deal more bulk than 
thei'e was at the beginning, but no more •drunk." In fact not so much, 
for a man cannot drink enough to make him drunk. 

The world has tried the experiment over and over again; in every 
age and country, men have been found who have thought and taught, 
that by increasing the quantity of the circulating medium, without 
adding to its value, times could be made easier and better; but the 
experiment has always failed, and always will fail. We sometimessay 
that a greenback is as good as the gold. In one sense it is, and in 
another sense the assertion is untrue. You may apply the proper chem- 
icals and wipe out every vestige of what is printed on the "greenback," 
until it bv'comes white paper of no more value than any other bit of 
paper. But take a gold piece five dollars in value, and hammer it till 
it retains not a vestige of its original appearance, and it is worth five 
dollars slill. Take it to the crucible of the chemist and melt it, and 
still it is worth five dollars. Paper money has no intrinsic value what- 
ever. Print enough paper money and it would become like the money 
of the Southern Confederacy; when the war began a man went to mar- 
ket with this money in his pocket, and he carried home his purchase in 
hid basket; before the war closed he carried his money to market in 
his basket, and carried home his purchase in his pocket. 

But, gentlemen, I am tired, and I am sure you must be. I have 
been engaged in this canvass this is the fourth week, talking almost 
every evening. So far as I am personally concerned, I have only this 
to say further: You must judge for yovu'selves whether you want my 
services for Governor. If not, I shall be content, at least as contented 
as a man could reasonably be expected to be under the circumstances. 
[Laughter]. If you should conclude that you do want me, I shall be 
equally contented [Laughter], perhaps more so. [Renewed Laughter]. 
And if elected I will perform the duties of tlie office as well and faith- 
fully as I can. [Lovid and universal applause]. 

Of this speech and the occasion on which it was delivered, 
the editor of the Dubuque Thnes^ writes: 

" Gov. Kirkwood had a splendid audience last night, one just to his 
own powers, and just to the people of Dubuque. The Atheneum was 



328 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOt). 

filled as we have never seen it filled on a similar occasion, and by an 
audience composed of the most intelligent voters of both parties, who 
evidently enjoyed the clear, candid, statesman-like appeal to their judg- 
ments and their consciences, for the entire audience remained till the 
close. The Governor was in fine condition, notwithstanding the 
exhausting labors of a four weeks' campaign, and spoke with all his 
old-time fo ce, readiness and clearness. Few men have ever had such a 
faculty as Gov. Kirkwood, to make clear to the conamonest under- 
standing the propositions he sought to elucidate and few men have 
ever been able as well as he to enforce a conviction of his thorough 
honesty in dealing with his hearers. There is never even the faintest 
tinge of sophistry in his argument, no shadow of demagoguery in his 
appeals. He treats his audience as if he respected them, and invariably 
gains their confidence. He is the true teacher, because he always 
instructs, and he always elevates. His language is always the clearest, 
purest, most forcible English, and his words tlow with the facility of 
his thought. The practical cast of his mind makes easy to him the 
discussion of those matters of a material nature, upon which the people 
are delighted to be informed, and hence he is thoroughly at home in a 
canvass like this. He is indeed the true statesman; the man of affairs 
who is as wise in action as he is sound in theory. With a moral 
nature in keeping with his intellect, he is just such a man as the people 
ought to place at the helm of affairs. This we are sure was the univer- 
sal estimate of him by the audience last night. Democrats were as 
enthusiastic as the Republicans in expression of approval of the man- 
ner of the man, and of his speech, however they differed from the 
matter of the latter." 

Durino; the canvass he had occasion to remain over night 
at West Liberty, where a temperance convention was in 
session during the evening, and he went in as a listener to 
their deliberations, when he was called upon for his opinions 
on the topics under discussion, and as they differed from 
those of the man who had called him up, that gentleman 
intimated rather tartly, that if those were his opinions he 
need not expect many votes from those in attendance. When 
the Governor replied that he had not come there to beg for 
their "cold victuals," their "old clothes," or their "votes." 

The following is a portion of a letter written and pub- 
lished during the gubernatorial canvass: 

Clarinda, Sept. 4, 1875. 
"During the memorable seige of Vicksburg Gov. Kirkwood paid 
the Iowa boys a personal visit and visited every Iowa regiment in that 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KiRKWOOD. 32Si 

vicinity. He also visited their several hospitals; his feelings were 
greatly moved with compassion toward the many sick, wounded and 
dying. Although every medical and sanitary measure was adopted 
for their comfort, yet they lacked one thing, which the Governor was 
not slow in procuring, and that was (as he said) he did not find a chap- 
lain to minister words of kindness and consolation to their sick and 
dying men, or point them to the 'Lamb of God that taketh away the sin 
of the w^orld.' Hence he came to see Col. Stone (chaplains were as yet 
few) and what had the Governor to say do you ask? * * * Col. 
Stone sent for me, and entering his tent he handed me a chair and 
taking one himself began: 'Well, Mr. HoUems, the Governor of Iowa 
was to see me a few days ago and in course of conversation remarked 
that he had been through many of the hospitals and that he had seen 
hundreds of sick and wounded soldiers and not a few of them in a 
dying condition, and 'to my astonishment,' he remarked, 'I did not 
find a chaplain in these hospitals to speak one kind word to these 
dying men and to give them such encouragement as they needed; and 
colonel, this will never do, never! I want you to have a chaplain and 
to make it his imperative duty to visit these hospitals, minister to the 
spiritual wants of the sick and wounded and djdng, and I will com- 
mission anyone whom you may appoint.'' The colonel continued, 'So 
far as I am concerned I care but little about a chaplain, yet it is strictly 
true as the G overnor represented, and if there is a place where a chap- 
lain can do more good than another it is among the sick, wounded and 
dying, and I have concluded to appoint you chaplain of my regiment 
if you will accept the position.' 

"You may be sure there was just then somebody taken by surprise, 
for I had not any idea of promotion and especially of one so high. 
'Well, colonel,' said I, 'so far as I am personally concerned I would 
rather remain a private. Besides, I have sometimes acted foolishly in 
cracking jokes with the boys and these things will stare me in the face. ' 

"The colonel replied that he had not heard of anj^ improprieties 
and thought it was imaginary on my part. True, I had preached 
occasionally in camp by request, but being a private I did not feel that 
degree of responsibility that a person would feel occupying a more 
responsible position, and consequentlj' not as watchful at all times as I 
should have been; but said I, 'Colonel, I have a large family, am poor 
and for the sake of those who are very near and dear to me, I accept 
the appointment.' The colonel issued his order and it was read to the 
regiment while on dress jiaiade behind the rifle pits at Vicksburg, on 
the 8th day of June, 1862, at which time and place I handed over my 
rifle to Lieut. Ste le and started for the hospitals. I thank God for 
His benign providence over me. I also thank Gov. Kirkwood for the 
appointment, for had he not gone among those hospitals I should never 
have been chaplain. 



330 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

"I thank Col. Stone for the selection, for he stated to me that he had 
had a dozen applications from the ' kid-gloved gentry ' of Iowa as he 
expressed it for the chaplaincy of the regiment; but said he, 'You have 
taken your musket and come out like a man, and if anybody deserves 
the position you do." 

A. HOLLEMS, 
Chaplain 25th Begt. Iowa Vols. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Eis Third Election as Oovernor— Inaugural Address— Growth of the 
Nation— Of the State— Grants a Prisoner a Conditional Pardon— 
Conditions Violated— Prisoner Re-imprisoned— His Case Before the 
Courts— Governor Sustained by the Sujyreme Court— Chosen U. S. 
Senator— Reception by His Neighbors— His Great Speech in the Sen- 
ate—Comments Upon it by Senators and Others. 



The canvass of votes by the Legislature disclosed the fact 
that he had been elected by more than 30,000 majority over 
all; his competitor on the Democratic ticket having been Mr. 
Shepherd Leffler, one of the ablest and most popular men in 
his party, who had been a member of the Territorial Legis- 
lature of the first Constitutional Convention and also a mem- 
ber of Congress. ' 

On the 13th day of January the inauguration took place, 
when the Governor delivered the following: 
INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives and Fellow 
Citizens: 

Nearly one hundred years have passed since the Declaration of 
American Independence, and soon our people will be busy with prep- 
aration for a proper celebration of the hundreth anniversary of the 
nation's birth. The period of our national existence has been one of 
vast advancement ill science, in the arts, in invention, and in appliances 
for human comfort and convenience. It has been remarkable for 
improvements in the speed and convenience of locomotion, and in the 
celerity of communication; for a development of the wonderful powers 
of steam, so little known a century ago that the countless uses of that 
motor to-day make it practically a new agent brought into subjection 
to man; for the discovery that the mightiest and subtlest force known 
to exist in the physical universe can be made, as in the electric tele- 
graph, to do man's bidding. The sun, too, has been made his servant, 
and its rays are grasped and trained to preserve for him the semblance 
of his loved ones. Improvements in machinery have characterized the 
century, which have at once lessened the severity of labor, increased 
its returns, and multiplied the comforts of the great mass of people in 



331 



332 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUESL J. KIRKWOOD. 

all civilized nations. Education has been more generally ditTused than 
ever before; and the printing press, the gi'eat educator, has made 
more rapid strides than in all the previous centuries of its history, and 
to-day there are publishing houses, any one of which could, in a given 
time, almost duplicate all the work of all the pi esses of the world, in 
the same period of time, one hundred years ago. In short, the century 
now closing may be safely said to have witnessed a larger advance in 
human knowledge, greater improvement in man's condition socially, 
and mightier progress in every department of human activitj'- and 
inquiry, reaching all classes of society, and affecting all the nations of 
the earth, than any similar period in the W'orld's history. Among the 
many causes that have tended to bring about this great advancement, 
one of the most powerful, in my judgment, has been the existence of 
this republic, and the growth and prosperity of this people. To a 
review of this growth and pi'osperity, and the development and pro- 
gress of the nation and our own State, I have thought it not inappro- 
priate, in this the centennial year of the republic's life, to devote a 
portion of the formal address required by custom on this occasion. 

Nearly a century ago, our forefathers laid the foundations of our 
national political edifice; and they laid them bx-oad and deep. Yet, 
when, after a hard and weary struggle they had achieved the inde- 
pendence foi' Avhich they had risked so much and fought so well, 
this handful of people — some three millions in all, sc:ittered in a nar- 
row belt along the Atlantic coast — found that the bond of union that 
had held them together during the conflict with the mother country 
was exceedingly weak when the common danger had passed; while 
local jealousies and conflicting interests menaced total disruption. 
They were poor, and burdened with the debts which the States, both 
separately and unitedly, had incurred during the war for independence. 
Although admitted to the family of nations, they were tolerated rather 
than welcomed; and their expressed devotion to the principles of civil 
liberty was regarded by the advocates of monarchy as evidence of 
either sickly sentimentality or political hei'esy. The statesmen of the 
old world, trained in the school of monarchy, admitted, although with 
hesitation and reluctance, that a republican form of government might 
be maintained in, and suflicefor, a poor and sparsely inhabited country 
like Switzerland, but they utterly denied that it could be maintained 
in, or would sufiice for, a great and powerful nation. The territory of 
which our forefathers were the acknowledged owners, and upon which 
this experiment was to be tried, reached on the north, as now, to 
Canada, on the west the Mississippi river defined its limit, and on the 
south the thirty-first parallel of latitude cut it off entirely from the 
Gulf of Mexico, and left the mouth of the Mississippi wholly in the 
hands of another power. Thus supplied with nothing but territory' 
and prospects — the former perhaps abundant, but the latter, in the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 333 

opinion of the world's wise men, discouraging enough, and not at all 
dazzling even to the most sanguine of its founders — our republic com- 
menced its career. 

To-day that territory has expanded southward until we hold the 
northern line of the Gulf coast to the Rio Graude, and westward until 
it includes the Pacific coast from near the thirty-second parallel to 
Cape Flattery, not counting our recently acquired possession of Alaska. 
The Mississippi, formerly our western boundary, is now east of (he 
center of our domain. Our thirteen States have increased to thirty- 
seven, with teiTitory enough left for nine or ten more, each as large as 
some of the more powerful European kingdoms; and our three millions 
of people, a large porportion of whom were slaves, have grown to forty 
millions — all, thank God I freemen. We have had the fortune com- 
mon to all nations — harmony and contention, prospei'ity and adversity, 
peace and war; yet I think it true that no other nation, during the 
last hundred years, has prospered as has ours, and in no other land 
have the people as a whole enjoyed nearly so great a degree at once of 
liberty, of order, of safety, and of comfort; while our system of gov- 
ernment, supposed to be lacking in unity and force, has been found to 
be able not only to endure the strain of foreign war, but to suppress 
utterly and unconditionally a rebellion the most extensive, the most 
powerful, and in all respects the most formidable the world has 
known. 

I have said, and I repeat it, that in my judgment our existence and 
prosperity, as a government and people, have had much, more perhaps 
than any other one cause, to do with the improved condition of the 
masses of the people in all civilized nations. The mouai'chists of the 
old world, while, as before remarked, doubting, or affecting to doubt, 
man's capacity for self-government, except in isolated cases, yet 
looked with suspicion and distru.st upon the attempt to establish hei'e 
what has since been so happily called by one of the purest and wisest 
men the world has produced, "a government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people;" and they feared, not unreasonably, that, 
if such attempt should perchance be successful, the example would 
cause disquiet amongst their own people, who had no share in admin- 
istering the governments under which they lived. This anticipation 
has been realized. Our example has had its influence for good upon 
the people of other lands. Seeing that here liberty is compatible with 
order, that here men may govern themselves, that here bayonets are 
not necessary to the stability of the go\erument, although when 
danger menaces, millions of brave and Avilling hearts are found to 
rally to its defense, our oppressed brethren of the old world have 
striven, and are striving, to relieve themselves of the burdens they 
have so long borne, and to assert the inherent and inalienable rights of 
man. The tatith of the doctrine, that "all governments derive their 



334 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOP. 

just' powers from the consent of the governed," is steadily taking 
stronger hold on the minds of the common people of Europe, and is 
slowly but surely removing their burdens, enlarging their liberties, and 
increasing the scope of their comforts. This consideration should 
add to the zeal and earnestness with which we guard, protect, and 
cherish the system of government to which, under God, we owe the 
blessings we enjoy. 

Our own Stat(3 has a history of remarkable growth and development. 
When our national government was formed Iowa was a part of the 
immense domain held in America by Spain— a possession which, for 
extent of territory, variety of climate, fertility of soil, and measureless 
though then unsuspected wealth of mineral resources, was undoubtedly 
the most magnificent any nation has ever held. What is now Iowa was 
then as little known to the people of the thirteen colonies as Alaska is 
to-day to us. It was transferred with other territory by Spain to 
France, and by France to the United States in 1803. It formed at one 
time part of the Louisiana territory, then of the Missouri territory, 
then was attached to the territory of Michigan, moi'e recently was a 
part of the territory of Wisconsin, was (with most of the pi-esent Sta'e 
of Minnesota and of the territory of Dakota) constituted the territory 
of Iowa in 1838, and was admitted as a state in 1816. In 1838 our 
population was 22,859; in 1846 it was 97,538; and in 1875 it was 
1,350,544. By the census of 1850, we were entitled to two represen- 
tatives in Congress; by that of 1870, we have nine. The debt of our 
State is but nominal in amount. We have provided suitable homes for 
our afflicted unfortunates — the insane, the deaf and dumb, the blind — 
and are properly caring for them. We are paying a small part of our 
debt of gratitude by supporting and educating the children of our 
dead soldiei's who need such care. We have established a home and 
school for the reformation of juvenile offenders, hoping thereby to win 
them back to the pleasant path of virtue; as well as institutions for the 
punishment and reclamation of older wrong-doers. We support 
schools open to all for the education of all, with colleges and a univer- 
sity for those seeking the higher branches of learning; seeking in these 
and other ways to show our gratitude to God for his goodness to us by 
caring for his children and our brethren. 

I cannot permit this occasion to pass without a brief reference to 
the part taken by Iowa in our civil war. She was ever true as steel to 
the good cause. Although yet in her nonage, having existed as a State 
less than fifteen years when the war commenced, she did her duty 
faithfully and thoroughly. We, occupying this wilderness of thirty 
vears before, sent to the field forty-five regiments and two battalions 
of infantry, nine regiments of cavalry, and four batteries of artillery; 
besides companies, detachments, and individuals in the regiments of 
other States and in the regular army. We gav§ ia all to the service 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 335 

over 75,000 men; and I but give utterance to what you all know when 
I say that among the hosts of brave and good men who rallied to the 
defense of the flag, none were found braver or better than the men of 
Iowa, There is not,I think, a single one of the States which so insanely 
sought our ruin and their own, in whose soil Iowa has not deposited, 
as the best of evidence of her devotion to the Union, the ashes of some 
of her heroic dead. May they rest in peace, and may their example 
lead us and those who will come after us to guard with devotion and 
reverence that for which they so patiently suffered and so nobly died. 

Iowa has had a large measure of growth and prosperity; yet she has 
but fairly entered upon her career, and our eyes have been permitted 
to behold only the beginnings, dazzling though they are, of her glory. 
We have hitherto been mainly an agricultural people, and doubtless 
will ever remain so; l)ut capital is accumulating amongst us. This 
must shortly seek investment in manufactures, and as these are estab- 
lished and prosper, our population and wealth will increase still more 
rapidly. 

Yet, as I have said, agriculture will, for many years to come, and 
I think for all time, be the leading pursuit of our people and our 
greatest source of wealth. We have in our State substantially no waste 
or untillable land. Our soil is fertile and easy of cultivation beyond 
even the conception of those who have not seen and ti'ied it; and, what 
seems incredible to the people of Eastern States, our uplands are as 
fertile and easy of cultivation as the bottom lands of our streams. 
Our winters are at times severe, but our climate is eminently health- 
ful. The wealth of a State is at last measured by its population, and I 
feel entirely safe in saying that no State in our Union of equal area can 
support from its own resources a population as large as can draw a 
bountiful living from our soil. 

Senators and Representatives: — To you, for the time being, has been 
committed the grateful task of guarding and fostering tlie well-being 
of our State so far as the same may be affected b> the law making 
power. Yours is a post of great honor and great I'espousibility. My 
predecessor has laid before you, in detail, such information as his posi- 
tion has enabled him to acquire and such recommendations as his 
judgment and experience have suggested to him. They will doubt- 
less receive your careful considei"ation. Coming as I do, like j^our- 
selves, fresh from private life, and having no means of procuring 
information not open to all of you as to the condition and wants of the 
state, it cannot reasonably be expected that I shall bring to your notice 
questions other than those of the most general intei'est, or that I shall 
discuss them except in tbe most general way. 

The subject of general education has been, and must continue to be 
one of great interest. The intelligence of our people measures, to a 
large extent, tbe wisdom of the laws under which we live, and also of 



336 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the administration of those laws. It likewise, to a great degree, 
measures the rapidity of our grrowth iu wealth, for the reason that all 
pursuits which yield wealth are productive iu proportion to the degree 
of intelligence with which they ai"e managed. Aside from these 
obvious and powerful reasons for j)roviding the means of education 
for all the youth of the State, there is another reason, less obvious 
perhaps, but certainly important. Our population comes from all 
parts of our own country and from almost all the nations of Europe, 
and all are alike welcome. Many of those of foreign birth come to us 
in mature years, with their manners and customs, their habits and 
sentiments, formed and fixed by the surroundings of their childhood 
and youth. It cannot be expected that they will, to any great degree, 
change their own for our manners and customs, our halnts and senti- 
ments; but it may be expected, and it is certainly desirable, that their 
children and our children shall so far as possible be combined into 
one mass with manners, customs, habits, and sentiments, partaking 
perhaps to some extent of the characteristics of the diflfereut nation- 
alities, but alike, and in the main American. The common school, 
bringing together the children of the native-born and foreign-born in 
the same school-room, engaging them together in the same studies, 
mingling them together in the same sports and pastimes, will be a 
potent means to bring about the desired result, and to make of all 
our nationalities one people. 

Fears have of late been freely expressed in certain States, and to 
some extent in our own, that it is a settled purpose with some to divert 
the school-fund from its legitimate object, and use it, at least partially, 
for the maintenance of private and sectarian schools, and thus eventually 
to destroy the school system. I hope this is a groundless fear, or, that 
if such purpose has been entertained, it will be abandoned. Presist- 
ence in it will certainly place those engaged in it in direct hostility to 
the settled and cherished policy of the State, and it is worthy their 
grave consideration whether they shall assume that attitude. It 
belongs to you to inquire whether any ground exists for the fears I 
have indicated as subsisting; and if so, to do what may be needed to 
guard against any probable or possible danger. 

It i.«! found to be a part of the criminal law of the State that a person 
convicted of crime, after a fair and impartial trial in the proper court, 
may have his conviction set aside because of some informality or 
irregularity in the foniiatiou of the grand jury by which the indict- 
ment against him was presented. I consider this a serious defect in 
our criminal law, and recommend that the statute be so changed that 
upon the impaneling of grand juries the pi'oper officei's shall certify of 
record to the regularity of all the proceedings, and that such certifi- 
cate shall be conclusive. 

I also reconiinend to your careful consideration the question whether 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 337 

it would not be wise to repeal the provisions of the criminal law which 
require that the evidence given before the grand jury, on which an 
indictment has been found, with the names of the witnesses giving it, 
and also the names of any other witnesses the attorney for the State 
may intend to produce on the trial, with the substance of the evidence 
expected from each, shall be furnished to the party accused before 
trial. I do not think such provisions necessai'y for the protection of 
an innocent person accused of crime, and I am confident they are 
often the means by which guilty parties escape conviction and punish- 
ment. 

The question of cheap transportation is one of great importance to 
our people. Our surplus products are generally bulky and heavy in 
proportion to their value, and the cost of transportation makes a large 
percentage of the price we receive for them. Before the advent of 
railroads all the internal transportation and travel of the country was 
done on common highways, turnpikes, navigable rivers and canals. 
All these were open to all. Any person could place on the land-lines 
his wagon, or on the water-lines his boat, and engage in the business 
of carrying persons and properly. Since the building of railroads all 
this is changed. Now a large part of the internal transportation, and 
substantially all the travel, of the country are done by rail, and 
undoubtedly better done and more speedily than by the old method. 
But with the new system another important change has been brought 
about. Combination has taken the place of competition. No one is 
allowed to engage in carrying persons and property over the railroads 
except those who own or lease the lines; Avhile those who own or lease 
what should be, and what Avere intended to be competing lines, by 
combining among themselves, destroy competition. The result is, that 
unless the people can in some way prevent it, the companies controll- 
ing the main through lines of railroad have it in their power to fix the 
price of carrying persons and property at just such sum as, in their 
own judgment of what is to their own interest, seems to them proper. 
To-day, four gentlemen in Chicago, representing the four through 
lines of railroad from that city to the Missouri river, can, at their own 
will and pleasure, add to or take from the value of every bushel of 
grain and of every head of live stock in the State of Iowa. The same 
condition of affairs obtains in Chicago with the four main lines leading 
to Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York. 

This state of things, the knowledge thai, this power was claimed 
and exercised by the railroad companies, has for a few years past 
challenged the close attention of the country; and legislation has been 
iuAoked to protect the people from the abuses and extortions prac- 
ticed by these corporations. At the last session of the General Assembly 
of this State, a law M^as passed intended to limit and control, to some 
extent, the privileges and powers of railroad companies. 



338 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 

The purpose of this law is to iix rates, beyond which they shall not 
charge for carrying passengers and freight; but, as I understand, the 
law was only designed to operate within the limits of our own State, 
because it has been supposed the State has not the power to limit or 
control the charges for carrying outside the State limits. 

The States of Illinois, Wisconsin and Minnesota have passed simi- 
lar laws. In this State some of the railroad companies have promptly 
complied with the requirements of the law. Others have resisted it 
and carried the matter into the United States courts, claiming that the 
State has not the power to limit, even within its own boundary, their 
charges as carriers, and similar suits have been brought in the other 
States named. 

These suits have been in all cases, I believe, decided in favor of the 
validity of the State law — certainly so in this State — and are now pend- 
ing for final decision and soon to be decided in the Supreme Court of 
the United States. 

The law of this State must of necessity have been to a great extent 
experimental. The subject was a new one; it involved many difficult 
questions and much of detail. I recommend to you a careful examina- 
tion of the law in the light of the experience of its effects since its 
adoption. If you shall tind that in any of its provisions it works 
unjustly and unfairly to the railroad companies, or that it fails to 
afford to the people that degree of protection to which they are fairly 
and justly entitled, such defects should be remedied. I do not recom- 
mend the repeal of the law. On the contrary, I advocate its retention 
on our statute books with such amendments as your wisdom may sug- 
gest as calculated to do justice, both to the people and to the railroad 
companies. I also recommend to you a careful exandnation of the 
question whether you cannot by law prevent the combination among 
what should be competing lines, to which I have already alluded. 

I also recommend the appointment of a Board of Railroad Commis- 
sioners, whose duty, among other things, it shall be to collect and lay 
before the General Assembly at each regular session such information 
in regard to the railroads of the State as will enable future General 
Assemblies to act with reference to them with a knowledge of many 
particulars that cannot be otherwise obtained. I think it important 
that the question of the power of the States to limit the charges of rail- 
road companies within their respective boundaries, and the power of 
Congress to limit .such charges on intur-State trade, shall be settled by 
the Supreme Court of the United States, so that, in case this power 
shall be held to reside in the State and National authorities respec- 
tively, we may go on and perfect such legislation as may be found 
necessary and proper for ourselves, and the Federal Congress be urged 
to exercise ils authority in the prevention of abuses in ihe great carry- 
ing trade of the country. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 339 

Various modes have been suggested by which the public iuterest 
can be protected in this regard, if it shall be found we cannot do so by 
statutory enactment. Among these, the opening up, by the General 
Government, of lines of water communication through the country, 
and the building of one or more trunk lines of freight railroads, the 
use of which shall be open to all, have been advocated. Either of these 
plans would involve the expenditure of more money than our govei'n- 
ment is now well prepared to sj)end. But, if in no other way the end 
can be gained, this difficulty will be overcome. 

Let us examine this question in all its parts, calmly and carefully, 
without passion and without prejudice. Our people are not hostile to 
railroads or railroad companies. On the contrar}', we appreciate fully 
and concede freely the great benefits our State has gained from these 
works, and we have always contributed fi-eely of our means to their 
prosecution. We know, too, thatour future prosperity depends largely 
upon their maintenance and success. But, to the claim of their man- 
agers that they, like other business men, must be allowed to manage 
their business affairs in their own way, without interference or dicta- 
tion by the State, we answer: First, that their business so directly and 
vitally affects the interest of every citizen, that it is the duty of the 
State to see to it that the privileges granted to them for the public 
good, and the power they claim to have, are not abused to the public 
injury, and, second, that they do not manage their business affairs in 
the same way as other business men do. I think I am safe in saying 
that if the managers of these roads will, in fact and in good faith, 
abandon the system of combination, if the companies will depend for 
success, as other business euterjirises do, upon the skiU and courtesy 
of their agents, upon the facilities they offer for the transaction of their 
business, and upon the cheapness with which they can do it, they will 
find active and earnest friendship instead of jealousy and hostility, and 
that in their case, as in all others, the right way to do anything is the 
best way to do it. 

When, twelve years ago, 1 retired from the office the duties of 
which I am again about to assume, our country was convulsed by civil 
war, brought on by the most causeless rebellion the world has ever 
known. That struggle has happily ended, and the difficult and deli- 
cate task of restoring to their proper places the States and the people 
who sought the overthrow of our government has been accomplished. 
The bitterness and angry feeling caused by that conflict have in a great 
measure subsided, and it is the part of wisdom not to revive them. But 
we must not forget that in that terrible contest there was a right side 
and a wrong side; that either we who fought for the preservation of 
the Union were right and they who fought for its destruction were 
wrong; or that they were right and we were wrong; and we should see 
to it that when we have passed away those who will follow us in the 



340 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

care and control of the government, which at so great cost we have 
saved and bequeathed to them, shall have from us at least correct 
teaching on that point. We should so shape our course and conduct 
as to show them unmistakably that we knew und recognized the dis- 
tinction between loyalty and treason, that we loved the one and hated 
the other, that one brought honor, the other disgrace. We should 
make sure, so far as we can make sure, that their reverence and love 
shall be given to Lincoln and Grant and Sherman and Thomas and 
Sheridan, and not to Davis and Lee and Johnson and Beauregard an I 
Forrest. To do this we must show them that our love and honor are 
given to the men who, in council and in action, labored for the i^reser- 
vation of the Union, and not for those who plotted and fought for its 
destruction. I have some times feared that in our extreme desire for 
peace and conciliation we have failed to keep this consideration prop- 
erly in view. 

The political situation at the seat of our National Government is at 
this time interesting and peculiar. The political party which admin- 
istered the government dui'ing the rebellion and succeeded in sup- 
pressing that rebellion still control one branch of the National Legis- 
lature. The other, the popular branch, the House of Representatives, 
is controlled by a party of which men who were actual and active 
rebels compose a powerful minorit}', if not a controlling majority. 

The centennial year of our national existence Avill be made remark- 
ably by a determined struggle for the control of our government in all 
its political branches by a party composed of those who a few years 
since used every effort to destroy it and of those who during the 
struggle for its preservation opposed all effort to preserve it. This 
condition of things furnishes food for grave reflection. 

The financial condition of the country is not so favorable as we 
could desire, but perhaps as much as we can reasonably expect. We 
borrowed during the civil war, and in consequence of it, nearly or 
quite three thousand millions of dollars, and spent the money, as all 
nations must in war times, lavishl3\ A million or more of men in both 
armies were withdrawn from productive pursuits and were engaged in 
consuming and destroying the products of the labor of those not in 
the field. The govei'nment bought our products Avith bonds and paper 
money at high prices, and we had during the war, and for a short time 
after its close, what many of us called good times, but our then good 
times were good only in the sense that an individual would have good 
times who should mortgage his property heavily and spend the money 
in extravagant living. The money raised by us on our national 
mortgage was spent rapidly and lavishly. We received for it, it is true, 
that boon of priceless value, a restored Union; but did not secure any- 
thing of marketable money value. In the latter sense the money spent 
was lost. The so-called good times caused extravagance in expenditure 



THE LIFE AND TIMRS OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 341 

by the national government, by the State and municipal governments, 
and by ourselves individually. When at last the time came that the 
money was spent, that our soldiers returned to their homes and became 
producers instead of consumers, that the government was no longer 
the purchaser of our surplus products and we were obliged to com- 
mence the process of paying instead of continuing the more easy one 
of spending— the times began to grow hard. The first interest to feel 
the pressure was that of agriculture, the leading one of our State. 
Our surplus products, increased by the labor of our returned soldiers, 
and no longer needed for the support of our armies, had to seek a 
market abroad, and their value there was measured by the standard 
of the world's currency — coin. 

The consequence was a great and rapid decline in the prices of all 
we had to sell. The prices of all we had to buy did not decrease in 
proportion. The manufacturers and others undertook the hopeless 
task of keeping the prices of their products and their labor above a 
proper relation to the pi'ices of our products, and for a time suc- 
ceeded. The result to us was at first disastrous; but the evil worked 
©■ut its own cure. Our ability to buy was limited by the amount we 
received for our surplus products, and by the prices we had to pay 
for the goods we wished to purchase. We necessarily bought less, 
and the manufacturers found themselves compelled to cai'ry large 
stocks of unsold goods. Slowly but surely the laws of trade asserted 
their power. The prices of what we wished to buy, in most cases, 
fell to a proper proportion to the prices of what we had to sell, in 
some cases below that proportion, and the pressure upon us was 
lightened and transferred to those not engaged in agricultural pur- 
suits. As we were the first to suffer so we have been the first to get 
relief. We are doing reasonably well — our State is fairly prosperous; 
God has blessed our labors with fair returns; we buy at fair prices 
what we need, and get fair prices for what we sell. The process of 
adjusting the business of the country to the changed order of things 
is going on gradually and steadily, and if that process shall not be 
disturbed we may soon confidently expect renewed activity and 
prosperity throughout the land. Some of our people, remembering 
the era of apparent prosperity caused by the war prices, are dis- 
posed to establish another such era by placing a second mortgage on 
the national farm in a new and abundant issue of paper money. This 
would, in my judgment, be a great misfortune. It might, for a short 
time, produce a feverish activity and a temporary advance in prices, 
but this activity would be unhealthy and disastrous, and as surely as 
day and night follow each other, so surely the inevitable result must 
ensue, and we would soon be called upon to endure again the troubles 
from which we are now so happily emerging, It seems to me the 
course we should pursue is plain and clear. We owe a heavy national 



342 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

debt. That debt was in cun-ed for a most Avorthy object which has 
been happily effected. As honest men we must pay it. To that end 
we must practice industry, thrift and economy, for the I'eason that 
by these means, and these means only, can we prosper. We must in- 
sist upon strict and rigid economy in administering the affairs of the 
national government, and of our state government, and we must 
practice the same economy in our private affairs. This is the way, a 
sure way, and the only way to certain and permanent prosperity. 

Senators and Bejjresentatives : — Much of your legislative work 
will, under the constitution, begin to have force and effect with the 
republic's new century. Let us be inspired by this consideration to 
make our actions worthy of the illustrious following in which we find 
ourselves. The America and the Iowa of to-day tell how well those 
who have gone before us have done their part in the council, in the 
held, on the farm, in the mine, on the bench of the mechanic, and in 
the mart of trade. But to do as well as they have done, we must do 
better. With the benefit of their experience as well as that of all 
the ages before them, in the fruition of their labors which they them- 
selves were not permitted to enjoy, in a day of superior intellectual 
light, we must do our woi'k. While our opportunity is enlarged, our 
responsibility is vastly increased. How we use that opportunity, and 
how we meet that responsibility, will be best judged by those who 
will stand in our places in the yeai's to come; and if we may look so 
far forward as to the end of another century of American history let 
us hope that he who will then stand in my stead in the palace now 
rising on the fair hill that overlooks the beautiful capital of Iowa, 
shall say of us that we honestly tried to do all our duty, and the 
people's acclaim shall be, "Thej' did it vvell." 

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

On the 2nd day of December, 1872, R. D. Arthur was 
sent to the penitentiary for the term of ten years, from Fay- 
ette county, for the crime of ''larceny from a building in 
the night time." After serving three years of his term, the 
Governor was repeatedly and persistently importuned by his 
mother and sisters to grant him a pardon. The Governor 
not knowing whether his brief incarceration had been of a 
sufficient reformatory character to make of him a good citi- 
zen, finally yielded to the oft repetited requests of the 
mother and sisters, but made the pardon a conditional one. 

The first condition was abstinence from the use of intox- 
icating liquors as a beverage. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 343 

Second.— The use of all proper exertion for the support 
of his mother and sister. 

Third.— That he should not be guilty of the violation of 
any of the criminal laws of the State. 

By the terms of the pardon, the Governor was also to 
be the sole judge of the violation of these conditions. The 
pardon was signed by Arthur, with the stipulation that he 
accepted all the conditions, and became liable to be re-ar- 
rested and imprisoned for the full term, if any one condi- 
tion was violated. 

These conditions were violated by the prisoner becoming 
repeatedly intoxicated, and by various minor criminal acts on 
his part. 

Under this state of facts Arthur was re-arrested upon a 
warrant issued by the Governor, and was recommitted to the 
penitentiary. 

After the recommitment Arthur sued out a writ of Habeas 
Corpus, by virtue of which he was brought before the Dis- 
trict Court of Lee county to test the legality of the second 
imprisonment. 

Two points were raised on demurrer to the writ: One 
that the Governor could not grant a conditional pardon. 
The other that the violations of the conditions could only be 
determined by judicial investigation, and not by the Gov- 
ernor himself. 

The District Court held that the points were well taken, 
and discharged the prisoner. 

An appeal from this decision was taken to the Supreme 
Court, and on this appeal the decision of the court below 
w^as reversed. 

Thus the Governor was fully sustained in his action by 
the Supreme Court, and this case has become a leading one, 
and has been relied upon by all subsequent Governors in 
granting conditional pardons. 

At the session of the Legislature in 1876 a United States 



344 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Senator was to be chosen. Among the Republican aspirants 
for the place were James Harlan, Hiram Price, W. W. Bel 
knaj)p, G. W. McCrary and S. J. Kirkwood, five very able, 
honest men of ripe experience in public affairs, any one of 
whom would honor the place. The contest for the position 
was the greatest between Mr. Harlan and Gov. Kirkwood, 
and Mr. Harlan had a stronger following than any one of 
the five except the Governor. While it was in progress a 
letter was received from Gov. Grimes, who favored Kirk- 
w^ood's election, which it was supposed would advance the 
chances of Kirkwood and disparage those of Mr. Harlan. 
A conference of the friends of the Governor was called to 
determine whether it should be used for that purpose, and 
they unanimously said "use it." Replying to them, Gov- 
ernor K. said: "The letter shall not be used for that pur- 
pose. 1 have never pulled down a man in my own party 
for the purpose of building myself up, and I will not do it 
now. If I rise and succeed, I rise and win on my own 
merits. " 

Before the meeting of the joint convention for the elec- 
tion Mr. Harlan's name was withdrawn, when in the Repub- 
lican caucus Governor K. got a majority of two over all his 
competitors. 

Within five days of his inauguration as a third term Gov- 
ernor, he was elected to serve his second term as United 
States Senator, but as he would not take his seat as a Sena- 
tor before a year from the following fourth of March, he 
served a little more than one-half of his third term as Gov- 
ernor before he resigned that office. 

The election for Senator took place on Wednesday, and 
the Governor returned to his home in Iowa City on Satur- 
day, and in the meantime preparations had been made b}- 
his neighbors, without respect to party, to give him a warm 
and generous reception. Lyon's band of twenty pieces vol- 
unteered their services for the occasion, and accompanied 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 345 

the reception committee to the depot, where they awaited 
the arrival of the train. When the train neared the depot 
one gun was fired, and the band played "Hail to the Chief," 
and amid the huzzas of the crowd the Governor alighted 
and was immediately conveyed to a carriage and driven to 
the St. James Hotel. A senatorial salute of fifteen guns 
was fired while the party was in transit from the depot to the 
hotel. After supper the Governor was conducted by the 
reception committee to Ham's Hall, where an immense crowd 
awaited him, hundreds being unable to gain admittance. 
His entrance to the hall was the signal for the wildest dem- 
onstration of applause, and after the noise and confusion had 
subsided, Hon. L. B. Patterson, a life-long Democrat, who 
presided, advanced on the platform and with a few appro- 
priate remarks introduced Prof. W. G. Hammond, of the 
Law School, who addressed Gov. Kirkwood as follows : 

^'Honored Sir. — Our and your neighbors without distinction of 
party, have gathered together to welcome yoii, and have selected me 
as their spokesman to express in feeble language their love and esteem 
for you. It is our peculiar privilege to love and honor you as a friend 
and neighbor. [Applause.] Your past recoi'd is a record of noble 
opportunities, nobly improved. The fact that, after ten years of 
absence from political life, they have called you to the highest office 
the Slate can confer, is a distinction of which I find no parallel in our 
annals. [Applause.] We have seen five competitors, of whom it is 
safe to say, no one would have dishonored the office. We have seen 
months of struggle ended by a few days of partisan activity; we have 
seen the representatives of the people meet without having given 
pledges to fill this high Senatorial office; and finally among the men 
able, and pure and worthy, we have seen the ablest, and purest and 
worthiest elected. [Applause.] It is a gi'and thing to be the repre- 
sentative of the State, washed by the rivers which are the two greatest 
arteries of the Republic, and within whose borders are one and a half 
million of freemen, a State which is destined to be the keystone of 
the arch which sustains the liberties of the nation. We rejoice that 
there will be in the Senate one heart that will not quail, and one 
voice that will ever be raised for the right. 

"However long the time may be before the people permit you to 
retire from public life, may there be for you the reward of a well 
spent life, and when the end of life shall come, may your last glance 



346 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

fall as it does to-night, upon the friends who honor and respect 
you." 

At the conclusion of Prof. Hammond's eloquent address 

of welcome, Gov. Kirkwood arose and was received with 

vociferous cheers which continued several minutes. When 

order was restored the Governor, who seemed much affected 

by this spontaneous demonstration of his neighbors, said: 

" Mr. President, Respected Friends and Neighbors: — I suspected 
from a despatch received yesterday, and I learned by a newspaper I 
read on the ti'ain, that I was to have a reception here to night. I 
should be dull and insensate if I did not appreciate the honor done me 
by the people of the State of Iowa. As you all know, the people, con- 
trary to my wishes, elected me Governor, and recently the party to 
which I belong have elected me to the Senate. I have lived in Iowa 
City twenty-one years, and I love, as you all do the city in which we 
live. We all feel as we ought to, the friendship which gives greeting 
to one who has drawn a prize in the Lottery of Life. I will promise, 
and that is all I have ever promised, that in the discharge of my 
duties, I will do the best that I can, and if what I shall do will meet 
your approval when done I shall feel fully rewarded." 

When the Governor concluded his remarks there was 
another enthusiastic outburst of applause, and when quiet 
was again restored, loud calls were made for Hon. Rush 
Clark, who was enthusiastically received. He made a few 
congratulatory remarks and was followed by Hon. E. Clark, 
Senator Rumple of Iowa County, and Hon. R. S. Finkbine. 

In taking his seat as Senator from Iowa, in the Forty- 
sixth Congress, in the formation of committees he was placed 
on the Committees on Foreign Relations, Post Offices and 
Post Roads, and afterwards made a member of the Com- 
mittee on Pensions. 

Before the meeting of the Congress to which he was 

elected, Jas. G. Blaine then a member of the Senate, being 

in Des Moines, in company with Hon. R. S. Finkbine, and 

inquiring of that gentleman what kind of a Senator Governor 

Kirkwood would make, got this reply : 

"Some day when you will least expect it, and when a matter is 
before the Senate involving,a constitutional question, he will get up 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 347 

apparently without any previous preparation, and in a speech of no 
great length, will discuss that question and present every point so 
clearly, illustrating it so aptly, and reach his conclusions so directly 
that you will all wonder why you have not taken the same view of the 
subject that he does, and have reached his conclusions before by the 
same chain of reasoning." 

After the delivery in the Senate of his speech on the 
Army Appropriation Bill by Governor K., on the 21st of 
June, 1879, these two gentlemen, meeting each other in 
Washington, Mr. Blaine, said to Mr. Finkbine: "Your pre- 
diction in regard to Gov. Kirkwood has heen verified. The 
constitutional question has arisen. The speech has been 
made. His solution of the question was the true one, and 
was so considered by all his political friends, and it has been 
adopted by them." 

This question was the tangled skein of the extent and 
limitation of the powers and rights of the States and General 
Government, which such men as Clay, Webster, Calhoun 
and Benton wore their finger nails off trying to untangle 
without satisfaction to themselves or friends, but which Gov. 
Kirkwood unraveled and straightened out to the comprehen- 
sion of all. This is the speech: (It was to us, and will go 
down to posterity as the best exposition of the relations of 
the States and National Government to each other ever 

made.) 

SPEECH OF HON. SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, having under consider- 
ation the bill making appropriations for the support of the army tor 
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes— 

Mr. Kirkwood said: 

Mr. President: - [ propose with the indulgence of the Senate, to 
consume a short time in discussing the question that I apprehend to be 
involved in the amendment under consideration. That amendment 
raises the question under what circumstances, if any, the Government 
of the United States can use its troops to keep the peace at the polls on 
the occasion of electing Representatives in Congress. That is the ques- 
tion; and that question, in my judgment, depends upon the answer to 
another question, which is this: Is there any valid law of Congress 
which on electioi; day may be obstructed, may be hindered in its execu- 



348 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tiou, may be resisted by force and violence at the polls? If that be so, 
then not only, in my judgment, can the Government of the United 
States use the-army to put down that resistance, but it is its bouuden 
duty so to-do. That we have a law on the statute-book regulating 
elections for Representatives in Congress no man will deny. We know 
that, if we knew it in no other way, from the efforts made at this ses- 
sion to repeal that law. 

But it has been suggested that that law is not a constitutional law, 
and, therefore, not binding. I will examine that question briefly. If 
it is proper to call the position held by a Representative in Congress 
an office and him an officer, then I say that the office of Representative 
in Congress is an office of the United States and not of the State. The 
Representative is a United States officer and not a State officer. The 
Constitution of the United States creates the office. Until that instru- 
ment was formed there was no such office. The office is not created 
by the State from which the representative comes; it is the creation of 
the United States. The Constitution of the United States says who 
may hold the office; the State constitution cannot say anything touch- 
ing that question. The Constitution of the United States says who may 
vote for the officer, fixing a qualification, to which the State cannot 
add, and from which it cannot take. The Constitution of the United 
States prescribes how the compensation for the officer shall be ascer- 
tained, by the action of Congress and not b}' the action of the State 
from which he comes; and when the amount of his compensation has 
been asceilained, it is drawn from the Treasury of the United States 
and not from the treasury of the State. He has certain powers given 
to him, certain duties are imposed upon him. They all arise under the 
Constitution of the United States, and not under the constitution of the 
State. When he is elected he brings to the House in which he claims 
a seat a certificate from the governor of the State from which he 
comes, which certificate gives him d^ prima facie right, as it is tei'med; 
but whether he is entitled to hold it or not depends, not upon the action 
of his State, but upon the decision of the House of which he claims 
to be a member. Certain privileges are conferred upon him by the 
Constitution of the United States solely, not by the State from which 
he comes. When he has been elected and taken his seat, he may be 
expelled from that seat without asking the leave or permission of the 
State fi'om which he comes. 

He is an officer of the United States, then, if it is proper to apply 
that term to the position. It seems to me that any one examining our 
Constitution and seeking to learn its meaning, having ascertained that 
much in regard to these officers, would naturally look into the same 
instrument to see whether or not there was any provision made there 
as to the manner in which these officers should be chosen. He would 
do that. Why? Because it is peculiarly appropriate, I think; because 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 349 

it seems to be in accordance with tlie eternal fitness of things that every 
government should determine the manner in which its own agents 
shall be selected. Looking at our Constitution, then, with that end 
in view, we find that there is a provision made there upon that subject; 
and that provision is substantially this: The States shall, in the first 
place, prescribe the times, places, and manner in which Representatives 
in Congress shall be elected. That the people who formed our Consti- 
tution said for themselves, but they said in addition that at any time 
the Congress representing the United States might make such regula- 
tions or might alter such as it found to exist. 

Now, it seems to me that certain propositions are too plain for 
argument. One of them is this: Whatever power the States have on 
this subject, is given to them by the Constitution of the United States, 
and whatever power the States have by that instrument, is reserved to 
be exercised by the United States whenever the United States shall so 
choose to exercise it. There cannot be any dispute about this. Let 
me make an illustration: Suppose that when we meet on the 1st day of 
December next we are here without rules for our government; we 
cannot transact business; we raise a Committee on Rules, and say by 
resolution that they shall prepare rules for the government of this 
body in order to the orderly transaction of its business; but the Senate 
may at any time make or alter such rules. Is not the power reserved 
to the Senate just as broad as the power conferred upon the committee? 
Must it not be so necessarily? And when the people of the United 
States wrote in their Constitution that the States might regulate the 
times, places, and manner of voting in these elections, but the Con- 
gress might at any time make or alter those regulations, they did pre- 
cisely what I have supposed in the case of making rules for the Senate 
by a committee of the body. 

If this be so, then it follows that the Congress of the United. States 
has the right to place upon our statute-books laws regulating the man- 
ner of the election of Representatives in Congress. They have done 
so. Some fault is found with some of the details of that law. It is 
said in regard to the deputy marshals that we have too many of them. 
That may be true; but what remedy do our Democratic statesmen pro. 
pose? To abolish the office of deputy marshal; not to reduce the 
number but to abolish the office totally. It is said that the com- 
pensation of those officers is too high. That may be; but the remedy 
proposed, again by Democratic statesmanship, is not to reduce the 
compensation, but to abolish the office. Some people think that our 
compensation here is too high. I do not believe it is; but I never 
heard the wildest reformer yet propose as a remedy that the office of 
Senator in Congress, if it be an office, should be abolished. It would 
be more difficult still, I think, to get the approval of that remedy than 
it would the approval of the remedy of a reduction of compensation. 



350 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Again, gentlemen say in regard to these deputy marshals that they 
are not men of good character. It may be; there may be bad and 
improper men among them; it would be strange if there were not. 
It has been said that bad men get in here sometimes. The old rem- 
edy comes back; and oar Demijcratic friends insist that the cure for 
the fact that some bad men have been selected is not to make pre- 
cautions that better men may be selected in the future, but that the 
office shall be abolished. Is there not a dearth of statesmanship in 
our Democratic friends when they have but the one remedy for all 
evils. I I'emember (it has been so long since that I may have forgot^ 
ten very much about it), in reading the good old novel of Don Quixote, 
perhaps; there was a doctor in it, Dr. Sangrado, who had one cure 
for all diseases, and but one. I seems to me our Democratic friends 
have been reading that book a little and have fallen into the ideas 
entertained by him. 

Mk. Davis, of Illinois— It was in Gil Bias. 

Mr. Kirk wood — I had forgotten; I have been so busy for a great 
many years that I have not had the opportunity of indulging in gen- 
eral reading to the extent that I should like to have done. 

Last Sunday I bought a copy of the Kew York Herald, and I pro- 
pose to read a few extracts from an editorial contained in that pai.er: 

"Within about a fortnight we have had to report on an average two 
cases a day either of assault by the police upon citizens in their houses 
or in the streets, or of the arraignment of policemen before Justices on 
charges of assault or personal ouirages of an even graver nature. 
Upon trivial differences within the limit of the rights of the people it is 
dangerous to exchange a word witli a policeman." 

This of course refers to the policemen of the city of New York. 

Mr. Hill, of Georgia — You are not reading that against us of the 
South now? 

Mr. Kirkwood — I will make the application after awhile. The 
article from which I quote proceeds: 

"Not only is it perilous to bandy words with these guardians of the 
public peace, but the citizen who does not quietly submit to invasions 
of his domicile, is in a fair way to get to the nearest hospital in a cart. 

In a tenement-house row an officer came upon the scene in the pas- 
sage on the level of the street, presumably to pacify the row. He was 
saluted with unpleasant language from an upper window. Immedi- 
ately his duty was forgotten. The dispute which had brought him to 
the scene became suddenly trivial in his eyes and unworthy attention. 
He mounted the stairs and clubbed the poor cr.^ature above, so that he 
now lies in a bad way with a leg in splints. But this person had been 
guilty of no breach of the jjeace and was in his own house. No act had 
been committed that would in any circumstance have justified lii.s 
arrest. Only the dignity of the policeman had been offended, and that 
must be revenged at any cost. And that is a type of the dealings of the 
police with these people. The average policeman is simply a cham- 
pion bully, ready to enforce with his club, not order, but the recogni- 
ion of his personal supremacy on his beat." 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 351 

Here is a little more from the same editorial: 

<,T^ • \,^„rr. K,rtV.Ptriql of the Manhattan Bank robbers that honesty 
• ^^ '^'5 Tn L mt rLcoun^^^^ police, that theft doesnotdis- 

f 'iX ouVth 7oW,?n fnThich he is briieved to have been oonoernecl. 
LVtCVo-r j^^i|;es Unow^ ^^^^^^^Z tS^L' 
the police, and ,'"! '"= "/^f '°''^,, ""' °ith him? He was removed each 
?i'mrto sre''ote?p;ecrna S::?e"retptain did not know him." 

Here is another extract: 

-QnmP timP affo a couple of detectives were cau^t in predatory 
operatrns alTo, aS The; were not dismissed either, ^hey were made 
roundsmen." 

I do not know what that term means. 
Mr. Conkling— Patrolmen, walking around. 
Mr. Kirkwood— And it concludes: 

"So that this is a part of the system." . ^ ■, 

And now for the application. If it be true that there is found occv 
sionally upon a police force improper men. dishonest men, brutal men 
that a good cause for abolishing the police? Has it ey^^^^^-^-f ^ 
h authorities or the people of New York City to abohsh the who 
number of policemen in that city? That is the remedy our Democxatic 
?rnds insist upon in regard to the deputy marshals, that becaus^^^^^^^^^ 
of them have been ascertained to be improper persons, theiefoie the 
whole body shall be abolished. But I do not think the good peop e o 
the city of New York, because bad men get upon the police force o 
that city would be willing to abolish the police force of the city If 
hf hfngs that are alleged here in regard to the police of the city o 
New York be true, and if things equally as bad were proven to be true 
fn regard to these deputy marshals, how the eloquence f/he Senator 
from Indiana [Mr. Vookhees] would be heard in this Chamber 
Zuncing the brutality of intrusting the keeping of the peace at the 
oils to sufh men. And yet it is precisely to such uien - have «'- ^« 
of the preservation of the peace in the city of New York that the Dem 
ocrats desire to submit wholly the elections. This is outside of my 

line of argument, however. c^,,f v, 

Avery pertinent question was asked by the Senator from South 
Carolina [Mr. Hampton] a few days ago. I do not see ^^^ - ---J; 
and yet I will refer to the matter, because it involves nothing but 
what can be referred to either in his presence or in h-^absence. He 
made the statement that until within a few years last past Congress 
Td never exercised the power to regulate the -nner in .inch these 
elections shall be held; and he asked the pertinent question uhj now 
it should be done. He was not entirely accurate I think ,n his state- 
m n A good many years ago, how long 1 cannot remember, but 
before the Republican party had an existence. Congress commenced 



352 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the work of regulating the manner of the election of members of Con- 
gress. For many j'ears, when I was a much younger man than I am 
now, some of the States of this Union elected their members of Con- 
gress by general ticket, and they continued in that practice until Con- 
gress, believing it to be a bad practice, remedied it by providing that 
the elections should be held by single districts and not by general 
ticket. 

Mr. Hill, of Georgia— That was in 1842, I think. 

Mr. Kirkwood— I had forgotten the date, but it was long ago. 
But the question still recurs what reason was thei'e why this custom 
that had prevailed so long should not be allowed to continue ? It 
strikes me that there are two good and suiiicient reasons why it should 
be so. Ihere are in the city of New York about one-third as many 
people as the entire population of the original thirteen States at the 
time we achieved our independence. There are, I apprehend, in half 
a dozen of our large cities as great a number of people as the entii-e 
population of the old thirteen colonies w^as at that time. While this 
brings advantages, it brings disadvantages also with it. As wealth 
is concentrated in the hands of comparatively few in our large cities, 
and ease and luxury and all the accompaniments of wealth go with 
wealth, it also happens that vice grows as well. I do not pretend to 
give from official data what I am about to say, but I believe I am cor- 
rect in saying that there are to-day in the city of New York more pro- 
fessional criminals — and by that I mean men who make their living 
by the commission of crime as their business — than the entire popula- 
tion cf that city contained at the time our independence was achieved; 
and the same holds largely true as to all our large cities. This is a 
condition of affairs that did not exist when the custom that is so much 
honored now, about leaving the elections solely to the States, origin- 
ated. In many localities in these large cities four-fifths of the voting 
population are men with whom no gentleman who hears me would 
trust either life or pi'operty if he thought either could be taken from 
him without detection. A different system is required, a different 
supervision is I'equired, different care is required in dealing with such 
men than was required in dealing with the men who gave their votes 
at the time when our Government was formed. That is one reason. 

Another reason is that, as a consequence of the civil war through 
which we passed, the war of the rebellion, some four million people 
who were formerlj'^ slaves are now free men. That has prodi^ced and 
must for years to come produce difficulty, trouble, trial, hardship in 
the communities where this great change has occuri-ed. It could not 
be otherwise, unless we could change human nature, and we cannot 
do that. The men who were formerly masters will not consent, if by 
any means they can avoid it, to be ruled by the men who were form- 
erly their slaves. This produces a condition of things there that does 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 



353 



require supervision not merely by those who live there and of the 
master race, but by others as well ; so that I contend there is good 
cause for saying to-day that the old system that obtained for so many 
years should be changed and a different and, we hope, a better system 

substituted for it. . ^ , ^u 

But to come back, if I am correct in holding that Congress has the 
right to make an election law and that the laws on that subject upon 
our statute-book are constitutional, then the question arises-what 
power has Congress to enforce its own law ? Must it depend upon 
some other power, some other authority, or must it rely lapon its own 
power and its own authority to carry into effect and put down oppo- 
sition and resistance to the lasvs of its own enactment ? I have no 
doubt upon that subject. Mr. President. A government that cannot 
do that is an incomplete and an inefficient government, as much so as 
a human being who is born with one leg or witii one arm, or who is 
born blind or.mute or dumb, is an incomplete person. A government 
that has to rely upon something else than itself, upon some power 
other than its own to enforce its own law, is not a government; and if 
ours is such the sooner we abandon it and substitute for it something 
better, the better for it and for us. 

Let me make myself understood now. There is a great deal of talk 
about the Government of the United States interfering in the States to 
keep the peace. Nobody claims that it has the right to do that ordina- 
rily; but it is claimed that whenever a constitutional law is passed by 
Congress it goes of its own power, not by favor, not by permission 
from anybody, but of its own constitutional vigor it goes through the 
whole length and breadth of our hind and attaches to and becomes 
part, so to speak, of every inch of our soil. 

That is my theory. It attaches not only to the soil but to every 
man Uving upon it, unless by special provision he is a foreigner rep- 
resenting his own country here as an embassador, or in some such 
way is exempted from its operation. I care not where it may be. 
wherever that law of this Government goes the agents of this Govern- 
ment to enforce it have the right to go, again not by favor, not by 
permission, but because the law has gone before them and opened the 
way for them. They ask no permission of any man, or of any State, 
or of any power. They ask no power of any man, or of any State, or 
of any authority. They go by the same power and authority that the 
law itself goes, and when those engaged in the administration of the 
law, the power of this Government, civil and military, the power of 
forty-five millions of people stands with them, above them, below 
them, behind them, around them, to guard and protect them against 
any and all power that may oppose them in the lawful execution of 

th9.t law. J u * • 

I^et me make the distinqtion. Twq years ftgo it happened that m 



354 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

the city of Pittsburgh, in the State of Pennsylvania, there occurred a 
great riot. For many days, I do not know how many, all traffic and 
travel was suspended. Immense amounts of property were destroyed. 
People from the State in which I live beyond the Mississippi River 
wished to go to New York. They could not go there by that route. 
They had property being transported from one State to the other, but 
it could not reach its destination by that route, and the United States 
Government could not help them. Why ? Because there was not 
what there should be, there was no law of Congress pi'otecting inter- 
state trade. I hope to seethe day in my time here when we sha 1 
have such a law. Therefore, the question whether our peo^jle should 
travel through Pennsylvania, or whether their goods should go 
through Pennsylvania, depended not upon the Government of th'- 
United States but upon the government of the State of Pennsylvania, 
and the Government of the United States in that regard could not 
interfere until called upon by the Governor of the State of Pennsyl- 
vania to aid him in putting down the riot so as to let people again 
travel through the State and traffic again be carried on. 

But while that is true, it is also true on the other hand that there 
were laws of the United States at that time that were obstructed anil 
resisted; laws providing for the transportation of the mails were upon 
our statute-book. Mj^ belief is that just as soon as it became apparent 
to the President of the United States that the local authorities were 
insufficient to protect the mails of tlie United States in being carrietl 
over those roads, it was not only his privilege but it was his duty to 
see to it that the local authoi'ities, the civil authorities of the Govern- 
ment being inefficient to protect the cai'rying of the mails of the 
United States and the enforcement of the United States' laws for their 
protection — it was his business to see to it that the Armj^ of the United 
States was sent there, and that evei'y man found resisting the trans- 
mission of the mails in accordance with law, obstructmg their trans- 
mission, should be swept out of the way. 

Mr. Maxey — Will the Senator yield to me a moment ? 

Mr. Kirkwood — Certainly. 

Mr. Maxey — I want to understand the proposition of the Senator 
from Iowa on this point. Does the Senator mean to say to the Senate 
that the United States could have sent an army to Pittsburgh without 
a legislative call if the Legislature of Penns3-lvania were in session, or 
an executive call in the absence of the Legislature, under the fourth 
section of the fourth article of the Constitution, outside of that article, 
independent of that article ? Does the Senator mean to say the Army 
could have been sent there independent of that? 

Mr. Kirkwood— Certainly I do. 

Mr. Maxey — I merely wanted to understand the Senator. 

vMr. Kirkwood — If that is not true, then the question whether the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 355 

laws of the United States shall be enforced depends not upon the 
Government of the United States but upon the government of Penn- 
sylvania. 

Mr. Maxey— The point I wanted to make, I will state to the Sen- 
ator from Iowa, was this: That the Federal Government has no power 
except that which is granted upon the face of the Constitution. The 
mode and manner in which a riot can be stopped in a State is laid 
down in the Constitution, and the point at which the power of the 
Federal Goverumeut can be brought into exercise to suppress a riot or 
an insurrection is laid down on the face of the Constitution in the 
fourth section of the fourth article, and nowhere else. That being the 
case, and the only case, in which the Federal troops can be called out 
upon a demand by the Legislature, if it be in session, or if it cannot be 
convened, then by the State executive, can the United States Govern- 
ment, ex mero motu, send its troops there without a call from the 
Legislature or the executive of the State when the Legislature is not 
in session? 

Mr. Kirkwood— Clearly in my judgment it can, and I have been 
trying to explain why I think so. I have said that if there had been 
no law of the United States resisted there, bo violent, forcible opposi- 
tion to the laws of the United States there, nothing but a breach of the 
peace of the State of Pennsylvania there, of course the Army 
could not be sent there until invited by the authorities of the State of 
Pennsylvania; but whenever in the State of Pennsylvania or in any 
other State (this is my theory, I do not pretend to speak for anybody 
other than myself; 1 have no authority to do so) the laws of the United 
States are resisted and overborne, then the Government of the United 
States has power to use the whole force of this nation to enforce 
them. 

Mr. Maxey— I want to understand the Senator. I do not inter- 
i-upthim for any other purpose. 
Mr. Kirkwood— Of course not. 

Mr. Maxey— Does not the Constitution point out how the Govern 
ment of the United States is to be advised of the fact that the sup- 
pression of an insurrection is beyond the power of a State to suppress 
it? Can the United States bring its strong hand down upon the State 
until the State calls for aid in the mode pointed out by the Constitu- 
tion ? That is the point upon which I want to understand the 
Senator. 

Mr. Kirkwood— The provision to which the Senator froui Texas 
alludes is the provision for the protection of a Stale and the enfuice- 
uient of the peace of the State. It has nothing to do with the laws of 
the United States; it has nothing to do with their enforcement or their 
execution. It is when the laws of the State of Pennsylvania cannot be 
enforced by the authority of the State of Pennsylvania that the Stale 



356 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

of Pennsylvania has the right to call upon the President of the United 
States to enforce her own laws in her own limits. It does not touch 
the question of the execution of the laws of the United States. 

Mr. Maxey — Then, if the Senator will pai'don me, I understand 
his position to be, and I want to understand it, that the laws of the 
United States are required to be exercised within the limits of the 
Slate; that a law itself, in proprio vigore, goes along with it ; and if it 
is necessary for the Army to enforce that law, that too goes along 
with it. 

Mr. Kirkwood — Certainly it does go with that law. 

Mr. Maxey — There I differ with the Senator, so far as that is con- 
cerned. 

Mr. Kirkwood— Take the case cited by the Senator from Vir- 
ginia a few days ago, of an election in his State that caused some 
excitement and feeling in that State, I apprehend. It will illustrate 
my idea. As I said before, it is only my idea ; it binds nobody but 
myself; it may be totally wrong, but I believe it to be right. lathe 
spring of a certain year, I do not remember the year, an election was 
held in Petersburgh, Virginia. What year was that ? 

Mr. Allison— In 1876. 

Mr. Kirkwood — In the spriug of that year an election was held for 
local officers or State officers, I do not remember which. 

Mr. Withers — For municipal officers merely. 

Mr. Kirkwood — The United States had nothing to do with that. 
It affected the State of Virginia only and solely. It was the business 
of the State of Virginia to maintain peace at the polls on the day of 
the election; but if the State of Virginia should be unable to main- 
tain the peace on that day, if not occurred, if the State laws were 
resisted, then Virginia had the right to call upon the President of the 
United States, to do what? To send troops there to aid Virginia in 
enforcing her own laws in her own limits. But afterward, during the 
same year, there was an election to occur there at which there was a 
member of Congress to be elected, and then the law of the United 
States prescribing rules for the election of members of Congress was 
in force at that place in Virginia just as much as at the preceding 
spring the laws of the State in regard to the election of municipal 
officers had been in foi'ce there. When the President was informed, 
upon information on which he relied, that there was danger that the 
Federal laws were then to be I'esisted there, he did a wise and a pru- 
dent thing in sending troops, not to go to the polls, but in case a col- 
lision occurred for them to be there in case the State could not enforce 
the law and keep the peace, to see to it that the United States power 
was there to enforce the United States' law there as well as ever\' place 
pise. 

I wish tP say a few words nior§ on this subject, Mr. PresicJent, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 357 

When I first read this bill before its passage in tlie otlaer House, I said, 
iu consultation or rather in conversation with some of my colleagues 
from my State in the House that I thought the section of the bill upon 
which this debate proceeds was a mere excrescence on the bill itself, 
an impertinence, so to speak, meaning no disrespect to those who 
favor the section. It was just as senseless, in my judgment, as if it 
had provided that no part of the appropriation should be used to pay 
the Army if the Army were used as a professional base-ball club or a 
traveling circus or a Pinafore company, because I had never heard 
it claimed by any one. Democrat or Republican, that it was intended 
by the Government of the United States to send men to the polls to 
take the place of police ofiicers, bailiffs, and constables there. • 

Let me illustrate again my meaning, sir. We have in the State in 
which I live courts of the United States; we have doorkeepers and 
bailiffs, and I do not know what other officers to execute the mandates 
of the courts, marshals among others. I never understood anybody 
to claim that we ought to turn these men out of office and place an 
armed soldier carrjdug a musket with a bayonet at the door to act as 
doorkeeper, and another beside the judges on the bench as their bailiff, 
and other armed soldiers all through the building to do the duties 
oi'dinarily performed bj'^ marshals and their deputies. I never under- 
stood that to be claimed by anyone, but I did understand it to be 
claimed that if an armed force of rioters should go into the court house 
in the State of Iowa, and imperil the execution of the laws of the 
United States there so as to interfere with the orderly administratiou 
of justice by the United States officers, and the civil authorities there 
were uot sufficient to put down that violence, then the President could 
call from San Francisco or New York, or elsewhere, wherever there 
may be a regiment or a companj^ of troops, all the armed force neces- 
sar}' to see to it that peace and law and good order shall be maintained 
about the buildings, and that the men who are charged there with the 
enforcement and execution of the laws of the United States, just as 
everywhere else where they are so charged, shall be allowed to pro- 
ceed in an orderly and a quiet way to do it, and that all the men who 
are disposed to obstruct must get out of the way. 

Mr. President, I come to the main cause of my troubling the Senate 
upon this occasion, a thing that I very seldom do. I waut to find out 
what our Democratic friends mean by this bill. I have repeated here 
what I said to my colleagues in the other House. I was bound to do so. 
The respect of those gentlemen is of value to me, and my own respect 
is of more value to me than their respect, and having said it to them 
I was bound to let any man who chooses to inquire about it know that 
I had done so. Now I want to know just precisely what is the mean- 
ing of this section. It was claimed by some gentlemen, it was believed 
by myself, that the only meaning of it was, that when election day 



S58 THE LIFE AND TOIES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

comes around the Presideut shall not surround any of the polls in the 
city of New York, for example, with armed soldiers, so that the men 
who go there to exercise the right to vote shall not be compelled to 
pass through tiles of armed soldiers. I supposed that to be the mean- 
ing of it, and aside from its impertinence I saw no harm in it, because 
no man ever claimed that troops could be used for that purpose, so far 
as my knowledge went, or that they should be used to make the arrests 
ordinarily made by policemen there. No man ever claimed that. It 
was only when disturbance and violence occurred and the peace offi- 
cers could not put it down that the United States with its armed 
soldiers in aid of the civil officers should put down that disturbance 
and violence on the da}' when members of Congress were being elected, 
under the laws of the United States. 

Now I say, in all kindness and all frankness, it is not for the Senate 
of the United States to pass a law, the meaning of which is shown to 
be doubtful. Am 1 right? Is it a becoming thing in this body, said to 
be the most dignified, deliberative body in the world — ah, well we will 
continue to say so — is it becoming in this body, when the fact is 
brought to its attention, that upon the face of a bill pending before it 
for action, uncertainty, doubt, dispute exists as to what is the true 
meaning of that bill, that it shall not be made clear? Is it just to our- 
selves that we should allow that doubt to continue? Is it just to other 
departments of the government that we should' allow that doubt to 
continue? Is it just to the people of this country that we should allow 
that doubt to continue and perhaps cause further strife and confusion 
and bitterness through the length and breadth of our land? Does it 
not become us as honest men, as intelligent men, does it not become us 
as Senators, to remove all doubt as to what the meaning of this thing 
is, and say whether it means that the troops shall not go the polls on 
election day to exercise the duties commonly performed by ordinary 
policemen, or whether it is intended to say that the United States 
troops shall not go there, when the ordinary civil power is insufficient 
to protect the people at the polls, to furnish that protection? 

That is one question to be determined by the Senate, Mr. President, 
and if Senators will not inform us by speeches of what they under- 
stand this language to mean, we, on this side, have the privilege of 
testing them in the way of amendments, and I apprehend that unless 
they pursue the policy we did a night or two ago and fail to vote, we 
shall get to know just what they mean before this bill is safely passed. 

There is another matter I propose to notice, and I shall be very 
brief. At various times, when political excitement ran somewhat high 
during the session, I had made up my mind that I would make a political 
speech. I was saved the necessity of doing so by having it done by 
gentlemen much abler than myself to do it. But there is one thing to 
which I wish to allude in a single remark. Much has been said here 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 359 

about the desire of the Republican party to revive the bitter feelings 
engendered by the war for political purposes in the North. It has 
been said by gentlemen, not from the South perhaps as much as by 
gentlemen from the North, upon the other side of the Chamber that 
the people of the North, the Republicans of the North especially, hate 
llie people of the South. Mr. President, that is not true. They do not 
either hate them or fear them. I speak the latter word in the worst 
sense of the term. They wish the prosperity of the people of the South 
as well as they do of any other section of our country. They wish 
that prosperity because the people of the South are part of our great 
family, aud if you will not believe that we wish you prosperity for 
that reason, then believe it for a worse, lower, more selfish reason. 
We have common sense enough to know that your pi-osperity is the 
prosperity of the country of which we are a part. Give us credit for 
selfishness at least, if for nothing else but that. We do desire your 
prosperity, and we know, we think we know, that that is to be obtained 
on the sole condition of peace, quiet and good order among you. 

There has been within the last three months considerable feeling, 
and there is to-day in the North, more than there was six months ago. 
In my judgment we on this side of the Chamber are more responsible 
for it. The people of Iowa (and I can speak for them, I think, having 
had a long acquaintance with them) love the union of these States. 
They sacrificed much to perpetuate it. It is with us not merely a 
matter of sentiment, but a matter of necessity. We raise a large sur- 
plus of produce that must go abroad, and I tell you we do not intend 
to ask any man's leave to go abroad with it if we can help it. We 
want to go through New York. We are perfectly willing to go there 
and shake hands with that people and deal with them, but we do not 
ask their permission to go through New York to Liverpool with our 
produce. The good city of New Orleans is at the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi river. We send some— I wish we sent more— of our products 
abroad through that city; and I say to the Senators from the State of 
Louisiana, we do not intend to ask anybody's permission to go down 
the Mississippi river aud out of the mouth of that river just where we 
please. They foolishly attempted to obstruct the navigation of that 
river a few years ago, and we wrestled with them about it for a long 
time until we got it cleared out, and we intend to keep it open. We 
want to go to China. We do not want to ask the permission of men 
living on the Pacific slope whether we may go through their country 
to go there. 

We are bound, as I said, not only by sentiment but by necessity, to 
the maintenance of this Union; but we have doubts aud fears and dis- 
trust in regard to its perpetuity since we had the struggle for its 
perpetuation. Senators say (and I am bound to take their statements 
as true) that they are now as warmly attached to this Union as we are. 



360 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

I cannot dispute that question with them; but the preservation of this 
Union depends somewhat upon the strength of this Government. The 
complaint I have to make, and the complaint that is working its way 
all through the northern country, is that there is a steady and persist- 
ent effort in every direction and in every way to weaken this Govern- 
ment, to tear off a power here, a power there, and a power elsewhere, 
one by one, session after session, year after year, until you would 
leave it incapable of its own preservation. 

We passed a law, assented to by myself with much distrust, a year 
ago containing the ^;osse comitatus clause. I said nothing about it, 
because gentlemen to whose judgment I am in the habit of deferring 
here thought it best to let it go. I wish it were back again. Bills 
have been larid upon our desks here that we shall have to act upon 
some day, taking, as I understand, from the courts of the United 
States the power to declare whether or not the oificers of the United 
States in the execution of their duties have violated the laws. An 
effort is being made during this extra session to deprive the people of 
the United States of the power of supervising the election of their Rep- 
resentatives at the other end of the Capitol. This bill is here to-day 
either meaning nothing or meaning that in the conduct and manage- 
ment of the election of officers of the United States the people of the 
United States shall have nothing to do, traveling surely, slowly, sap- 
ping one by one as we think the powers necessarj' to enable this 
government to maintain itself. 

During the pendency of the yellow-fever bill, so called, I went to 
the desk of the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Harris) to look at a 
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, and in looking 
through it I found what I wish to read to the Senate. It expresses 
much better than I can, much moi'e clearly than I can, my opinion, 
and it comes from a source that carries with it infinitely more power 
and authority than anything I can say. I will read the concluding 
paragi'aph in the opinion of Chief Justice Mai'shall in the case of 
(libbons vs. Ogden. 

Powerful and ingenious minds, taking, as postulates, that the pow- 
ers expressly granted to the government of the Union are to be con- 
tracted by construction into the narrowest possible compass and that 
the original powers of the States are retained, if any possible con- 
struction will retain them, may, by a course of well-digested but 
refined and metaphysical reasoning founded on these premises, explain 
away the Constitution of our country and leave it a magnificent struc- 
ture, indeed, to look at, but totally unfit for use. They may so entangle 
and perplex the understanding as to obscure principles which were 
before thought quite plain and induce doubts Avhere, if the mind Mere 
to pursue its own course, none would be perceived. In such a case it 
is peculiarly necessai'y to recur to safe and fundamental principles to 
sustain those principles, and when sustained to make them the tests of 
the arguments to be examined. — 9 Wlieaton''s Reports, 222. 



THE LIFE ANi) TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 361 

The people of our Northern States are afraid that that process is 
going on to-day. They are afraid that the results of that process will 
be precisely such as are herein written and that 1 have read. It is 
because of that feeling, because they fear that in the future the time 
may come that that which has cost them so much to maintain may be 
lost. I tell you kindly and frankly they intend to see to it carefully, 
earnestly, prudently, that that result shall not follow. And now when 
our Democratic friends— I hate to use the term in this Chamber— when 
our friends on the other side of the Chamber shall have explained by 
their votes, if they will not explain otherwise, whether this section 6 
that was, and section 5 that is now, is a mere excrescence, a mere 
wai-t, so to speak, on this bill, a senseless impertinence— meaning no 
offense to anyone — when they shall have explained to us by their votes 
whether that Is the case, or whether it means that much larger and 
greater thing, Lhat in no case shall the government of the United 
States have power to enforce election laws anywhere and everywhere 
in the limits of our country, I shall be prepared to cast my vote. 

In following Mr. Kirkwood, Senator Hill, of Georgia, 
said : 

''Mr. President: — I rise to say a few words only. First of all I 
want to express to the Senator from Iowa, Mr. Kirkwood, the great 
gratification I have felt in listening to his speech. He has made an 
able, dignified and excellent speech, worthy of a Senator anywhere, 
and in any age. If all the speeches made on this fioor were made in 
the same spirit, and with the same clearness and patriotic temper 
which the Senator has exhibited, 1 think what he intimated as doubt- 
ful would never be doubtful again, and that is, whether this is a digni- 
fied bod}'. But I do not agree to all the doctrines of the Senator, and 
I want to call his attention, for he is an able lawyer— my friend shakes 
his head; yes, he is a good lawyer; I know from the way he talks; he 
cannot deceive me on that subject. I want to call his attention to the 
fact that he has made one mistake in the fundamental proposition on 
which he set out. * * * 1 want my friend to know, and I want his 
people to know, that the patriotic, the manly, the Catholic, the 
national, the unsectional sentiments which fell from his lips, and 
which I know animate his bosom, meet with a warm and hearty re" 
sponse in mine, and in the bosoms of my people. He, and such as he, 
whether Republicans or Democrats, we can take to our ai'ms and our 
hearts and call our fellow citizens." 

A private letter from a prominent gentleman in Wash- 
in o-ton to the Editor of the Bepuhlican contains the follow- 



ing: 



to* 
'I am glad to see the Iowa papers speak so well of Senator Kirk- 



362 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRkWOOfi. 

wood's S2jeech. It richly deserves all that has been said in its favor. 
I was fortunate enough to hear most of it. When I entered the Sen- 
ate Mr. Kirkwood was on the floor just getting fairly under way in 
his speech. He looked every inch a Senator, yet as modest as a child. 
He had a full house, the galleries were crowded, and there were many 
on the floor of the Senate, including a large number of members of 
the House who had come in to hear the speech. Every one listened 
with close attention. His manner was excellent, and the matter 
speaks for itself. I think the speech displays great ability in more 
respects than one. It is clear and logical, comprehensive and conclu- 
sive. It will give full satisfaction to his own party. It presents the 
Republican side with ability and distinctness. * * * There is no 
man in the Senate that could have done as well as Kirkwood did. You 
have read Ben Hill's remarks immediately following Kirkwood. 
Hill's manner showed that lie meant what he said, and it was no idle 
compliment. That evening Conklin referred to Kirkwood's speech, 
in very complimentary terms, saying it was the most effective speech 
made during the session. I heard a number of Senators speak of it 
in private, and all spoke of it in the highest terms. Don Cameron 
said, 'The Old Man always talks good sense.'" 

The New York Tribune says : 

"By universal consent, it is pronounced a gem of legal and polit- 
ical oratory. It is rarely the case that senatorial compliments mean 
anything at all, but when at the end of Governor Kirkwood's speech 
to-day. Senator Hill I'ose, and in unstinted terms of praise com- 
mended the matter and manner of the speech, every listener, and 
there were many of them, mentally said, 'That is true,' He is one 
of the most amiable men in Congress, and is universally respected for 
his unswei'viug integrity of chai'acter." 

The Dubuque Herald^ a Democratic paper, after the 

delivery and publication of the speech, has this to say : 

"Senator Kirkwood has been making an excellent record of him- 
self during the present session of Congress. He has figured conspic- 
uously on all important questions, his opinions have invariably been 
clear, vigorous and timely, and he is astonishing his constituents by 
an unexpected display of statesmanship. We candidly confess that 
the opinion hitherto expressed by the Telegraph, that the Senator's 
age had impaired his usefulness, was premature. He is really one of 
the most valuable members of the Senate — always in his seat at the 
proper time, always taking an active interest in whatever question 
may be under consideration, and always cheerfully and faithfully 
performing whatever committee work may be assigned him. Though 
he has been in the Senate but little more than half a term, he has 



tSe life and times of SAMUEL J. klRKWOOD. 363 

achieved a remarkable prominence, and is daily developing qualities 
that promise ere long to place him in the tirst rank of legislators." 

Senator Beck said of it : 

"It was the best speech that had been made by a Republican 
Senator." 

It even created a deep impression in the South, The 

Rome, Georgia, Tribune said of it : 

"We do not know when we have read a speech with more 
pleasure than we did that delivered by Governor Kirkwood in the 
Senate on the 20th ult. * * * It is characteristic of the man 
and his conservatism. The speech was delivered in the interest of 
the country, and not party, and hence it went to the people as apart of 
the regular proceedings, and not in a supplement for campaign uses. 
It was as modest as it was patriotic — a standard which we can com- 
mend to all as the proper test of merit. * * * We would be glad 
to lay the speech before our readei's, not that we agree with the Sen- 
ator upon his propositions, but to show how manly he has treated the 
subject. There is much in his arguments which we oppose, and much 
from which we dififer, but the difference is an honest one, and we feel 
that such u difference can be tolerated by an honest man." 




CHAPTER XVII. 

Death of Hon. Rush Clark — <rov. KirkwooiVs Speech i?i the Senate on 
the Occasion — Kirkwood and Vance — Speeches in Indiana in 1880 
— Plain Talk to the Business Men of Indianapolis— Estimate of 
Gov. K. as a Stump Speaker. 



On the 28th of April the member of the House of Repre- 
sentatives in Congress from Gov. Kirkwood's own district, 
died very suddenly, and proceedings relating to his death 
were held in both Houses, Among the addresses on that 
occasion was the following by Senator Kirkwood; 

Mr. Presidetit: — Other senators have spoken fully of Rush Clark 
in the ralations he bore to the public whom he had served as a lawyer 
and a legislator. It becomes me by reason of my more intimate 
personal acquaintance with him, to speak of him as he was known to 
those who like myself, had the pleasure and the advantage of frequent, 
close and friendly intercourse with him. 

He represented in the Forty-fifth Congress, and until his death, in 
the Forty-sixth Congress, the Congressional district in which I live. I 
was one of his constituents; he was my fellow-townsman, my neighbor, 
and I am glad to be able to say, my friend. He was by some two years 
an older resident of our young State than myself. When I went to 
reside in Iowa City in 1855, I found him there a young man and a 
young lawyer, struggling for and gradually winning by his knowledge 
of the law, his close attention to his business, his energy and his perse- 
verance, that high rank in his profession to which he afterwards 
attained. When he came to Iowa his capital, or as we sometimes 
express it in our quaint western way, his " outfit " was his head, his 
heart, and his hands; a clear head, a stout heart, and willing hands. 

After closing his collegiate life in Pennsylvania, he judged, as I 
think wisely, that there was a better chance for him to win his Avay in 
the battle of life in the new, broad, free west, than in the older, more 
crowded, and I trust I may say without offense, less liberal older 
Status. He knew well that the journey of life for him was not to be 
an easy, pleasant travel over a broad, smooth highway, but a tedious 
and painful progress, over a rough and rugged path, every foot of 
which was to be made by his own labor and perseverance. He did 
not (luail at the prospect, but went to work manfully and persistently. 

364 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 365 

He met as such meu most always do meet many obstacles in his way; 
but he met them boldly, overcame them, and left them behind him, 
monuments of his energy and courage. 

Before his death these qualities had brouglit him to where his path- 
way was broader and smoother, and the outlook for his future more 
bright and cheering. And then he died; died in the prime of life, died 
of overwork; died of the earnest and exhausting labor he gave to the 
interests of his couutry and his constituents, which was greater than 
his physical powers, never strong, could endure. 

My colleague has told of the different honorable positions held by 
Mr. Clark, by the favor of those among whom he lived and how he 
performed the diities attached to them. He held at one time a posi- 
tion, not by election, but by my appointment; that brought us into 
close and cordial relations. I had the honor to hold during the first 
three years of our civil war, the war of the rebellion, as it is in my 
judgment properly called, the office of Governor of the loyal State of 
Iowa, and thereby was charged with the duty of raising and organiz- 
ing the volunteers called for from that State for the preservation of 
the Union. I needed, to aid me in that work the services of some 
bright, earnest, energetic, active young men-. Mr. Clark was one of 
them; my colleague (W. B. Allison), (I trust he will pardon me,) was 
another. Largely by their aid and the aid of others, associated with 
them in giving form and direction to the patriotism of ouryoung men, 
the quota of Iowa's soldiers was always full; and I must be allowed to 
say in this presence, where men who fought on the same side with 
them, and men who fought against them, no better or braver soldiers 
fought under either flag in that unhapp}' strife. 

As a citizen, Rush Clark was orderly, law-abiding and public- 
spirited; as a neighbor, kind, generous and helpful; as a friend, true 
and trusty; as a husband and father, kind, loving and devoted. 

The scene on the arrival of his remains at his home showed the 
estimation in which he was held by his neighbors, those who knew 
him best, and to whom his sudden death had given a great and pain- 
ful shock. It was late at night when the train carrying his corpse 
reached our quiet town, and yet the depot and the street between that 
and his home were filled by his friends and neighbors, who came to 
testify by their presence, their respect for him and their sorrow for his 
loss, and who on the next day followed him to our quiet cemetery, 
where his mortal remains, " rest in peace.''' 

When we look about us and see death choosing his victims, we 
sometimes wonder why the idler is left, and the active, earnest worker 
is called away; why those in the pride and vigor of their manhood are 
taken, and those who are older and perhaps weai'y of life are permitted 
to remain. We do not know why; Ave know that God who does all 
tbiugs well, so wills it. and we bow in gubraissioa to His will. We 



366 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

only know that he to whose memory we do honor to-day, has gone 
before us to learn the mysteries of that other life in which we all 
believe, as to which many fear so much, and as to which all hope so 
much and know so little. 

If it be true, as many believe, that the best service we can render 
here to the Great Father of all, is to give strength to the weak and 
help to the helpless of His children, then my friend has done his proper 
work well. 

If it be true, as many believe, that in the other life we shall be assigned 
to do the work for which our mental and moral development here has 
best fitted us, then my friend there will be given important work to do. 
If it be true, as many believe, and it is becoming very pleasant for 
me so to believe, that in the other life we shall know and enjoy the 
society of those we knew and loved here, then my friend who has gone 
before is enjoying pleasant communings in his new home, and waits 
with patient longing the coming of those whom he loved and left 
behind. 

After the entrance of Gov. Kirkwood upon his duties as 
Secretary of the Interior, when stories in regard to him were 
in order, Gov. Vance, of North Carolina, made his contribu- 
tion to them as follows: 

' When two years since I made my maiden speech in the Senate, I was 
particularly gratified by the respectful attention paid by all the Sen- 
ators, and made what I thought, and what my friends afterwards assured 
me, was a good speech. The principal theme upon which I dwelfe was 
the acquisition of territoiy under Democratic administrations, and upon 
this I laid great stress. At the conclusion Senators crowded about to 
congratutate me, and among others came Kirkwood, of Iowa, who 
shaking my hand heartily said: 'Well, Governor, you made a pretty 
good speech; I used to be a Democrat myself, used to talk about the 
acquisition of territory by the Democrats; but if it had not been your 
maiden speech I should have taken the liberty to ask you a question.' 
'Well why didn't you do it, Kirkwood, I have no doubt I should have 
been glad to reply. What was it?' 'Why,' replied Senator Kirk- 
wood, 'it was this: When you were talking about the great acquisition 
of territory by the Democrats, I wanted to ask you, if it had not been 
for us 'Black Republicans,' if you Democrats wouldn't have taken 
out a great deal more territory than you brought in?' 'Kirkwood,' I 
replied, 'if you had cat me off at the legs that way, I should have 
wanted to shoot you on the spot.' 

In the presidential canvass of 1880. Indiana was regarded 
as a pivotal State, and the best speakers in the Republican 
ranks were sent there to do some heavy work. Among them 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 367 

Judge Nourse and Mr. Kirkwood, from Iowa, spent some 
three weeks on the stump in that State. The following are 
a couple of speeches delivered by Mr. K. in Indianapolis at 
different times: 

Being introduced by General Coburn as ex-Governor, and 
present United States Senator, from Iowa, after loud and 
continuous cheering, Mr. Kirkwood said: 

I have been engaged for some live weeks past, three weeks in my 
own State, and two weeks in this State, in speaking to audiences, and 
desired to rest to day. But as j-ou desire me to speak I will detain 
you for a short time. I think I would not have spoken at all were it 
not for an occurence that happened yesterday. I was at the neighbor- 
ing town of Green Castle addressing a very large auilience, and there 
was put into my hands a handbill relating to the question of the tariff. 
It purported to be a letter, or a card published by Mr. Goldback, presi- 
dent of the Jeffersonville Glass Works. You may know him. I do 
not. He is a Democrat and a supporter of General Hancock. He 
appears to have become aroused by the very apparent objection on the 
part of a great many people to a further endorsement of the Demo- 
cratic party, because of its position on the tariff question. This hand- 
bill to which I refer has been circulated very extensively at Republi- 
can meetings in the southern part of the State, and the writer gives 
his reasons for thinking that the manufacturing interests of the coun- 
try will be at least as safe in the hands of the Democratic party, as in 
the hands of the Republican party. I will not read you all of it, but 
he says that 

GENERAL HANCOCK IS A PENNSYLVANIAN 

and that he will not do anything that will injure the iron, glass and 
other industrial interests of that great State. Now my friends, as I 
have said, I have been spending five weeks iu the campaign, and have 
been during that time laboring to induce the American people not to 
vote for General Hancock, [cheers] but I have not said one reproach- 
liil word of him. 1 have never said anything to blacken his character 
nv to degrade him in the eyes of the American people, and I do not 
i itend to do so, although I do intend to speak all the time from now 
I ill the second of November endeavoring to defeat his election. [Loud 
.'leers and cries of "So will all of us." ] But I want to say this: If I 
I lieve what is contained in this bill to be true, I would have to say 
1 1 it he is an unfit man for an honorable man to vote for. [Cheers.] 
.-■t me explain why the representatives of the Democratic party met 

1 convention at Cincinnati, and laid down the principles of the party. 

hey nominated a president to carry out those principles. And what 
.0 they say upon the subject of the Tariff. They say they are in favor 



868 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

of "Tariff for revenue only." They are not in favor of protection at 
all. Gen. Hancock accepted that nomination on the platform of that 
convention. If what this gentleman says is true, then it must also be 
true that Gen. Hancock accepted the nomination 

INTENDING TO DECEIVE AND BETRAY 

the very men upon whose votes he depends for election. [Loud 
cheers.] If that be true he is seeking the presidency under false pre- 
tenses, [renewed cheers] and I am here to defend him from that gross 
charge. It is not true; it can't be true, General Hancock is said to be 
an honorable man, and I know not to the contrary. And if he be an 
honorable man, he cannot mean to deceive and betray the verj^ men 
by whose votes he will get into the presidential chair, if he ever gets 
there, [laughter] which I do not think will occur. [Cheers and voices 
"That's what we all think."] If what this gentleman says be true, and 
I am told that Hancock's friends through Indiana are saying the same 
thing, he ought to receive the votes of no men but policy peddlers, 
bunco dealers, and three card monte men. [Shouts of laughter and 
loud cheers.] The American people love fair play; they love pluck, 
they love courage, they love to have a man stand by his own colors, 
say just what he is and just what he means and means all that he says. 
[Cheers.] And I say again that I am here to defend Genei'al Hancock 
against the infamous charge that he 

INTENDS TO DECEIVE AND BETRAY 

the Democratic party. ]f you men are attached to a tariff for protec- 
tion, and if you think that the declaration of the Democrats in conven- 
tion against that tariff is wrong, then I think you ought not to go with 
him at all. [Cheers.] It is said the good Lord detests a liar and a 
coward. I believe He ought to detest both, and I am here before this 
audience, to defend before the American people, the fame and char- 
acter of General Hancock against the gross charge which his political 
friends in Indiana make against him. 

Now turning to another subject let me call your attention to the 
three ideas held in this country in regard to the constitutional powers 
of our government. One was that we are not a Nation, but a league 
of States, and that any State might go when it pleased ; that was the 
southern Democratic doctrine. The northern wing of the Democratic 
church are not quite so well grounded in the faith. [Laughter.] They 
held that a State had no right to go, but that if it pleased to go the 
other States had no power to stop it from going. [Laughter and 
cheers] The Republican party believed and still believes that (his is 
a Nation, one Nation, one Nation and not thirty-eight Nations. 
[Cheers ] That this people is one people, not thirty-eight peoples. 
[Renewed cheers.] They believe that this government has the power 
find should have the power of preserving its life wli§flever that life is 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 369 

.hr'eateued. They believe it should have the power to enforce its own 
laws throughout the length and breadth of our land. [Cheers.] These 
are the three theories: Now if the Republican party had held to the 
faith of either southern or northern Democi'acy you would not have 
any government to-day. If Lincoln and his advisers had been of the 
same opinion that Buchanan and his advisers were, and that there 
•-vas no power in the government to save its own life and to save the 
LTuion, which was its life, then our southern friends would have gone 
unchecked and our Union would have been destroyed. [Cheers.] If 
there is a Democratic soldier here (a voice "There's not many of them 
around") I want to say to him when you went to the south, you fought 
for the Republican idea that this government had the power to save 
ils own life. You announced your belief in that idea by 

GOING DOWN SOUTH TO SHOOT MEN 

who entertained the contrary belief. [Loud cheers.] How comes it 
you don't entertain the same belief now. You were fighting then for 
Republican principles. You believed them to be right, and just, and 
necessary. How comes it, I ask, that you now vote for the very 
reverse of tlie principles you then fought for? [Loud cheers.] It is 
not for me to say what the reason is. But, I tell you, I don't under- 
stand it. I live in the State of Iowa, where they have a Republican 
majority of 50,000, and 

WE CAN'T UNDERSTAND 

what is the matter with you Indiana people. [Laughter.] You have 
had the same advantages we have had. You have always had a free 
press, and free schools, and free speech. You have had all the advan- 
tages that we seemed to, all the people of this great Northwest and 
t e Upper Mississippi River have had. Why should you be the only 
one of all these States: Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Minnesota, Iowa, 
Kansas, Nebraska— the very center of this great empire. Why is it 
that there is any doubt how you stand ? Why is it that you will 
allow yourselves to be the tassel on the end of the tail of the Southern 
kite, to be laughed at by all of your neighbors around ? [A number 
of voices "It is because we are too near Kentucky. They send us too 
many votes. ''] Well, now gentlemen it is time we were breaking up 
this meeting, and you were going away. [Voices, " No, no! go aheail! 
give'em thunder.] Well, as you want me to, I will consume a little 
raoi-e of your time. It is said of us Republicans that when we address 
audieucesin the Northern States, we endeavor to excite tlieir prejudice 
and keep alive the old feelings engendered by tlie war. In short, that 
ue flaunt the bloody shirt. Now my friends I have a profound respect 
lor the bloody shirt. [Loud cheers.] I sent to the field from my own 
State of Iowa, 50,000 as brave men as ever marched. Many of them 
wore the bloody shirt before they returned home. [Cheers.] Many 



370 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

of them were buried in their bloody shirts, and never came home. I 
say that the bloody shirt to me symbolizes patriotism as pure, and 
devotion to duty as earnest, and courage as splendid as this world has 
ever seen. [Enthusiastic cheers.] I say to you I have seen men living 
and dead 

WEARING THE BLOODY SHIRT, 

the latchet of whose shoes no Northern man who sneers at it is worthy 
to unloose. [Renewed cheering.] I have a profound respect for it 
and I have a profound contempt for the spirit that will urge any 
Northern man to sneer at it. [Great applause.] If you want to know 
what it means, go around to every township in your county and you 
will Mud wives whose husbands and children and fathers wore the 
bloody shirt, and they will tell you that it means the highest service 
to the country by which the life of every citizen has been protected. 
They say we are endeavoring to keep alive the ill Avill and passions 
engendered by the rebellion. They say these men are as much 
attached to the Union and to the principles that hold it together as 
we are. I wish I could beleive that. [Cheers.] Let me tell you 
something now, and you can test it for yourselves. It has happened 
that I have during the last few years traveled through a number of 
the Southern States, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, 
Alabama and Louisana. I will tell you what I saw there; you can say 
whether I am right in mv opinion. I saw in those States monuments 
built by the citizens in memory of men who died in the rebel army. 
In the city of Augusta, Georgia, there is a monument — the most beau- 
tiful I ever saw, in honor of Stonewall Jackson and Lee, and other 
confederate captains. It is covered over with inscriptions reciting 
the sacrifices and patriotism of the men in whose honor it was erected. 
During last year, while Congress was in session, a monument was 
dedicated in one of the counties of Virginia I forget now what 
county it was, but it was not much more than gun shot from the city 
of Washington, in memory of men of Virginia from that county, who 
died in the rebel army, and upon it was inscribed that these men had 
died in defense of constitutional liberty. If that be true I want to 
know what you boys who went down there fought for. Again before 
the war, there was in the State of Virginia a universit}^ called by the 
name of Washington. Since the war they have changed that name. 
Now it is the University of Washington and — not Lincoln, oh no, but 

WASHINGTON AND LEE, 

Robert E. Lee, the great rebel captain, and he was a great captain. 
The name of Robert E. Lee, who did all he coulil to destroy' this 
country is assoeiatetl ou terms of equality witii that of George Wash- 
ington. I am a native of the State of Maryland, I was born and 
brought up in that State. When I arrived at years of maturity and 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 371 

good sense, I made up my mind that the best thing I could do was to 
go West and grow up with the country. But in Baltimore the leading 
city of my native State, tlfe Common Council during the present year 
passed an ordiuauc ' appropriating out of the public treasury from the 
taxes collected from Repu1)licans and Democrats, money to build a 
monument in one of their most public streets, in memory of the young 
men who went from Maryland, and in violation of their own prin- 
ciples that a man must stand by the State in which he lived, joined 
the rebel army, and died in the war, and nothing but the good sense 
of Mayor Latrobe prevented the scheme from being carried out, 
and the monument erected. Now 1 want to make one or two obser- 
vations. The men who build these monuments and who associate 
Lee on terms of equality with Washington, believe in what they are 
doing, or else they are acting the most infamous lie ever imposed upon 
this country. They do believe those principles to be true and sacred 
and holy, and that these men died in that cause, and they teach their 
children and their children's children the same lesson that they learned, 
and they are handing down those teachings just as we are handing 
down the contrary. And if their young men are the legitimate sons 
of their fathers and not bastards; if they should be as brave as their 
fathers were and are; if they are men with red blood in their veins and 
not cowards, then it must be that when we, the men of this day, 
have passed away— and the time is short Avith some of us — when their 
children and our children become the men of action, then these men 
will strike for that holy cause for which their fathers died. I wish I 
could believe that these men are as truly attached to the Union as we 
are. I tell you it is my firm belief, I believe it in every fibre of my 
being, that the only true and safe course, the only manly course is to 
see to it that in our day, that for which our boys fought and died 
shall not be put to any unnecessary risk. [Loud and continued cheer- 
ing.] 

The following is the speech made at another time in the 
same place. Being introduced as a United States Senator 
from Iowa, Mr. Kirkwood said : 

Your chairman has informed you rightly that I had no expectation 
of addressing an audience in Indianapolis to-night. At the request 
of some of your people I came into your State with a triend of mine, 
Judge Nourse, on Monday last, and we have been engaged chiefly in 
the rural districts in preaching the gospel of Republicanism as we 
Iowa people understand it. [Cheers.] I had no expectation of being 
here, or being here, of being called upon to address the Republicans 
of Indianapolis. But as I am here and have been called upon I must 
follow the Iowa rule of never shirking a duty, [cheers] and therefore 
will detain you briefly. This is stated to be a meeting of the business 



372 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

men, and the working men of ludianapolis. In Iowa we consider 
the bvisiness men and the working men all one. They are all business 
men, Evei'y man who earns a dollar by honest labor is a business 
man with us, and we think that the interests of the men who manage 
our mercantile institutions, and those who serve as mechanics should 
be and are alike. It is because we do this that we get along without 
much trouble in Iowa, as some of you perhaps know. [Laughter and 
cheers.] I will say a few words in regard to the present political con- 
test and its relation to the business interests as I understand them. 
Whatever financial legislation we have had for the last twenty j-ears, 
either during the war or since the war, has grown out of the war. 
The legislation we had during the war was mainly directed to raising 
money to carry it on; and what financial legislation we have had 
since the war, has been mainly directed to securing the payment of 
the debt contracted in carrying it on. [Cheers.] When we emerged 
from civil war, our debt was enormous; it was so large that I have 
often thought that if we northei-n people had known when we 
entered upon the enterpi'ise of putting down the rebellion, that it would 
have cost so much in money, and so much in what was more valuable 
than money— I mean the lives of the people— we would have been 
afraid to have undertaken it. And then I have thought we ought to 
thank God we did not know. [Applause.] When we footed up the 
books after the war was over we owed $3,000,000,000. Many men 
believed we could not pay it ; many believed that this nation must 
necessarily become bankrupt. The Republican party at that time was 
charged with the administration of public affairs, and they felt that 
it was the duty of the people of this country to pay that debt, if it 
could be done. And they felt so for these reasons : Because there 
are always simple reasons underlying all gx'eat actions. We felt that 
Ave owed it to those who came to our relief in the hour of peril, that 
we should pay that debt. It seems to be a part of God's dealings with 
nations, that war should come to them, and those who have read 
histoiy know that a large part of it is made up of the wars that differ- 
ent nations have been engaged in. To carry on a war, a protracted 
and exhausted war, money must be borrowed. To borrow money, 

A NATION MUST HA.VE CREDIT, 

a good name. The men who were men of action before we became 
such, our fathers, boasted that our nation had a good name, and we 
were regarded the world over as an honest nation, as an honest 
people, because they had been so careful of us and for us. When our 
time of action came, we were enabled to go before the world as the 
honest sons of honest fathers. We said, "we are honest people, and if 
you will lend us money in this time of our great peril, we will pay, 
if it is possible for us to do so." We felt, the Republican Party felt, 
that the men of this day ought to do for their children and those who 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 373 

come after them, what had been done by our fathers for us, so that we 
might hand down to them the honor and the good name of this nation 
untouched and untarnished, as we received it from our fathers 
[Loud cheers.] This was one reason wiiy we thought Ave ought to pay 
the debt. Another reason was because common honesty demanded it 
should be paid. We have gone upon this idea and have undertaken 
to pay it, and I think we have been moderately successful. [Cheers. J 
Already nearly one third of that debt is wiped out and gone- nearly 
one-third of the load of principal has been taken off our shoulders. 
[Cheers.] And the interest that in 1835 was nearly $150,000,000, is now 
less than $80,000,000. [Continued cheering.] I must not go over all 
that, because yoiir patience would not allow it. But 1 have one or 
two remarks to make in regard to this debt, that should be impi-essed 
upon every audience to whom the subject is named. It is alleged 
against those who loaned us money when we needed it so badly that 
they 

SPECULATED ON THE WANTS AND PERILS OF THE NATION. 

In Other words, that when they bought bonds, they did not pay for 
them their face value in coin. That is true. They sold at times as 
low as thirty-eight and forty cents, although the average price was a 
little over seventy cents. The price of the bonds went up and went 
down, just as the flag went up and went down. [Cheers.] When it 
looked as if the war must be a failure, our bonds were of a less 
value, and whenever we had a victory our bonds rose. Why did they 
not sell at their full value ? Just because men had to take the risk 
that they never might be paid. If our government had gone down, 
I don't think these bonds would have been worth much more than 
our Democratic friends prophesied they would be, when they said that 
the bonds which the government was ti'ying to sell would be only val- 
uable to put on the walls of barber shops as ornaments. In talking 
with the people I have earned the right and used the right before I 
earned it, to say what 1 think, although it may not be altogether 
agreeable to those who hear me, I have a theory about public speak- 
ing. A speaker who is afraid or ashamed to say what he honestly 
thinks is true, provided he speaks in respectful language, is not 
worthy to be listened to. [Cheers.] An audience that cannot listen 
with patience to opinions that do not agree with their pre-conceived 
ideas, when those opinions are expressed in respectful larUguage, is not 
worthy to be talked to. [Laughter and cheers] Now I hear some 
men say that these men speculated upon the interests of the nation, 
and they call them a great many pet names, such as Shylocks, sharks 
and I don't know what else. [Laughter.] 

What were you men doing during that same time, you farmers, 
merchants and mechanics of Indiana? Just what we people of Iowa — 
we loyal people of Iowa— were doing. You were selling yourproduc- 



374 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tions in prices ba ed upou the currency, which were far above their 
intrinsic value in coin. How much was pork here in Indiana? Ten 
dollars a hundred? It was in Iowa. I know wheat sold at $2.50 to $3.00 
per bushel. I know of one sound Democrat in my State who held his 
wheat for tliree years, and declared he would never sell it for those 
worthless bits of paper. It did the pulsations of my heart good when 
he had to sell it for $1.50. [Loud laughter.] But were you speculating 
upon the interests of your couuti-y when that country was in peril? 
Why, no. You were simply doing an honest, fair, square thing when 
you took pa ,' for your commodities in a circulating medium that might 
have become as worthless as the bonds; be aiise if the Government 
bonds went do vn, the greenbacks would have gone down also. The 
men who took the bonds and who took the greenbacks, took with 
them the risk that they would get nothing for their money or their pro- 
ductions, [Cheers.] I never owned Government bonds in my life, and 
I never expect to, if I were able I would like to. [Laughter.] But it is 
one of the strangest phases in the strange panorama of American poli- 
tics, that so many of the American people spend their strength in 
denouncing the men who sold your bonds and bought your bonds 
during the war, but who have no denunciation for the men, who by 
bringing on the rebellion, made it necessary to sell and hold the bonds. 
[Loud cheers.] But this is a business men's meeting, and not a politi- 
cal meeting, and I am afraid I am talking politics. [Laughter.] I want 
to go on with thia matter a little further. 

CERTAIN FINANCIAL MEASURES, 

have produced certain results, and they are before the country. The 
leading measures were the public credit act of 1869, the refunding act 
of 1870, and the resumption act of 1875. All of these acts were passed 
by Congress, when the Republicans had control of both houses, and 
they were resisted by the Democratic party in Congress. Two years 
and four years ago the Democratic orators who traveled over our State, 
and I have no doubt it was the same in your State, foretold to the 
people of the country the enoi'mous disasters that would come if these 
financial measures of the Republican pai'ty should be continued, and 
urging that some new management should be substituted for it. But 
the Republican party di.i not 3neld. It stood firmly, patiently, cour- 
ageously against the storm of misrepresentation and abuse that Avas 
poured upon it. It stood there grandly, bravely and patiently, as dur- 
ing the war, believing it was right, and because it was right God 
would see that the right should triumph. [Cheers.]. The American 
people love two things dearly— 

FAIR PLAY AND PLUCK. 

The financial policy was based upon fair play, which means honesty, 
and they showed a pluck and courage during that financial struggle 



THE LIEE AND TIMES OE SAML'EL J. KIRKWOOD. 375 

which entitles them to the confidence of the American people, instead 
of the prophesies of these political Jeremiahs being fultilted; that 
which was prophesied and predicted by the Republican partj' has come 
true, and good times and prosperity have been brought back. Now 
that a good l)usiness period has come, Avhat are you going to do about 
it? The question submitted to the American people is, if the Repub- 
lican policy has produced these results, what have you to say about itV 
You business men, are you satisfied with things as they are? [Loud 
cries of "Yes, we are."] Then you should see to it that you give it 
your careful, earnest endorsement, and say that there should not be 
any change. I am told some of our Democratic friends say that there 
will be no change in the financial policy if they are allowed to control 
it. But I should like to know when they became converted to that 
theory. I have been told it often and often, and I think it is sound 
common sense, that it is not wise or prudent to put out a child to be 
nursed in the hands of those who think for some reason, it never ought 
to have been born [Laugliter and applause], and who hav'e always been 
prophesying while it lived that it would die soon. [Renewed laughter.] 
It is better to trust the nursing to tliose who think it had a right to be 
born, and being born, it has a right to live. [Loud cheei's.] Now if this 
financial policy is to continue, leave it in the hands of 

THE MEN WHO HAVE DEFENDED AND STOOD BY IT. 

Is not this a common sense thing to do? If it is a good policy why 
take the power away from the men who have carried it out, and put in 
the hands of men who said it would bring disaster if it was established. 
Is there any common sense in that? It is for you busines? men to say. 
Some of you think you know more about business than other men. 
Perhaps you do and perhaps you don't. [Laughter.] But if yoii thinkit 
is safe, wise and prudent to entrust the carrjaug out of this policy to 
the hands of those who have alwaj^s denounced it, until they wanted to 
get into ofliice, then I fiink you do not exhibit that degree of common 
sense which business men ought to have. [Laughter and cheers.] If 
this policy is to be changed, what are you to have in the place of it? 
Does any man know? Has any man told you what will be substituted 
for it if it is to be changed? Then I again repeat the question, is it 
wise or prudent to abandon that which has brought you the present 
prosperity? I put this to the sharp, keen, shrewd judgment of the 
business men of Indianapolis. If this is n: t your view then I'm glad I 
don't live here. [Laughter and cheers.] Now I want to talk to you busi- 
ness men, to every man who is willing to earn an honest dollar by an 
honest day's work, and who is carrying on any business necessary to 
the well being of the vast society in which we live. Our Democratic 
friends say we talk too much about the financial policy having brought 
prosperity. They say it was not the financial management that did it, 
but it is because Providence chose to bring us good crops. That is so, 



376 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. tCIRKWOOD. 

but they ought to argue fair. Two years ago and four years ago they 
toJd you that the hard times were the result of the financial misman- 
agement of the Repuljliean party, and now when the nation has become 
prosperous, they say the iinaucial policy had nothing to do with it. Is 
that fair? 

THEY SAY PROVIDENCE DID IT. 

Well, I have been in difficult circumstances several times in my 
life, and whenever I have felt that Providence was on my side, I had 
an abounding conviction that I should come out right. If it be true 
that Providence has interfered on our side, then the Democratic party 
might just as well give up the contest [laughter and loud cheers], 
because when the Republicans and Providence both fight against them, 
they will stand no chance. But take a hard, common sense view of 
this thing. Of course Republican legislation did not bring the country 
bad crops or good crops, but yet it had much to do with the present 
prosperity. No mechanic or farmer can work with bad tools. So the 
business of this great country cannot be done without a sound dollar, 
and a sound dollar has come because you have got honest money, and 
it is because we have given the people of this country that kind of 
money that the workshops have been re-opened, and the fires have 
been re-lighted, and everything has gone on well. If you are sensible 
men, you will let things alone and will run no risk about it. A few 
words more and I will relieve you. It is said with a gi-eat deal of con- 
fidence, and many men believe it, that this country is about to be 
turned over to the party that is controlled to-day, and will be by the 
men who tried to destroy the government. I don't believe that, but 
we don't know what is in the future. We Republicans, however, will 
have this consolation, if we do turn it over, our successors will find it 
in far better condition than it was when we received it twenty years 
ago. [Cheers.] 

Then, the temple of our Union "was shattered," to use the lan- 
guage of a member of Congress from Virginia before the war, "from 
turi-et to foundation stone." We have since cemented it with the blood 
of our best men, and it stands to-day as strong as ever, glorious and 
exceedingly beautiful. When we received it we had two flags in it— 
the stars and stripes, "old glory," j^ou know, and another that they 
called the stars and bars. To-day thank God we have but 

ONE FLAG ALL OVER OUR LAND. 

[Applause.] A flag dishonored and disrespected by too large a portion 
of our people, but honored, loved and respected and adored by all the 
rest. We have done another thing during the time we have had pos- 
session of the government. We have worked a miracle, and the only 
modern mii-acle that I know anything about. We have converted four 
millions of chattels into four millions of people, and that flag that 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 377 

waves so proudly to-day does not wave over a slave. The credit of our 
nation that was, as you were told by Mr. Smith, so poor during the 
last Democratic administration that we had to submit to a shave of 
eleven cents on the dollar when selling our sixes of 1861; the credit of 
that government, that fifteen years ago was thought to be bankrupt, 
is to-day higher and brighter and stronger than that of any govern- 
ment on God's earth. [Applause.] Its four per cent, bonds to-day 
bear in the money market of the world a premium of from nine to ten 
per cent. That difference exists between the government as it will be, 
if we have to turn it over, and as it was when we received it. And there 
is another difference. When we got it, the liberty-loving men through- . 
out the world looked upon it with pity and sorrow, because they 
thought the Great Repuljlic was going down, and that the experiment 
being tried here, whether men were capable of self-govermeut or not, 
was to be decided against their ability to maintain self-government. 
Men in the Old World, and all through the world, who believed that 
men were not capable of self-government, men who Delieved in mon- 
archical government and not in free government, gloated over the idea 
that the Republic was going down and the experiment being made 
whether men are capable of self-government, was a failure. If we 
shall have to hand this government over to-day, we sharU hand it over 
Avhen liberty- loving people throughout the whole length and breadth 
of this laud, and all the liberty-loving people of the world are looking 
up to it again as a beacon liglit and exemplar, when it is teaching 
every nation of the world that free governments among men are a 
realty [applause], and when all liberty-loving people in all liberty- 
loving lands are learning from us the lesson that governments "of the 
people, by the people and for the people" still exists, and may exist in 
all the nations of the earth. [Applause]. We will have the consolation 
of knowing, if we have to turn it over, that it is in a better condition 
than when we got it. 

I must make another remark. Mr. Smith has said to you that it 
the Republican party is turned out of the control of the administration 
of your affairs, and the Democratic party succeeded, 

THE SOUTHERN WING OF THAT PARTY WILL CONTROL 

the policy of that party. Does any man doubt that? I think that no 
man of my age can doubt it. It has been so continuously. They have 
always dictated the policy and the candidates of the party, and the 
northern wing of the party have submitted, sometimes cheerfully, and 
sometimes not so cheerfully, but they have always submitted. When 
the southern wing of the party took snuff, the northern wing always 
duly sneezed. [Applause]. When the southern wing whistled the 
northern wing came and barked at whatever and whoever they were 
told to bark at. Has not that been so? Why is it so? It is because 
the men of those States are men of stronger, of sterner determination 



378 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

than our northern Democratic politicians are. They control the policy 
of their party to-day in both houses of Congress. If Gen. Hancock 
should become President of the United States he will have to go 
with them, submit to them, and be guided by their policy. He will 
have to submit to the fate of John Tyler and Andy Johnson, and make 
his administration a failure, by being compelled to rely upon the men 
who refused to vote for him after abandoning the men that did vote 
for him. I was talking on this subject not long ago in my own State 
with a hard-headed, sharp-witted Scotchman— a great many Scotch- 
men are that kind of men, hard-headed and keen-witted — who was an 
ardent Republican, and in talking of this unfortunate subserviency of 
the northern Democracy to the southern Democracy, he said to me, 
''Governor, " — they call me that in Iowa — "President Lincoln made one 
grand mistake." I reflected a moment and could not think what he 
meant and asked him. "Why," said he, "President Lincoln, when he 
issued his emancipation proclamation freeing the blacks from their 
soutkern masters, ought to have included the northern Democrac}' as 
well." [Laughter and applause]. 

Now look here, you business men proper, you who attend to 
stores, banks and law offices and affairs of that kind, let me say a word 
to you. I have been a lawyer and have been vexed in the State in 
which I live by hearing such men say, 

" I don't care anything about politics," 
"We have no time to attend to politics," and all that sort of thing. It 
is because having a good deal to do with them, that I have the opinion 
that I am now about to express, and that is that a man who has no 
time to attend to political aiiairs and who does not attend to them, is 
not a good citizen, and does not do his duty, and don't deserve to have 
a good government, if he cannot take time to take some part in 
administering it. And now, you business men— excuse me for talking 
so freely, it's a habit I have — see to it that between this and election 
day something is done that you can do, each man of you. Not any- 
thing unfair, not anything dishonest, but all that is fair, all that is 
honest in effecting that which you believe to be and know to be essen- 
tial to the welfare of your country, and therefore essential to your 
own welfare. And now, good night. [Long and continued applause]. 

A correspondent of the New York Herald^ writing from 

Indiana during this canvass, describing the different orators 

imported there by the two parties, the list containing most of 

the noted stump speakers of the country, says, of the 

*' homely, old pet and pride of Iowa:"' 

" One of the choicest products of the American school of orator}' is 
Gov. Kirkwood of Iowa. Quaint in appearance, unique in thought, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 379 

aud abundant in droll stories, he carries a crowd with him inevitably. 
I don't know how much he costs, but he is worth every cent of it." 

During the senatorial contest in 1882 that resulted in the 
election of Mr. J. F. Wilson, and in which Gov. Kirkwood 
was urged as a candidate byhis friends, but which he refused 
to become, an Indiana correspondent of the State Register, 
writes: 

"If the Iowa Republicans will send Senator Kirkwood over to 
Hoosierdom, they will continue him in his senatorial career without a 
skip, in recognition of his signal service in the last campaign, he being 
the most effective foreign stumper that spoke in that memorable cam- 
paign — making the most conversions." 




CHAPTER XVIII. 

Speech 07i Decoration Day, 1884 — Addi-ess at the State Fair, 1882 — 
At the Linn County Fair in 1884 — His Estimate of Iowa — Political 
Speech at Cedar Rapids in the Evening. 



WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN, HAD THE SOUTH SUCCEEDED. 

On Decoration Day, in 1884, Gov, Kirkwood being one 
of the speakers, said: 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Oentlem,en: — We are here to-daj' in 
accordance with an honored custom, to express our reverence for the 
memory of the dead, and our gratitude to the living; to those who, in 
the tierce struggle our nation had a few years ago for its existence, 
saved it It sometimes seems to me that we do not realize the value 
of what they did; that we do not realize what iu all human possibility 
would have followed, if instead of triumphing in that contest, we had 
been defeated. Hoping that it may, and if anything can add to our 
feeling of honor for our dead and living soldiers, let me ask you to do 
this: Take a map of our broad country and trace in imagination a line 
across where would have been our southern line to-day, if the rebellion 
had succeeded. Have you ever tried it? Commence on the Atlantic 
coast. The most that we could have asked in the case of our defeat 
would have been to commence at the mouth of the Potomac River or 
Chesapeake Bay, across to the Ohio River and so down to the Missis- 
sippi. When we get there I don't know whether we would have gone 
up stream or down stream, we might have stopped there, or gone over 
to the southern border of Kansas, or on to the Pacific, but we could not 
dictate if we had been unsuccessful. It would have been for the suc- 
cessful to dictate, and for us to accept, and they might not have been 
willing to have accorded so much of what is now our common country. 
Take it at what I apprehend would ha\e been the verj' best, and Avhat 
would have been the consequence? Beyond this dividing line would 
have been an embittered, hostile and angry population. Our southern 
brethren with all of their friends, and they are many, have their faults 
and we have ours. They are somewhat arrogant and over-bearing, and 
they would have had no kindly feelings towai'ds those who had come 
to wrest from them their every right. We on our side would have felt 
deeply grieved that our country was dismembered, and our nation 
destroyed, our govei'nment perhaps lost. Again, our northern brethren 
did not and do not yet entertain the same views in regard to our reve- 

380 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 381 

niie system that the northei u people do. They are more free traders 
than we are here. We would have had to establish custom houses to 
prevent smuggling from one side to the other side. What more? If 
we had failed and they had won, then slavery would have existed in 
all their portion of our country, and men whom God made as He made 
us, would have been sold as cattle in the market to-day. Naturally 
these enslaved men would have sought to escape and cross the upper 
Potomac or the Ohio River, and in the summer season the water is 
low and in winter often bridged with ic^, and the escape easy. There 
would have been no fugitive slave law. Strangely perhaps but 
naturally, notwithstanding, the slave would have sought to escape and 
go to our side to what they thought to be, and what the soldiers during 
the war thought to be God's countnj. What would have been the 
result? Border warfare, resulting in general warfare, aud a struggle 
begun after a time by either side to conquer wholly the other. From 
all that, and the miseries aud loss of life, the loss of pi operty that 
would have resulted from a war of that kind, we are saved, and to-day 
thank God we are one people, our country is an undivided Avhole, and 
our southern brethren are becoming reconciled to what they now sec 
was for their best interest, although they did not so then believe. Now 
these consequences of failure have been saved to us by the dead who 
died to save them. Should we not then reverence the memories of 
those who are dead, aud be grateful to those who are living? Let me 
say a word to the soldiers who hear me. You carry with you a great 
deal of the unwritten history of the war. We have a history of the 
movements of the army, and the history even of the regiments, but 
the great unwritten history of how the soldiers lived in camp, how 
they endured hardships aud many anecdotes of the war of the life of 
the soldier you have with you, and you will carry them with you to the 
grave. Why not save them? There are thousands of anecdotes in the 
minds and memories of Iowa soldiers, which if saved in durable form, 
would tend to show the lads of to-day, and those yet unborn, what 
the life of a soldier is. Let me relate to you a single anecdote brought 
to my mind of Col. John Scott. He was in command on the west bank 
of the Mississippi river, and the east bank was in command of another 
officerwhom I do not remember. News came to the officer in command 
on the east side of the river, that an extensive raid was to be made upon 
him, and that he intended to abandon his post, and advised Scott to 
do the same. There was no raid, and the result was that Scott was 
court martialed aud of course was in trouble. At that time I hap- 
pened to be Governor of your State, and he had written me two or 
three times, and he now wrote me a letter in this way: 'Dear Gov- 
ernor: If you know any man in Iowa who is sure to be damned, who 

has no possible chance for salvation, I wish you would send him 
down to me, for I have more chances to swear here than any man 



382 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

ought to have, who has any chauces in the hereafter." I thought 
over the matter and I could not think of a man in Iowa who was 
in that unhappy condition. The only men I could think of who 
Avere in that condition, were the men who were engaged in the gold 
room in New York. Now here you men know hundreds of these 
anecdotes, and if you would only write out, preserve and send them to 
your Historical Rooms here, they would be worth a great deal more 
than many that are written. Thej' would teach what the life of a sol- 
dier is, and that is what we ought to know. A word more and I will 
relieve you. In these daj's much is being done to reconcile the some- 
what embittered feelings between the northern and southern people, 
and it is being done successfully; I am glad of it. We ai'e to-day the 
same people, our future must go together, and the sooner that the 
feelings engendered by the war can be laid aside and more kindly feel- 
ings prevail instead, the better. But there is one thing I Avant to say 
to you. I want you yourselves never to forget, whether citizens or 
soldiers. I want you to teach your children and teach them to teach 
their children and their children's children to the end of time, that in 
that fierce struggle that cost you so mucli, that you were right anil 
they wei'e wi'ong. Never forget it! Never! They believed they were 
right, they were earnest and sincere in believing that they were right, 
but they were wrong. And now, good bye. 

At the annual fair of the Iowa State Agricultural Society 
in 1882, Gov. Kirkwood was selected to deliver the annual 
address which he did as follows: 

Fellow Citizetis : — I shall not attempt to teach the farmers of Iowa 
who hear me, how to raise crops and cattle; they probably think they 
know more on these subjects than I do, and perhaps they are right in 
so thinking. I propose instead to call their attention to some matters 
connected Avith their pursuits, Avhich in my judgment touch their 
interests and the interests of all our people as well. It goes, or should 
go without saying, that agi'icultui'e is the leading interest of Iowa, 
is that interest on which all others depend. 

I have procured from the Executive Depai'tment of our State a 
statement shoAving the portion of our population living in towns and 
cities, and the portion living in the countiy on farms; also the assessed 
A^aluation for the purposes of taxation of real and personal property 
in town and country'. 

Our population in 1880 Avas 1,634,615; of this number there lived on 
farms 1,126,577; and in cities and towns 498,028; the A'aluation of real 
estate outside of cities and towns Avas $247,156,682, and in cities and 
toAvns $66,714,222. 

Our system of assessing personal property does not distinguish 



THE LIP^E AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 383 

between country aud town property, and therefore the separate valua- 
tion of each cannot be correctly given. 

The gentleman by whom the statement was prepared, Mr. Fleming, 
for several years private secretary in the governor's oilice, gives as an 
approximation to correctness the value of live stock at $83,832,914 and 
credits the whole amount to the country, and the value of other per- 
sonal property at $40,994,486 aud credits the whole amount to the 
cities and towns, wliich is sufficiently accurate for the present purpose. 
The assessed value of railroad property in tiie Stale is $25,904,423. 

It thus appears that more than two-thirds of oiir people are directly 
engaged in farming and that more than two-thirds of the property of 
the State, counting farming lands and personal property thereon, is 
in the hands of farmers. Nor is this all that shows the greater impor- 
tance of agriculture to our State. It is beyond dispute that a large 
portion of the residents of our cities and towns derive their employ- 
ments and profits from the farmer, and mainly upon him and his labor 
their prosperity depends. 

Is evidence needed to show that? If so it is not far to t)e sought. 
If a farmer, however large his farm or his family, however much he 
may diversify his industry and his products, shall yrar by year fall 
behind, that is year by year buy more than he sells, the inevitable 
result will be debt, and after awhile either a change in his mode of 
doing business or visits from the sheriff. 

Now our nation is a large family; has a magnificent domain and is 
subject to the same conditions and the same I'esults from the same 
conduct as a single farmer. During the war for the suppression of 
the rebellion we necessarily incurred an enormous debt. Specie dis- 
appeared, depreciated paper money became abundant; speculation, or 
more correctly gambling, became the order of the day in all our busi- 
ness affairs. When the war was over this condition continued and if 
possible became worse. Speculation ran riot. Even the farmer 
became infected; farms were mortgaged at ten per cent, interest "to 
bring capital into the State," and "all went, merry as a marriage 
bell," until 1873 when the bell rang out a different peal and pay-day 
was upon us. 

During all these long years we had been buying more than we sold, 
and it seemed to many who did not undei'stand the resources of our 
country, and the pluck aud energy of our people, that immediate bank- 
ruptcy was before us. Frantic appeals were made to the govern- 
ment for aid, but the government could do but little. One thing it 
did, a very good thing. It gave us a currency based upon specie, a 
thing as necessary to the proper transaction of business as is a steel 
plow to the cultivation of our prairie soil. 

Our farmers reoo>'ered their courage and went to work again. 
When I speak ot farmers, I mean all who are engaged in the cultiva- 



384 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tion of our soil, and who win thereby the rewards that God gives to that 
honest industiy. Our southern brethren prefer to call their farms 
plantations, and themselves "planters," so be it. I care nothing for 
names and am concerned only with things. 

We raised great surplus crops of cotton, tobacco, wheat, corn and 
other grain and produced an immense surplus of provisions, all of 
which found a ready market abroad. In a few years things began to 
look better. We were selling more than we were buying. Gold began 
to flow into our country. Our silver was retained at home, and both 
metals were largely in circulation, neither of them preferred to our 
paper money and all again became prosperous and happy. 

But last year our grain crop Avas a partial failure, and during the 
winter of 1880-'81, our cattle men lost heavily by its terrible sevei'ity. 

During every year from 1863 to 1873, we had imported more than 
we exported, the excess of imports during the ten years being over 
one thousand millions of dollars, an average of more than one hun- 
dred millions of dollars per year. But, beginning with 1876, the tide 
turned. For that year the excess of exports was over $79,000,000; for 
1877, over $151,000,000; for 1878, over $257,000,000; for 1879, over|264,- 
000,000; for 1880, over $176,000,000; for 1881, over $357,000,000; an 
average of over $195,000,000 per annum. But for the first nine months 
of the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1882, the excess of exports was 
only a little over $65,000,000 a considerable portion of which if I mis- 
take not was Aviped out during the last quarter of that fiscal year. 
The value of the exports of the products of agriculture during the 
fiscal year ending June 30th, 1881, amounted to over $720,000,000, and 
was lai'ger than during any previous year in the history of the country. 
The value of such exports constituted 821 per cent, of the value of the 
exports of domestic mei'chandise from the United States for that year. 

I have been sometimes amused and sometime vexed at the almost 
total want of apprehension on the part of many intelligent men of the 
relative importance of agriculture and others of our home industries. 
I was conversing in Washington a year or two ago with one of our 
prominent public men about the business interests of the country. He 
spoke of an investment in some business enterprise, perhaps the 
amount of capital engaged in national banking in one of our large 
cities, and said the investment amounted to 150,000,000. The words 
fell from his lips as if each word weighed a ton, and he spoke of the 
men or the associations that controlled the enterprise with the degree 
of deference equal to that of a London cockney, when speaking of a 
liA-e lord. 

I laughed and said to him, $50,000,000 was quite a respectable sum 
of money, but that the poultry yards of the country produced every 
year a greater value. He appeared almost shocked, and asked what I 
meant ; I replied that our population was as much as fifty millions of 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 385 

people ; that I felt sure that we consumed per capita more than a 
dollar's worth of eggs and poultry each year ; and if so I was right in 
saying that the poultry yards of the country produced every year the 
value of fifty millions of dollars, of which he spoke with such profound 
deference. He was forced to admit that my calculation was a reason- 
able one, but I have always since thought that he regarded me with a 
sort of suspicion, as a dangerous kind of person that had not a 
proper regard for " dignities." 

In looking at many other industries we see money in large amounts 
controlled by a few individuals. In looking at the farming interests 
we see a great number of people each having a comparatively small 
amount of money, and hence we unconsciously attach greater import- 
ance to the former than to the latter. 

But let us look at the matter rightly. I have shown that the 
assessed value of farming lands in Iowa, is 1247,156,683. Treble that 
amount and you have probably a fair valuation of farming lands. 
1741,470,049. Add to this double the assessed value of live stock 
$96,645,828, and you have a total value of $838,135,877, as the farming 
capital of our State ; and behind it as owners you have a farming 
population of 1,126,587, represented by 235,313 farmers living on their 
own lands; asking no man for leave to labor,depending upon their own 
industry and enterprise, and asking nothing, but that the good God 
will give them sunshine and rain in their season, that they may reap 
the fair reward of their labor. 

Let me make this matter clearer still. As already stated the value 
of agricultural products exporitnl iu the year ending June 30th, 1881, 
was over $729,000,000. Of this ami. nut $270,000,000, was for bread and 
bread stuffs; but mark, this was the amount of excess for exportation, 
after feeding our own 50,000,000 of people. Of the total exports for 
that year nearly $175,000,000 was for pi'ovisions, tallow and living 
animals ; but again this was the excess for exportation after supplying 
the wants of our own people. And these enormous amounts are not 
"capital" so-called, but are the earnings for a single year of that 
great capital invested in farming lands and owned by the true capital- 
ists, the farmers. 

Six months ago the outlook was decidedly squally. At one time 
last spring there were strong symptoms of a panic iu Wall street. 
Gold was shipped abroad in considerable amounts. Our imports 
were enormous, our exports small. The men in Wall street whq 
employ their time in selling stocks long or short, the men in Chi- 
cago who employ their time in selling grain long or short, the rail- 
road men, the bankers, merchants, everybody was anxiously waiting, 
watching, euquiring^about what ? The ci'ops. Why ? Because 
they knew upon the goodness of the crops depended the prosperity of 
the Qpuntry. Happily for pur country it is now probable that we will 



386 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 

have a fair crop of all kinds of breadstuffs, except corn, and as that 
probability has increased, our people, in whatever calling, have 
breathed deeper and freer because they knew that the great master 
wheel of our business machine is sound and in its place. 

Need I go further to show that agriculture is the sure basis of our 
prosperity — that as the farmer prospers all other honest industries 
prosper? Some persons, basing their action on these facts endeavor to 
convince the farmer that there is necessai'ily a conflict of interest 
between the town and the counti'y. I do not so believe. I do believe 
that all legitimate callings and employments — that of the mechanic, 
the merchant, the banker, the lawyer, the teacher, the preacher, the 
railroad man, the miner, the day laborer, and all who honestly labor 
with head and hands, are essential to the welfare of our State; and 
that the interests of all, rightly considered, will work harmoniously 
together for the common benefit of all. All are parts of the great 
machine that is developing the wealth and urging on the growth of 
our State, and all the parts are necessary to its successful working. 
It is true that the farmer is the great master wheel that sets in motion 
all the other wheels ; but if any one of the number is left out, the 
machine is incomplete and will not perform its proper functions. 
If this be correct, it follows that all persons engaged in callings other 
than farming should not only act fairly with each other, but especially 
with the farmer, because upon him all depend for their prosperity. 

But are there not grounds to fear that this is not done? Let us 
look at this matter calmly and dispassionately. Formerly it was 
accepted as an axiom that competition was the life of trade; and we 
had competition sharp and active in all the channels of trade. How 
is it now? I read recently in a Chicago paper that the lumbermen 
there held a meeting near the close of August, to fix the price on 
lumber for September, and that such has been and is to be their 
custom. I do not know whether our Iowa lumbermen were repre- 
sented at that meeting, but if so where is the competition in the sale 
of lumber in this State? 

I am informed that in ne irly every branch of productive industry, 
except farming, combinations exist lo control the price of products, 
and in some cases the amount of production, and that combinations 
under various names exist amoug the workmen ifi our manufacturing 
establishments to fix the prices of labor. 

We know something, perhaps not all of the extent to which this is 
carried on by railroad companies. Now I am not prepared to say, 
and will not say that nothing but evil can result from such combina- 
tions. 

I know, or think I know, that as the risk of loss in any enterprise 
is lessened, such enterprise can be carried on more cheaply; but I 
know also, or think I know, that one of the most powerful motives by 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 387 

which meu ai'e governed is that of self interest — not that enlightened 
self interest that looks to the future as well as to the present, and 
regards the rights of others as well as its own, but that self interest 
which, feeling that it has power, will use that power for its present 
advancement and let the future take care of itself. The result of all 
this is that while the j'ield of your crops is uncertain, and the prices 
you receive for them are beyond your conti'ol, the prices of what you 
buy are fixed arbitrarily by those who i^roduce what you need, and 
may be so fixed by them with reference merely to their own interests. 

There is another subject on which I wish to direct your attention. 
A commission was organized during the last session of Congress to 
examine and report upon a revision of our present tariff, and is now 
in session. You are largely interested in the doings of that commis- 
sion. I do not believe that any tariff law that can be devised can afford 
what is called protection to any agricultural or other industry that 
produces a large excess of pi'oducts beyond what is needed for home 
consumption. Sigar can be protected for the reason that we produce 
much less than our home demand requires. But in framing a tariff 
bill you should see to it that you get fair play as far as possible. 

You are entirely willing, I take it, to give our people engaged in 
manufacturing a reasonable advantage over foreign manufacturei's in 
our home market. The difliculty is to determine the extent of that 
advantage. It should be so great as to enable our manufacturers to 
pay their employes a fair day's wages for a fair day''s work, and to 
make for themselves a reasonable profit, but not so great as to enable 
them to dispense with the closest economy and strictest business 
methods, or to enable them to extort from the consumers unreason- 
able prices, or to take from them all inducements to do what you do 
and must continue to do to compete with their foreign rivals in for. 
eign markets. It was originally a war measure, hurriedly passed to 
meet a great emergency. It has been patched and tinkei'ed till it is 
difficult to understand, and in many particulars operates unjustly on 
the great body of the i^eople. I think in its adjustment s )mething can 
be done and should be done for your benefit. I will give two or three 
instances: Under the present law a duty is levied on foreign salt, I 
have been informed by gentlemen engaged in curing meats for foreign 
exportation, that meats cured with foreign salt find better sale in for- 
eign ma: Lets than meats cured with domestic salt. It may be that 
meats cured with domestic salt, are just as well cured as if cui'ed with 
foreign salt. But we are seeking a foreign market for the surplus of 
our cured meats, and should consult, so far as we may, the tastes or 
prejudices, if you will, of those whom we seek to make our customers. 
Already, under present law, foreign salt used in curing fish is duty free, 
and I cannot understand why the men who raise cattle and hogs should 
not be placed, so far as may be, on equal footing with the meu who 



388 THE LIFE AXT) TIMES OF SAMT'EL J. KIRKWOOP. 

catch fish. Again, we slaughtei" in this country a great many beef cat- 
tle; enough to supply our home demand and an excess to export, 
bosides what we export alive. Each of these slaughtered animals fur- 
nishes a hide which brings to the seller a price. But we do not pro- 
dice hides enough at home. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, 
we imported hides and skins and other furs to the value of $37,000,000. 
and these foreign hides bi'ought into direct competition with those 
produced at home, came duty free. Would not a moderate duty on 
foreign hides afford a little protection to the cattle raisers of the coun- 
try, and enable the Government to dispense with or lessen some other 
duty that now bears hardly on our people. It may be said hides are 
a raw material to the tanner. That is true, and it is just as true that 
the leather ma le by the tanner is the raw material to the shoemaker, 
yet the tanner who makes the leather, and the shoemaker who uses it, 
are both protected. I insist that it requires as much care and skill to 
raise a good, fat steer, as it does to convert the hide into leather,or that 
leather into shoes, and the farmer who raises him is as much entitled 
lo protection as the tanner who converts the hide into leather, or the 
shoemaker who converts the leather into shoes. 

Again, some years ago at the close of the war, there was for a time 
in this State a mai'ket for flax straw. Then and since then flax has 
been raised in this State to a considerable extent, and the farmer could 
sell both the flax seed and the flax straw There were two establish- 
ments in the county in which I live, and others in other localities, 
engaged in converting strav/ into tow, for which a ready market was 
found. But after a while, as I am informed, some change was made 
in the tariff, the effect of which was to destroy the market for the flax 
low, and there has been, that since then, thousands of tons of flax straw 
rotted in the flelds of our farmers because the market was destroyed. I 
do not know whether the former conditions can be restored consistently 
with justice to other industries, but if it can be done it should be done. 

1 might go on citing instances in which your interests are in my 
opinion injuriously affected by the present tai'iff; but I have done 
enough, if 1 have directed your attention to this subject; this and the 
subject before mentioned of the prevalence of combination, instead of 
competition, deserves I think, j'our careful study. It is for you to 
determine what if anj^thing you will do about them. You may ask me 
what you can do; you can discuss these questions among yourselves, 
until you have reached, carefully considered, just and fair conclusions 
and then make them known to the law making powers of the Nation 
and State. When it shall become known in Congress and in your 
State Legislature, that the men who speak for you in those bodies, 
represent j^our views and express your wishes, and that you are in 
earnes: to have those wishes realized they will be heard with I'espect- 
ful attention. 



!rHE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 389 

\ 

You have, I am told an organization called I believe, the Farmer's 
Alliauee. 1 do not know the exteut of that organization or its purposes 
if any bej'ond its purpose to tigiit the barbed wire fence monopoly. 
The beneiit of o ganized etTort has been shown in tliat fight, and can 
be shown in other directions. If the ijresent organization is broad 
enough for the purpose, let it take up these questions and others 
directly affecting you as a class, and consider them carefully, and hav- 
ing reached conclusions, give the weight of your oi'ganization to carry 
them out. Those engaged in other industries and enterprises do so 
with telling effect. 

Especially I desire to call your attention to anotner matter which 
I perceive to be of paramount importance. I believe that persons are 
of more importance to the State than property. If this be so, it fol- 
lows, that it is of the highest importance to the State to improve as far 
as may be its citizens. We recognize this truth by the careful pro- 
vision we make for the education of all the children of the State, thus 
showing our belief, that other things being equal, the intelligent man 
will necessarilj' be a more useful citizen than the ignorant man; better 
fitted to perform the duties of his calling, whatever that calling may 
be and a better worker whatever his work may be. 

But are we not in danger of falling into the error of believing that 
education consists merely in book learning, and the still greater error 
of believing that it is below the supposed dignity of one who has? 
received what we call an education, to engage in any calling requiring 
manual labor? 

Are not our young men who attend colleges and high schools, learn- 
ing the lesson, that it is beneath their dignity and a mere waste of the 
education they are acquiring for them to engage in the calling of the 
farmer or the mechanic? Are not we older men consciously or uncon- 
sciously teaching them that lesson? If so we are not only teaching 
them false doctrine, but we are doing a cruel wrong to the young men 
who Leed our teaching and to our country as well. Stick to the farm 
young men; get what book learning you can, and then go to the farm 
and there apply your learning with your labor to that business, which 
if properly followed may not bring great wealth, but will surely bring 
self respect, competence and comfort, and will enable you to maintain 
your manly independence. 

This is not only best for you, but best for the country. The ten- 
dency in our large cities and in most manufacturing industries is to 
concentrate great wealth in the hands of the few, and leave large 
masses of people dependent for food on their daily labor, and dependent 
on others for the privilege of laboring. In those cities and these 
industries, ''capital," so-called, and "labor," so-called, are not only 
separate and distinct, but largely antagonistic and hostile. 

Witness the many strikes of the last few years, some of them accom- 



390 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

panied by violence, loss of life and destruction of property. Even 
to-day thousands of workmen are idle becaise they and their employers 
cannot agree upon ''a fair day's wages for a fair day's work." 

Each party, the employer on the one hand, and the employe on the 
other, is becomiug better organized for the contest and the feeling of 
antagonism and hostility is becoming stronger and more bitter. 

The condition of things in this direction is approacning slowly but 
steadily to that in the old world, where standing armies are main- 
tained to preserve the peace. 

Between these hostile forces friendly to each, hostile to neither, 
stands the farmer. He is at once capitalist and laborer. His capital 
consists of his farm, his stock and his tools. He cannot afford to hire 
labor except for short periods in the busy season of the year. 

The products of his labor must compete in the markets of the world, 
with the products of the poorest paid labor; of what is called pauper 
labor in the old world, that of agricultural labor, and so happily for 
himself and the country he does a large share of his own work. He is 
from his situation a true conservative. As a property holder and tax 
payer he is directly interested in maintaining peace and good order 
among our people, and the honest and economical administration of 
the government; while as a working man he must sympathize with all 
who must and are willing to gain their living by their labor. 

Viewed in this light his position is a most important one; it is he who 
in the near or distant future must stand between the capitalist and the 
laboi'er, and adjust fairly and honestly the differences between them. 
Can any education be too good for men who are to occupy this posi- 
tion? They should be men of broad and liberal views; of extensive 
and accurate information, honest, industrious, economical, enterprising 
se'f-reliant, independent, God fearing and liberty loving, tirm toholdfor 
themselves what is theirs, and willing and prompt to give to all others 
that to which they are fairly entitled. 

I have intended in my remarks rather to indicate subjects for your 
consideration than to discuss them ; to furnish a text, rather than 
preach a sermon. 

Let me impress upon you the importance of doing your own think- 
ing. I do not intend by this to advise against the consideration of the 
views of others ; but I do intend to advise you not to accept such 
views and opinions without careful examination and consideration. 

The future of our country is largely in your hands to-day, and 
will be in the future in the hands of those who may succeed you. 

MAY THEY PROVE WORTHY OF THE GREAT TRUST. 

At the annual fair held in Linn County, in 1884, Gover- 
nor Kirkwood delivered the annual address from which the 
following are a few extracts: 



Tflfi LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 391 

" There is no class of people ia all our land to whom for their own 
sake and the sake of the countr}- a thorough and complete education 
is more needful than to our farmers. 

But it is said, and I am sorry to say truly said that the sons of our 
farmers who are educated in our high schools and colleges refuse to 
engage in work on the farm and prefer the professions and other 
employments in our towns and cities. This is to me one of the most 
discouraging features of our present social condition. It results from 
various causes. The farmer's son going to our towns and cities sees 
there a mode of life that seems to him better than his own, and he 
longs to enjoy it. He sees the town residences surrounded by well 
kept lawns, shaded by beautiful trees, and surrounded with handsome 
flowers. When he returns to his home he contrasts what he has seen 
in town, with what he sees at home, and in many cases the contrast is 
far from agreeable. He sees or thinks he sees in towns, opportunities 
for social and intellectual enjoyments superior to those he enjoys at 
home, and he longs to enjoy those opportunities. He sees, or thinks 
he sees that wealth for which so many of us are eager, and beyond 
that, 

POLITICAL DISTINCTION 

for which so many of us are eager, and more easily reached from 
town than from the farm, and he longs to go where these privileges 
that to him are so alluring can be more easily won. 

If these be the causes of complaint, how may they be removed ? 
Beautify your own homes. Make them, too, attractive. It can be 
easily and cheaply done, and having done it you will find that not only 
will your children be better contented, but that your own comfort and 
pleasure will be greatly increased. 

So arrange your intercourse with your neighbors, that your child- 
ren maj' find abundant social enjoyment at their own houses, and in 
their own neighborhood. What is there to prevent any half dozen 
families from having a little social gathering of their young folks every 
week, each family holding the " sociable " in turn. Do not make it a 
burden upon the family where it is held by requiring the preparation 
of a supper or anything of that kind, merely get the young folks and 
the old folks too, so far as may be done, together for social enjoyment 
and let them all have a good time. In short, make your own homes 
and their surroundings the pleasantest place in the world for your 
children, and they will not be disposed to go elsewhere. If any of 
you who hear me are town folks, permit me to commend the same 
course to you, and you may find it more effectual than laws to guard 
your children against the temptations to evil practices, that exist 
in towns to a much greater extent than they do in the country. Show 
to your children that although great wealth seldom comes to the 
farm, a sure competence and a manly independence are far better 



392 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. klRKWOOJJ. 

than great wealth and more easily and surely attained on the farm, 
than in the city. 

It is a common, but in my judgment not a true saying, that farm- 
ing does not pa3\ I have frequently heard farmers say, "If I could 
sell my farm and go to town to live, I could live easier and make more 
money by lending my money than by farming." Let us figure a little 
on that. Say that an average farm in Iowa of 160 acres is with the 
stock and tools on it worth ten thousand doUai's. * * * .Now, take 
your ten thousand and go to town to live. Your ten thousand in 
money unless you beat the assessor will be assessed at live thousand 
dollars for taxation, and on that you will pay from two to thi'ee per 
cent, taxes, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty dollars. Your 
house rent if you should rent a house as good as the one on the farm, 
will cost you at least one hundred and fifty more. Your fuel will cost 
you fifty dollars, and you must buy everything you use for food and 
clothing. You will be fortunate if you can realize eight percent, on 
your money year by year, allowing for the time required to lend it in 
the first place, and the time it remains on hand between loans. This 
will give you eigi.t hundred dollars per year to live on, and you will 
wish to live as well as you now do on the farm. If you should happen 
to make a bad loan, and a consequent loss, your capital is diminished 
by so much and your income proportionally lessened. I tell you my 
friends the farm will pay better than that, and is all the time increas- 
ing in value. The land that was entered thirty years ago at $1.25 per 
acre, is now worth $40 to $50 per acre, and thirty years hence will be 
worth $100 per acre. 

Test the matter in another way. Give the farm a fair chance. 
Open an account with the farm on the first day of January next, and 
credit it with all you take from it for a year at current prices, your 
rent, your taxes, your fuel, your bread stuffs, j'our provisions, every 
chicken and every egg you eat, the milk and butter and the fi'uit you 
use, all that you raise and consume in the family, and that you must 
buy and pay for if you leave the farm, and add to that what you sell 
and use for outside purposes, and you will find the farm pays well. 
I say again as I have often said before, "stick to the farm young 
men." 

THE STATE WE LIVE IN. 

A reporter says "The Governor closed by paying a high compli- 
ment to Iowa, and when he finished, we are sure all his Iowa auditors 
were glad that they live in the splendid State so admirably described 
by him. He was confident that Iowa was the best State, in the best 
country of the globe. He had traveled in almost evei'y state and ter- 
ritory of the United States, and had invariably returned with a full 
belief that Iowa excelled them all in material wealth, and in its prom- 
ising possibilities. " * * * As a closing remark the Governor said : 



She life and times of samuel j. kirkwood. 393 

"If some day when we are done building railroads here, some one 
may suggest the idea of building a railroad from this world to the 
great beyond. If it is done I am quite confident that the earthly 
terminus will be located in Iowa." 

It was arranged that the Governor should make a 
political speech in the evening, and he gave his audience one 
of his accustomed plain, straight-forward, clear, logical and 
convincing discourses. One of the papers of the times said 
of the occasion: 

"It was an interesting sight at the Board of Trade rooms last 
night to behold the veteran War Governor of Iowa, the friend and 
co-worker of Lincoln, Seward, Stanton and others, 'the great ones 
long gone by,' the co-temporary of Andrew and Morton and Morgan, 
at a time when Governors of States were tried as never befoi-e or 
since; to see this vigorous i-epresentative of the heroic period of our 
country's history, standing in the presence of a younger generation 
of men; earnestly consulting with and advising them as to a choice of 
parties. Running through Governor Kirkwood's informal address 
was the great fundamental truth which the young are wise if they 
learn from the lips of age, antl not by bitter experience, that a party 
should be judged not so much by this, that or the other phase of party 
doctrine prominent at any one era of its history', as by the record of 
its tendencies and the evidence it gives of its capabilities for good or 
ill." 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Striking the Word "White" from the Constitntion — The Governor Advo- 
cates It — Reunion of Crocker's Brigade in 1885 — Letter to Belk7iapp 
— Address of Welcome — Banquet Speech to the Toast, "Ulysses S. 
QranV — Eis Estimate of Eim — Reunion in 1887 — Response to the 
Toast, "The Old War Governors''' — Reunion of the 22nd Regiment. 



During the canvass preceding the election at which a 

vote was to be taken on the proposition to strike the word 

"white" fr(<m the Constitution, and admit the colored man 

to all the rights enjoyed by his white brother, the Governor 

made speeches in favor of the proposition in several of the 

pro-slavery counties along the southern border of the State. 

In a speech made at Chariton, in Lucas Co. , he treated his 

hearers to the following : 

"As I came from Corydon here, 1 passed through some very rough, 
brushy country. As I was passing through a lonely section in that 
brush, a man stepped out by the side of the road, stopped my team, 
and demanded my money or my life. Of course I did not want to 
lose my life, and none of us you know want to give up our money. So, 
looking at the man, I concluded that if we entei'ed into a hand to 
hand contest, I might, as I am not a very small man, be able to beat 
him off, and at it we went, rough and tumble, sometimes one on top, 
and sometimes the other, with doubts as to which would become the 
victor. At this juncture, up came a negro, and for some reason he 
took sides with me, and against the other party. True, he was not 
very skillful, but he did the best he could, and fought for me, and 
between us two we beat the robber off, and he took to the brush. I 
then gathered up my lines and got into my buggy preparatory to 
coming on to Chariton. The negro looked at me and said, 'Massa, 
Is'e gwine to Chariton; I'd like to ride with you.' I looked at him 
and said, 'You're a nigger.' He replied, 'Massa, that man I helped 
you beat off has just gone into the brush, and if you drive off and 
leave me he will come back and fall on me, because I helped you. 
I'se gwine to Chariton; rd like to ride with you.' I looked at him 
again and said, 'You are a nigger,' and drove on up to Chariton. 
Now suppose as I am talking to you, that negro, having escaped and 
got to Chariton, should come into this court room, and should repeat 

394 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 395 

the story, how long would you remain to hear me? In less than tive 
minutes the house would be clear. You would not remain to listen to 
such a man! Now," said the Governor, "the negro aided us to the best 
of his abilit3% and with his aid we defeated the enemy. Now are we 
going to leave him in the hands of those whom he aided us to defeat, 
or shall we take him along with us?" 

As a father illustration of his subject the Governor said: 

"I am a farmer and keep a good many cattle, often buying consider- 
able numbers, and sometimes in buying a lot get some quite runty 
ones. Now, it is not my rule to put those runty ones into m_y poorest 
pasture lot. I give them the best feed I have, and take the best care 
of them in order that they may catch up with the others if possible. 
Now, the negro is behind us. Let us give him a chance, school him, 
and if after we have had more than three hundred years the start of 
him he gets ahead of us, in the name of God let him go.' 

This speech produced a telling effect, and after its deliv- 
ery arguments against negro suffrage in counties where it 
was delivered were completely silenced. 

Now with ''the cruel war long over/' there is nothing 
more gratifying to the old soldiers than to meet the "Old 
War Governor" at their regimental and brigade reunions, 
and it is equally gratifying to him to meet them on these 
occasions and grasp them warmly by the hand, and greet 
them with his kindly, cheerful smiles. 

At n reunion of the Crocker Brigade, held at Iowa City 
in September, 1885, Gen. W. W. Belknapp being its presi- 
dent, said: 

" It happened, ladies and gentlemen, that at the close of the war, 
some of us, myself included, had an insane desire to enter the regular 
army. In order that I might accomplish that purpose, I wrote a letter 
to Gov. Kirkwood asking him to help me. Here is the response I 
received. It is very good, and it shows so thoroughly his friendship 
for Gen. Crocker — although he ma}' not now know what he said then, 
and probably has forgotten this letter — that I propose to read it." 

It was read as follows, interspersed with some jovial 
remarks by the General: 

Iowa City, Iowa, August 1, 1865. 
Brig.-Oen. W. W. Belknapp. 

Dear General: — Enclosed find note to Secretai*y Stanton. My 
reason for not writing sooner is this: Some time since I had written 



396 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

to Gen. Crocker, that I would do anything I could to procure him the 
position of Colonel in the regular army (having ascertained that he 
desired such position). When I leceived your lelfer, I thought it right 
to inform him of that fact, and enquire whether my letter for you 
would interfere with him. I have seen so much of this thing of recom- 
mending everybody, that I have become heartily sick of it. Crocker 
answered that I ought to recommend you, and that he did not think my 
so doing would prejudice him, and I now very gladly enclose you 
letter to Stanton, hoping very sincerely it may be of service. It is but 
fair to say, however, that if but one of you could get the appointment' 
my preference would be for Crocker. 

Very truly, 

' S. J. KIRKWOOD. 

The President — I have the honor to introduce to you Hon. Samuel 
J. Kirkwood (who was greeted with continued applause an I cheers). 

After quiet had been restored, he delivered the following 
address, which was at intervals roundly applauded: 

Mr. President, Oentlemen of the Crocker Iowa Brigade: — I am taken 
by surprise; I didn't know there was such a letter in existence, but 1 
stand by every word of it. 

Our worthy Mayor has extended to you a hearty welcome to our 
beautiful University City. The good people of our county generally, 
have honored me by assigning me the very pleasant duty of greeting 
you in their name, and on their behalf, bidding you a hearty Avelcome 
to their midst. They bid me to say to you that they feel highly hon- 
ored by your presence, and deeply grateful to you for the great service 
you and your gallant comrades have rendered to them and our country 
and the world at large, by showing to all men that a Government " of 
the people, by the people, and for the people," is not only the best 
Government for all its citizens that the wit of man has j'^et devised, but 
that it has the power, the will, and the courage to maintain itself 
against all enemies, foreign and domestic. 

These periodical reunions of the soldiers of the Union army have 
an importance and a use beyond the pleasures derived by the soldiers 
themselves from their joyous meetings with their old comrades, in 
which they recall the incidents of the camp, the march and the b^tle, 
and they ''fight their battles o'er again." 

It is now over twenty years since the war of the rebellion closed, 
and during that time there have grown up to the years of manhood 
and the duties and responsibilities of citizenship, very many young 
men, who, when the war broke out, were mere lads or babes unborn, 
and to whom necessarily the war, its causes, its vicissitudes, its days 
of defeat and gloom, and its days of victory and i-ejoiciug are matters 
of history and not of experience; and these reunions bring before 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 397 

these young men and others still younger more vividly than can be 
done in any other way, the dangers, the hardships, the labors and suffer- 
ings of yourselves and your comrades, living and dead, in our and their 
behalf, and impress upon us and upon them more fully than can be done 
in any other way, the deep debt of gratitude we and they owe to you. 

But time is telling upon you and upon all of us. "The boys," as 
we in times past Avere so fond of calling you, and as you were so fond 
of being called, are daily becoming older and less in numbei". Year 
by year the roll call on this side of the davk river shows fewer "pres- 
ent for duty,'' and year by year the roll call beyond that river shows 
the rapid increase of those who are there to greet each other and the 
"old commander" who has left you and joined them. 

During your time of fiery trials circumstances brought me in some- 
what close connection with you, and I trust that you Avill believe that 
within the time of my duty, I did the Ijest I could for you and for the 
cause for which you did so much. Will you permit me to suggest that 
in my judgment there is something you can yet do towards teaching 
the young men of whom I have spokeu, how much they owe you and 
your comrades, by showing them more fully and more clearly what 
you did and what you suffered and how you did, and how you suffered 
for them. 

The histories of the war written and to be written will tell of 
troops furnished by each State for the war, the numbers of volunteers, 
the numbers of drafted men, the numbers of re-enlisted veterans, the 
numbers of killed and wounded, the numbers who died of disease, the 
batles that were fought, lost and won, and the names of the leaders 
who achieved honor and fame; but how shall those who come after 
you learn the life of the soldier in the camp and on the march, his 
labors, his sufferings, his trials, his sports and his pleasures? In short, 
how shall they learn what it is to be a soldier in war time? this is a 
knowledge that only you have, and that knowledge if not in some way 
preserved will die with you. If at the reunions and camp fires held 
every year the stories you tell to each other and enjoy so much, of 
incidentsthat never appear in written history, could be preserved, they 
would in years to come when you shall have passed away, be intensely 
interesting and instructive to the young men who in the future may 
be called upon to do what you have done, to dare what you have dared, 
to suffer what you have suffered, to enjoy what you have enjoyed. 
Why cannot these stories be preserved? Why cannot you write out 
these stories you so love to tell and to hear, and place them in our 
State Historical Society for preservation. A sheet or two of legal cap 
paper will pi-eserve a tale that in the distant future will excite the 
smiles of those now unborn, and will stir them in their day to emulate 
for themselves and their successors the deeds that in our day you have 
do?i^ for us 9,nd them. 



398 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Time has done and is doing much to soften the bitter and angry 
feelings engendered by the war and that in some degree still live. It 
is the duty of every well wisher of his country to do what he properly 
may to advance this desirable end. But there is one thing in connec- 
tion with our civil war that must not be forgotten. It was not a tour- 
nament in which the knights of the different sections of our country 
met to do battle in the lists for their own honor and for their ladies' 
favor, nor was it a prize fight in which brutal sluggers pounded each 
other for the applause of othei's as brutal as themselves, and for the 
money that went to the winner. It was a conflict of political ideas. 
that reached to the very foundations of our sj^stem of government, and 
we must never forget that in that conflict we were right and those 
against whom we fought were wrong. All of us citizens and soldiers 
should see to it that the children growing up amongst us shall learn 
that lesson, shall learn to teach it to their children, and they to their 
children, until the time shall come as it surely will come, when all our 
people shall believe that this broad and magnificant domain of ours is 
one country and only one, that our whole people are citizens of one 
great nation and only one, and when the only strife among them 
shall be as to how each shall do the most and the best to protect 
the rights and secure the happiness of all. May God speed the day! 

Again, in behalf of our citizens, I greet you; again bid you cordial 
Avelcome, and heartily pray you may live long and prosper. 

At a banquet given to the Brigade, Gov. Kirkwood was 
on the program to respond to the following toast: 

"To the illusti'ious and beloved memory of the first commander of 
the Army of the Tennessee, who at forty-one years of age was the com- 
mander of all the armies of the United States, the largest army ever 
commanded by one man, Ulysses S. Grant." 

Gov. Kirkwood' s response: 

Mr. President: — As the world grows older and' as we think wiser 
and better, we are disposed to change somewhat the standard by which 
men claimed by their admirers to be entitled to be called "great, "shall 
be measured. The time has been when with most men the only stan- 
dard of merit was success, and that remains the only standard with 
too many to-day; but the number of those who demand a higher 
standard of greatness is continually growing larger; ?iow to entitle any 
one to be called truly great, something more and better than mere 
success in his endeavors is demanded. We demand of the soldier 
whom his admirers claim to distinguish as a great captain, not merely 
that he shall have fought and won great battles, but that he shall have 
fought and won them in a good cause; not merely that he has fought 
and won, but we must know why he fought, and for what he won. We 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 399 

insist on knowing whether the successful statesman has been controlled 
in his actions by selfish ambition only, or by the higher motive of pro- 
moting the public welfare. We demand to know not merely how 
many millions the successful financier has made, but how he made 
them and how he used them; in short we demand to know what has 
been the moving cause in actions called great, and if we find it to be 
merely the gratification of a selfish ambition, not controlled by the 
desire to be of service to his fellowmen, we may be willing to say in 
each case the man has been successful, but we cannot call him great. 

Let us try by this standard Ulysses S. Grant. What manner of man 
was he? He w-as a plain, quiet, unpretending man, honest and truth- 
ful, manly and generous, self-reliant, of unyielding tenacity of pur- 
pose when his purpose has been deliberately formed; not cast down by 
failure nor unduly elated by success; but making both failure and 
success starting points for further effort. He was an ardent lover of 
his country and its institutions, and brought to its service in its hour 
of peril the personal qualities I have mentioned, and the militai y skill 
acquired by his professional education and training. He was a true 
and trusty friend, a loving and faithful husband, a kind and affection- 
ate father. I do not remember anything in the history of any man 
more touching or more heroic than his struggle during his painful ill- 
ness, to complete his history of the war, his personal memoirs and thus 
make some provision for his family, whose means had been squand- 
ered by the unfaithful management of one whom he had unwisely 
trusted. Incited by his love for his wife and children, and sustained 
by his indomitable courage and will, he fought this, his last fight, 
until his work was accomplished and then died; conquered by death, 
but victor still. 

It would be worse than idle for me to attempt a review of Grant's 
military operations in the presence of so many who fought under him. 
and by their valor and good conduct won his battles; but some things 
in connection therewith even a civilian may properly say. 

He seemed to comprehend fully from the first, that the war on 
our part must be an offensive one; that two things were necessary to 
ultimate success. The dismemberment of the vast territory held by 
the so called confederacy, and the utter destruction of its military 
power. The capture of Ft. Dooelson was important in breaking ihe 
rebel line from the Mississippi river to the Alleghanies, but was rend- 
ered more valuable Ity the capture of some ten thousand rebel troops. 
The fight on the right to prevent the escape of the garrison was as 
hard and as bloody, as that on the left to gain the entrenchments. 
Again, the capture of Vicksburg was important not only in dismem- 
bering the lebel territory, but as weakening the rebel army by the loss 
of thirty thousand veteran troops. 

The seige of Vicksburg illustrates largely some of the character- 



400 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

istics of Grant as a soldier. The place was strongly garrisoned and so 
strongly fortified as to be considered impregnable, but its capture was 
a necessity. Jt could not be carried from the front; months of effort 
to reach its rear from the north had failed, and many despaired of 
success. But Grant did not despair; his courage, his self-reliance, his 
tenacity of purpose, his unrelenting perseverance, what some consid- 
ered his dogged obstinacy, remained unshaken, and at last the daring 
plan of running the blockade of the rebel batteries with some of our 
boats, and of thus transferring his army to the rear of Vicksburg from 
the south was determined on. It was a daring adventure; its failure 
would probably have caused the capture of our army; and that, added 
to our misfortunes in Virginia might have proved ruinous. But high 
daring was needed, and never was higher daring shoAvn. The blockade 
was run. Our army crossed the I'iver and marched and fought con- 
tinually till Pemberton was shut up in Vicksburg, and his and Vicks- 
burg's capture made sure. 

The final campaign commenced in 1864; it involved the march of 
Grant from near Washington to Richmond, the march of Sherman 
from Chattanooga to Atlanta, then to Savannah, and thence thi'ough 
South Carolina to the point in North Carolina where Johnson surren- 
dered ; Hood had been left in Tennessee lo be cared for by Thomas, who 
did that duty, as he did all his duties — thoroughly; and the two great 
armies of Grant and Sherman, acting on different lines, but in full 
concert moved on until at Appoiiiattax the shell of the confederacy 
was broken, and the hearts of all loyal men leaped for joy, that at last 
the great agony was over and our Union was saved. Even the gold 
gamblers of New York suspended their dirt}' work long enough to 
listen to the singing of the doxology in Wall street. 

An incident connected with the surrender of Johnson's army to 
Sherman, illustrates Grant's manliness and greatness. Johnson pro- 
posed the surrender of his army on conditions outside of military jur- 
isdiction, and which Sherman of course submitted to the Government 
for approval or rejection. In the excitement following the assassina- 
tion of Lincoln, the terms proposed were not onlj' rejected, but rejected 
in such a way as to be extremely offensive to Sherman, and Grant was 
ordered to Sherman's army to conduct the surrender. Now, Sherman 
was the only one of our generals who was regarded as Grant's rival as 
a soldier. His previous great services in the West, his great marches 
to Atlanta, to Savannah, and North Carolina, had given him a pres- 
tige and created an enthusiasm for him almost if not quite equal to 
that for Grant. If, under these circumstances, Grant had been a weak 
man, he might have so arranged as to have himself received Johnson's 
sun-ender, and thus taken to himself the honor of being the only one 
of our generals who had received the surrender of a hostile army; but, 
thank God, Grant was not a weak man. He was a strong man, a just 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 401 

man, a manly man. His presence in Sherman's army was scarcely 
known, and Sherman had what he had fairly earned — the honor of 
Johnson's surrender. 

And so it seems to me, measuring the old commander by the better 
standard of greatness, we find him to have been au honest, truthful, 
brave man, a just, manlj' and generous man, whose services were more 
valuable to none than to those whom you aided him to conquer; earn- 
estly loving and faithfully serving his country', a soldier who fairly won 
every step in his splendid career, bj' faithful and valuable service, and 
for these reasons entitled to a high place among the truly great. May 
he rest in peace. 

At the fourth reunion of the Crocker Brigade, held at 

Davenport in 1887, one of the toasts at the banquet held in 

the evening, was "The Old War Governors," to this Gov. 

Kirkwood responded: 

I am inclined to think there is some peculiar appropriateness in 
selecting me to respond to this toast, because I think I know more 
about what the war governors did than almost any of you. It is a 
very easy thing to be a "war govei'nor" in these "piping times of 
peace," very pleasant to be cheered as you sometimes cheer me. It 
makes me almost fancy that I was a soldier, and I want to shake hands 
with you and tell you stories of long ago. But it was a very different 
thing to be a war governor in war times. One of the speakers to-night 
mentioned some of the difficulties the war governor of Iowa had to 
combat, when he entered upon the discharge of his duty. But there is 
one thing he did not have to fight against, as did the war governor of 
Indiana— "a powerful influence against war at home." Almost all 
Iowa was loyal. But you older men will remember what I am about 
to tell you. As you have been told by Major Wright, we had no mil- 
itary system. When I got word by mail from Davenport — we had no 
telegraphs or telephones in Iowa at that time — that a call had been 
made upon Iowa for one regiment, I did not know, and I could not 
find a man who could tell me, what composed a regiment. I came 
down here to Davenport and consulted John F. Dillon, one of the 
lawyers of the day, who afterward became a judge of the Supreme 
Court, and he took the statutes and read them, but they shed no light 
upon the vexed question of what composed a regiment. He did not 
know how many companies there were in a regiment or what officers 
were necessary, or how many men to a company. Suffice to say we 
conquered the difficulty after awhile, and sent forth the first regiment 
which covered Iowa all over with glory, and set an example to the 
Crocker men that was of service to them and all others who followed 
the first regiment in the field. But let me tell you we had no money 
in Iowa then, but were suffering in the throes of the financial revolu- 



402 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tion of 1857; nothing but paper money, and the only money of this kind 
we had was the money of the State bank. It was the best time for 
paying debts that I ever knew of, for after three o'clock, when the 
bank closed, if a man had any of this money and was in debt he would 
traA'el ten miles to pay it to the man he might happen to owe, for fear 
it might depreciate in value or become worthless before morning. It 
was six months from the tiring upon Fort Sumter before we received 
from the United States a dollar toward carrying on the operations of 
the war. There was no money in the State treasury. Our bonds were 
selling at ten per cent, discount before the war commenced, and if 
there had been millions there I could not have touched it without a 
law authorizing me to draw it. But there was not. So the legislative 
and executive authorities provided for the issuance of bonds to raise 
the money, and if the question of the constitutionality of this proceed- 
ing had been raised at this time, I could not have i:)roved it to be con. 
stitutional, as I had no right to do any such thing. 

A clothing house in New York very generouslj' offei'ed to take our 
bonds at seveutj^-five cents on the dollar, and pay in clothing at one 
hundred per cent, prices. I remember in the fall of 1861 with troops 
at Camp McClellan here, we had no covering for the soldiers, and had 
to beg either for the gift or loan of comforts, blankets or quilts to keep 
them warm There were some curious things done in those days. I 
had no more right to borrow money for the State of Iowa and give its 
note for it, than I have to give your note, but I did what seemed to be 
the best and only thing to be done, I gave them to the amount of 
thousands of dollars. There was not one of these notes that was legally 
worth the paper it was written on, or that could hiive been collected 
in a court of law, but the people had faith that the State would honor 
and pay these notes, and it did honor and pay them. And if it had 
not been so, our men at Camp McClellan would have had to go home 
and I could not have raised and turned out your regiments. As it Avas 
it took such a time that the people who did not go to war were won- 
dering why the governor did not do something. The clothing for the 
soldiers was made in the towns where the companies were raised- 
The cloth was contributed, and the women, God bless them, made 
the blouses and pantaloons for the men to wear awaj'. 

Sometime since I was riding on the cars to Iowa City and fell into 
conversation with a gentleman. I found out who he was and that he 
had lived in Iowa during these times, and he told me that he was pre- 
serving as a memento of the war times a premit for him to leave the 
State of Iowa and go over into the State of Illinois. I had ordered 
that no man should leave the State of Iowa to avoid the draft. Of 
course I need not state that I had no authority to prohibit anybody 
from coming in'o or going out of Iowa, but it was a "war measure," 
and spared me the ordering of a draft. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 403 

We had a great deal of trouble in many directions. I am speaking 
to soldiers now — there was a very curious and almost insane desire 
among the oflicers of the regiment for promotion. Each regiment 
had a Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel, Major, Quarter Master and some- 
times a Chaplain. Well the Captains and Lieutenants were given the 
command of the companies they raised, but the number of men who 
thought themselves capable of and qualified to fill these offices I have 
spoken of, was astonishing, and the reason I made so many good 
selections was because I had so many good men to choose from. But 
that was not all, there were a great many promotions to be made after 
the regiments were in the field. A great many of the officers thought 
they were qualified to command ai-mies, and I do not know but that I 
would rather undertake to rule Brigham Young's harem, than to 
appoint and promote officers for Iowa regiments again. 

Thei-e was a degree of impatience among our people to have this 
war brought to a happy termination, and they blamed almost every- 
bod3\ and especially the poor war Governors, because it was not done. 
And so as I said in the beginning, although it is very pleasant to be a 
war Governor now, I would not want to undertake to be one again. 

On the 22nd of September, 1886, at Iowa City an asso- 
ciation of the 22nd Iowa Infantry was formed and a reunion 
held. 

At a camp fire President J. C. Shrader said : '"Comrades' 
1 now have the pleasure of introducing to you our Old 
War Governor, who sent us out into the field and looked 
after us while we were there." 

As Governor Kirkwood advanced to the front of the 
stage he was greeted with cheers and long continued 
applause, when he said : 

Some people say there is no use of these reunions, I don't care 
anything about them, etc. Let me say you will all feel better for this 
reunion in years to come, and I think you will not allow such a long 
time to elapse without a reunion again. 

Now I propose to address you a vei'y short time. I want to hear 
short stories, and I want you to take part in telling them. If you only 
could tell publicly, the stories you tell each other it would make a 
very interesting meeting. 

I do not think man was made for himself alone. A man who does 
nothing for anybody but himself ; who works only for himself; looks 
after himself only, and cares nothing for those about him is a very 
small man. It comes to almost all of us to do something for each 
other at times, and it comes to some men that they can do much for 



404 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

other people and for the world. That was your high privilege. You 
had the chance of doing what ovu* fathers over a hundred yeai's ago 
did. You endured labor, fatigue and suffering, not for yourselves 
alone but for your country and for the world ; and because you did it 
and did it bravely and well, you are honored as you are honored 
to-day, and will be as long as you live. It was a high privilege that 
did not come to all, but it came to j'ou ; and your children and your 
children's children will feel proud in telling what you did. What 
was it you did? You showed to the world that men ai'e capable of self- 
government. You maintained order in our land, and you showed to 
those in other lauds who are struggling for what we here enjoy 
through your noble deeds, that man is capable of self-government. 

This is what you did. A portion of the people in 1860 and 1861, 
forgot that they had the right of self-government. They were dissat- 
isfied with an election held in 1860; when one of the purest, strongest 
and most unselfish men that I have ever seen was elected President 
of the United States. Instead of waiting four years they said no, we 
will rebel and destroy our government; and you men said they should 
not and they did not. All over the world eager eyes were looking to 
our country as evidence of the great truth, that man is capable of self- 
government. I do not mean to say that people sometimes do not err 
in their judgment. They make mistakes at times; but our theory is 
that if the same men who make mistakes, have the intelligence to see 
the errors that have been made and correct them, that is self-govern- 
ment. In a Government of that kind force and violence have no 
place. 

Now, is not that the whole of it ? Is not that what you men fought 
for? Was it not that which you have to hand down to your children? 
There is one thing our young men do not realize, and that is the 
importance of the thing which yoii have given them. 

I do not desire, and I think no good man would desire to per- 
petuate hostile feeling between the people of different parts of the 
country. But there is one thing you ought to do, and that is to teach 
your children and have them teach their children, that you were right 
and that the men who fought against you were wrong. [Applause.] 

Now, if I were to talk to you an hour to-night, I could not tell you 
any more. That is all there is of it in my judgment, the truth in a 
nutshell, and now with a little story I will leave you. 

When I was down attending the reunion of the First Iowa at 
Davenport, we were having a jolly good time as I hope you are hav 
ing here. In the afternoon I was present at a business meeting. A 
comrade proposed that 1 be elected an honorarv member, and a verj' 
enthusiastic one on the stage arose and seconded the motion and in 
doing so he called me the "father of the regiment." I was elected. 
During the evening of that day I was called upon to do what I am 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 405 

doing here this evening. In doing so I thanked the regiment for the 
honor, and said that I was highly flattered in having such a good 
looking famijy, so many promising boys. I also said there was one 
drawback to it, and that was I did not know how my wife would feel 
about it when I went home and she learned I had so many out-lying 
children. [Laughter and applause.] But she is a good natured woman 
and took it very kindly. Now thanking you and wishing you health, 
happiness and comfort, all of which you have richly earned and so 
well deserve. 1 bid you good night. [Loud cheers and a round of 
applaus( .] 

One of the shortest letters Gov. Kirkwood ever wrote 
was in answer to an invitation to attend the Sixth Bi-ennial 
Reunion of Crocker's Brigade. Here it is: 

Iowa City, Aug. 10, 1891. 
Col. E. H. Rood:— I will attend if my health will permit. 

Very truly, 

SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOD. 




CHAPTER XX. 

Meets Oarfield and others in New York— Makes Speeches froin there to 
Cleveland — Secretary of the Interior — The Indian Question— Con- 
sults Senator Edmunds— Ho7iesty vs. Trickery — Favors the pioor 
Chickasaw s— Kindness to Employees in the Office — Mrs. Kirkwood 
as a Cabinet Lady —As a Lady in the House — The Governor Retires 
from the Cabinet — Is made Bank President — Visits the Pacific Coast 
— Banquet at Tacoma — Makes a Speech — Mr. Butcher also Speaks. 



During the Presidential canvass of 1880 a conference 
with General Garfield, of several of the leading Republican 
politicians of the country was held in the month of August 
in the city of New York. Among them were Benj. Harri- 
son, Schuyler Colfax and S. J. Kirkwood. General Gar- 
field went from Cleveland one route, by Bufl'alo, and 
returned the other by way of Binghampton, and the con 
ferees, some fifteen in number, all returned to Cleveland 
with him on a special train, stopping at Chatauqua over Sun- 
day. They had a perfect ovation at every railroad station, 
a carpeted flat car being often the rostrum from which 
speeches were made. Governor Kirkwood spoke at Port 
Jervis, Hornelsville, Chatauqua, Cambridge and other places. 
General Garfield was so taken with the style, apt illustra- 
tions, manner and matter of Governor Kirkwood' s first 
speech, that at Garfield's request it was several times 
repeated on the way. 

He probably thought as James G. Blaine once said, 
"Governor Kirkwood, with his peculiar style of oratory, 
can do us more good than any man in this country." 

As Indiana was considered a doubtful state in this can- 
vass, at Mr. Garfield's suggestion Gov. Kirkwood was sent 
into that state to do some public speaking before the elec- 
tion. 



406 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J, KIEKWOOD. 407 

It is quite probable that this first favorable acquaintance 
paved the way for the appointment of Gov. Kirkwood to a 
place in the Garfield cabinet, of which he became a member. 

The universal verdict seemed to be that as Secretary of 
the Interior, he would prove to be ^^the right man in the 
right place." Senator Voorhees, a Democrat, declared that 
the appointment was the best that could possibly be made, 
that he had served on committees with Mr. Kirkwood and 
knew well the value of his solid judgment and the possi- 
bilities of his rare good sense, as well as the certainties of 
his strict integrity and his indomitable industry. Senator 
Cameron of Wisconsin said: "I was a member of the Teller 
Committee with him; outside of Iowa and a circle in Wash- 
ington, the people had no idea how strong a man Kirkwood 
was, and what fitness there was in his appointment." The 
press and people of Iowa were gratified by his appoint- 
ment, although it deprived them of their ablest representa- 
tive in the Senate. 

The Department of the Interior embraces a greater 
number of Bureaus, and has charge of a greater variety of 
public interests than any other, embracing Indian Affairs, 
Public Lands, Railroads, Census, Pensions, Patents, Educa- 
tion, Public Buildings and Charitable Institutions. 

It requires a small army of subordinates and clerks to 
carry on these branches of the Department, and the best of 
executive ability at its head to keep the work of them all in 
proper order. 

It had so often been said of our western aboriginal neigh- 
bors, that the only good Indians were dead ones; that it had 
almost become the general belief that it was, and still is true. 
The new Secretary thought that this could be reversed. He 
was, if not the first, at least one of the first to advocate the 
breaking up of the tribal relations, the allotment to them of 
their lands in severalty, and the bestowing upon them the rights 
of citizenship and requiring of them its corresponding duties. 



408 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In discussing ttiis subject Nov. 1, 1881, in his first 
report as Secretary of the Interior, he says: 

The Indian question, as it is called, has lost nothing of its inter- 
est or importance, and the methods by which it shall be finally settled 
are not yet fully recognized. All who have studied the question, 
unite in the opinion that the end to be attained is the civilization of 
the Indians and their final adoption into the mass of our citizens, 
clothed with all the rights, aud instructed in and performing all the 
duties of citizenship. The difiiculty lies in devising means by which 
this end shall be accomplished. 

The difficulties to be overcome are mainly these: The Indians do 
not speak, and do not wish to learn to speak our language; hence all 
business with them by the government and by individuals has been, and 
must be ti'ansacted through the medium of interpreters. Misunder- 
standings must continue to arise in the future as they have arisen in 
the past, between the government and the Indians under this condi- 
tion of affairs, and so long as it shall continue, the Indians, unable to 
carry on in person ordinai'y business transactions with our citizens 
generally or even with their agents, are completely isolated and are 
compelled to adhere to that ti-ibal relation which so greatl}^ stands in 
the way of their advancement. It is not probable that much can be 
done in the way of teaching our language to adult Indians, but much 
may be done and is being done in the direction of so teaching those of 
school age, and our efforts to extend and maintain Indian schools 
should be earnest and constant. * * * Schools should be chei'ished 
and strengthened. It is idle to expect any material advancement by 
the Indians in civilization until they have learned to speak and write 
our language, and to labor for their living, and these things to a great 
extent go hand in hand. Those of middle age and over are, I fear, 
beyond our reach. We must depend mainly upon the proper training 
of the youth. To do this we must teach them, and to teach them will 
cost money. If we really mean to civilize them, we must incur the 
expense necessary to that end. Our whole Indian policy has in my 
judgment l)een characterized by a parsimony which has borne the 
more respectable, but undeserved name of economy. We have acted 
very much as does the man who, burdened with a heavy debt, con- 
tents himself with paying the interest without diminishing the princi- 
pal. I am satisfied that in the management of our Indian affairs we 
have found, as many have in the management of their private affairs, 
that the policy which for the time being seemed the cheapest, in the 
end has proved the most expensive. When the Indian shall have 
learned to speak and write our language, to earn his own living by 
his own labor, to obey the law and aid in making and administei'ing 
it, the Indian problem will be solved, and not till then. Money wisely 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 409 

applied to these ends will be well spent; money withheld from these 
ends will be extravagance. 

Again, all the traditions of our Indians teach them that the only 
occupation for a brave is the war or the chase, and hence they regard 
labor, manual labor as degrading. We should not be impatient with 
them on that account, for while it may be curious that it should be so, 
it is, I fear, true that this opinion of this people, standing on the con- 
fines of savagery, is held by many who have reached the very topmost 
heights of civilization and refinement. Be that as it may. the fact 
remains that the Indian does not willingly engage in manual labor. 
But if he is to make upward progress — to become civilized — he must 
labor. The game on which he lived is gone or so nearly gone that he 
cannot rely on it as food, and yet he must have food. The government 
recognizing this situation has undertaken to, and does furnish a large 
portion of our Indians food and clothing, and at the same time has 
been endeavoring to teach them to be self-supporting by assigning 
them land for cultivation, furnishing them with farming tools, horses 
and harness and encouraging them to work. But two difficulties have 
attended this system, although it has met with considerable success. 
The first is, that adult Indians thoroughly grounded in the faith that 
labor is degrading, prefer pauperism to independence; that is, prefer 
to live upon food furnished bj'the labor of others to earning their food 
by their own labor; a preference which is perhaps shared with them 
by some white men. This is not true, however, with all Indians. 
Many individuals of some of the tribes are willing to work and are 
working under difficulties, but still it remains true that othei's are 
content to be and will I'emaiu mei'e paupers. 

The other difficulty in the way of making the Indians self-support- 
ing is that we have not given them a fair chance to become so. The 
titles of the Indians to most of the reservations, perhaps to all of 
them, except to those in the Indian Territory, are not such as the 
courts are bound to protect. They are compelled to rely lai'gely, if 
not entirely upon the executive and legislative departments of the 
government. The reservations set apart by law, by treaty or execu- 
tive order have been usually many times larger than necessary (if 
cultivated) for the support of the tribes placed thereon. Our people 
in their march westward have surrounded these reservations, and 
seeing in them large tracts of fertile land withheld from the purpose 
which they believed it was intended — cultivation — have called upon 
the executive and legislative departments to make new treaties, new 
laws, and new orders, and these calls have generally been heeded. 
Now it is clear that no Indian will, with good heart, engage in making 
and improving a farm, with the knowledge or the prospect that after 
he has so done he may at any time be required to leave it and "move 
on." In the case of the Indian he may have the privilege of keeping 



410 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

his home, if lie will sever the ties of kinship and remain behind hia 
tribe; but few do this. I wish to emphasize the point that we are 
asking too much of the Indian, when we ask him to build up a farm 
in the timber or on the prairie, with the belief that at some future 
time he will be compelled to choose between abandoning the fruits of 
his labor, or his kindred and tribe. White men would not do so. and 
we should not ask Indians to do so. 

I therefore earnestly recommend two things in case that the pres- 
ent number of reservations shall be maintained; First, that existing 
reservations, where entirely out of proportion to the number of 
Indians thereon, be, with the consent of the Indians, and upon just 
and fair terms, reduced to proper size; and, Second, that the titles to 
these diminished reserves be placed by patent, as fully under the pro- 
tection of the courts as are the titles of all other of our people to their 
land. I would not, in reducing the reservations, so reduce them as to 
leave to the Indians only an area that would suffice for an equal num- 
ber of whites. Their attachment to kin and tribe is stronger than 
among civilized men, and I would so arrange that the Indian father of 
to-day might have assurance that his children as well as himself could 
have a home. I would also provide in the patent for the reservations, 
that so long as the title to any portion of the reservation remained in 
the tribe, adult Indians of the tribe who would locate upon and 
improve particular portions of the reservation, should have absolute 
title to the parcels so improved by them; and I would provide against 
alienation either by the tribe of the tribal title, or by individuals of 
their personal title for a limited time. As an additional inducement 
for heads of families to take land in severalty and engage in farming, 
provision should be made to aid such of them as do so, in building 
houses thereon. The sum of $50, carefully expended by a judicious 
agent, will enable the Indian on many of the reservations with his 
own labor to build a house as comfortable as those occupied by manj 
of our frontier settlers, and much more comfortable than the lodges 
in which they have been accustomed to live; and when so situated in 
his own house, on his own land, with a beginning made in the way of 
farming, a feeling of personal ownership and self-reliance will be 
developed and produce good results. And in building houses, prefer- 
ence should be given to those who have selected land in severalty and 
made a certain improvement thereon, and the offer of such aid should 
be held out as an inducement so to do. If a liberal sum was placed 
in the control of the Indian Office every year, to be expended for this 
purpose exclusively, the effect would be excellent. A wise liberality 
in this direction would, iu my judgment, be true economy. * * * 

The tribal relation is a hindrance to individual progress. It means 
communism so far at least as land is concerned. It interferes with 
the administration of both civil and criminal law among the members 




I (k&-^^ TtVI- tt/l.dyi\A^ 




THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 411 

of the tribe, and among the members of the tribe and non-members. 
The Indians should learn both to know the law and to administer it. 
They will not become law-abiding citizens until they shall so learn. 
In my judgment it would be well to select someti'ibe, or tribes among 
those iBost advanced in civilization, and establish therein a form of 
local government as nearly like as may be to the system of county 
government prevailing in the State or Territory in which the reserva- 
tions are situated, allowing the Indians to elect corresponding county 
officers, having corresponding power and authority to enforce such 
laws of the State or Territory as Congress maj'^deem proper to declare 
in force on each reservation for local purposes. Should the experi- 
ment prove successful it would, I think, be a long step forward in 
the path the Indian must travel, if he ever shall reach full and intelli- 
gent citizenship. The ballot and trial by jury are tools to which 
Indian hands are not accustomed, and would doubtless be used bj"^ 
them awkwardly for a time, but if the Indian is to become in truth a 
citizen he must learn to use them, and he cannot learn to use them 
till they are placed within his reach. It is better to move in the right 
direction, however slowly and awkwardly, than not to move at all. 

At the suggestion of the Secretary, Hiram Price was 
made Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and it was a most 
excellent appointment. Having been one of his aids, and a 
most helpful one, some twenty years before in assisting to 
raise, subsist, equip and send to the front Iowa's volunteer 
soldiers, he demonstrated his abilities and worth, which were 
fully appreciated by Governor Kirkwood. 

Many were the hours these two faithful officers spent 
together, at times long into the night, advancing the work 
pertaining to their offices, after all the other officers and 
clerks had worked their allotted hours. 

To solve a vexed question in the mind of the Secretary of 
the Interior, during President Garfield's sickness, the follow- 
ing correspondence was had: 

Department of the Interior, | 
Washington, September 1, 1881. j 

My Dear Sir :— Thank you for your letter of 22nd ult. I have 
quietly enquired of different members of the Cabinet concerning Mr. 
Hale, and all of them who know him or know of him, speak of him in 
the highest terms. Your own opinion would satisfy me. As you say 
the President knowing him personally, of course his opinion must be 
final. 



412 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

By the way, what can be done touching the President's present con- 
dition? Should he recover, as I think he will, it will probably be some 
weeks before he can attend to any business. The appointment of a 
Commissioner of Rail Roads, and other appointments in this office, 
should be made, but cannot as matters now stand. 

Will you kindly favor me with your opinion on the following points: 

1. Does the President's condition constitute "inability." If yea, 

2. Can the President being mentally sound, declare himself unable, 
physically, to discharge his duties, and call on the V. P. to perform 
them until his recovery? If yea, 

3. Can he upon his i*ecovei'y declare the same, and resume his 
duties. 

I would answer the 1st question in the affirmative. I think an Act 
of Congress the more regular way as to 2nd and 3rd. 

It looks to me as if the matter must be met in some way, and I 
would much like your opinion on the whole question. 

Very truly, 
Hon. Geo. F. Edmunds, S. J. KIRKWOOD. 

Burlington, Vermont. 

Burlington, Vermont. | 
September 8, 1881. ) 

My Dear Sir : — I have yours of the 1st. I was sure that no one 
who knew him would say anything but good of Judge Hale. 

As to the President, I still very much fear he cannot get through, 
unless indeed, he can be got into new and more stimulating air. In 
that case I should have strong hope. I would lay a tempoi-arj' track 
right up to the south door of the White House, and run the car right 
up to it, and so have only one move. 

In regard to your three questions, I have no doubt whatever, and 
if the office were president of a corporation or general of the army, I 
do not think anyone would have any. The words of the constitution 
are as clear as the English language can make such a matter. The 
people who made the constitution had common sense, and they 
expected that those Avho were to carry on the government would also 
have it. Of course Congress can make rules of evidence of any fact 
named in the constitution; it clearly cannot make decisions conclusive 
of such a fact, other than as political recognition of one man or another 
as President, even if it can do that. But when it has made rules of 
evidence, somebody must apply them, which would leave the case 
practically where it is now. That the President is unable to perform 
his official duties I suppose all agree; if he is able he is guilty of a 
grave offence in not performing them; but every civilized being on 
the face of the whole earth knows that he is not guilty of any offense 
whatever, and that the executive duties go unpei'formed because he is 
physically unable to attend to any of them. The I'ight and duty of the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 413 

Vice-President to do the needful things pending this inability is to my 
mind absolutely clear. He does [not?] thereby become President for a 
moment. He, as Vice-President, is to perform the duties when the 
President is in a state of inability, but the President is still President, 
and would remain so if he were insane for the whole four years, and 
surely there cannot be two Presidents at once! But the only wajj^ for a 
living President to leave office is to resign or be removed on impeach- 
ment. It is absurd, therefore, to suppose that General Garfield is 
deposed when General Arthur performs an executive duty in such 
cases, or that the Vice-President can continue to perform a moment 
longer than the inability of the President lasts. When the inability 
exists, the Vice-President may do what the President cannot. Timid 
patriots at once say then, how do we know there is an inability? How 
do we know there is death? I answer. No tribunal decides it. It is 
merely a notorious fact, less open to dispute usually in mere degree 
tban is a case of inability. In this case the common sense of responsi- 
ble men must decide it for the time being, and bear whatever of peril 
there maj' be in it. If the President, being conscious of his present 
inability to do his official duties, were to say so to the Vice-President, 
and request him to act in the meantime, as a matter of delicacy, every- 
thing would be smooth, and the public Avould not get excited. In case 
the Vice-President is to act he should not take the oath prescribed for 
the President in the constitution, for he is not President, and his oath 
as Vice-President covers it all, for one of his duties and functions as 
Vice-President is to perform the President's duties in this case. Of 
course if he did take that oath it would not change his legal status a 
hair. I therefore answer all your three questions emphatically in the 
affirmative. 

In the first days of the republic congress did all it thought it well 
could in such matters by providing that the only evidence of "resigna- 
tion" should be a writing to that effect, filed in the office, I think, of 
the Secret u-y of State, (1 have not the statute before me.) Congress 
no doubt thought that formal proof of death need not be made, for 
that might leave a space of time before the Vice-President could act; 
and the same as to inability, and further consideration that it is well 
nigh impossible to lay down a rule of evidence that would be safe, or 
create a tribunal of decision. The Constitution evidently (except in 
impeachment) did not intend to give any particular body of men the 
power to suspend the President, etc. But a resignation implies a Pres- 
ident capable of exercising judgment and will, and so it could say he 
must do it by a particular form of evidence. He might not be able to 
do it in a case of inability, and even he might be unwilling to do it in 
an instance absolutely plain and urgent. So our wise forefathers left 
it as a great public fact, to be acted upon easily and smoothly in cases 
of patriotic harmony; and if other cases should unhappily arise, to be 



414 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

acted upon by the Vice-President at the peril of the guilt of usurpa- 
tion, etc., if an inability did not exist, and to be acted on (in suppos- 
able cases,) by the President at the peril of the guilt of misconduct in 
office, when he would neither do the duties himself nor allow the Vice- 
President to do them. Very trul}' yours, 
Hon. S. J. Kirkwood, GEO. F. EDMUNDS. 
Washington. D. C. 

The death of President Garfield and the reorganization of 
the cabinet by President Arthur sent Mr. Kirkwood out of 
the cabinet, after being there but thirteen months. When 
he left his seat in the Senate to take that position, he assured 
Mr. Wilson, his prospective successor, that at no time 
would he be in his way in obtaining that place. This assur- 
ance was given upon the supposition that he would remain 
four years in the Garfield cabinet. As the election for 
Senator was not to take place till after it was known, or at 
least supposed that Governor Kirkwood would retire from 
the cabinet a strong desire manifested itself among his friends 
in Iowa, that he should be sent back to the Senate, and at 
his request he was retained in the cabinet till the Senatorial 
question was settled in Mr. Wilson's favor. This retention 
was for the purpose of avoiding complications in the Sena- 
torial election making his assurance good to Mr. Wilson, 
and promoting his election. 

Upon his retirement, a newspaper correspondent relates 
this incident : 

''Within a week one of the law clerks in his office prepared for 
the Secretary's signature a decision iu a land case — deciding in 
accordance with the strict letter of the law. The Secretary went into 
the clerk's room and inquired into the particulars of the matter in 
question. 'That's the law' said the clerk, turning to the statutes cov- 
ering the case. 'That may be' said the Secretary, 'but I tell you this 
man meant trickery, and the man who iu his ignorance failed to live 
up to the letter of the law, meant honestly, and I don't propose to he p 
trickery get the better of honesty, we must iiud some other sort of 
law.' And they did — and gave honesty its just dues, and trickery its 
deserved punishment. But Kirkwood was more than an honest man, 
he was a kind hearted man. His heart was large enough to sympa. 
thize with all humanity. A delegation of Chocktaws had been in 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 415 

Washington for some time, trying to get certain favors and gra nts 
whicli would give them an advantage over the Chiokasaws, their 
nearest neighbors and co-occupants of the same reservation in the 
Indian Territory. After listening to their application the Secretary 
said: 'Are any of you gentlemen engaged in raising cattle?' Oh! yes, 
several of them were. 'Well, how do you treat your cattle ? Do you 
feed aud shelter and care for the fat and strong fellows, and leave the 
weak, poor and scrawny ones to take care of themselves, exposed to 
the weather to starve and be run over and trampled to death?' Of 
course there could be but one answer. Thereupon, the Secretary 
replied: 'These Chickasaws, you say, are few in number; they are 
poor; they haven't the money even to send a delegation here to watch 
and take care of their own interests, so we must do it for them.' Of 
all the employees in the department, none received any but kindly and 
appreciative words from its head. Young Ryan, the Irish boy in the 
Secretary's office, Avho puts the Secretary's letters into final shape 
through the 'typewriter' summed up the case in a nutshell, when he 
remarked to me with tears in his eyes: 'I worked faithfully for 
Schurz for four years, and he never said a kindly word to me, but dur- 
ing the year I have worked for Kirkwood he has never given me a 
harsh word, and never a day without a pleasant one.' All through 
the department his loss is felt like a personal bereavement. " 

The New York Tribune has this to say in regard to the 

retirement : 

" Expressions of good-will are heard on all sides in Washington, 
regarding the retiring Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Kirkwood. After 
a quarter of a ceutury of public service, either for his State or the 
nation, he carries into retirement the universal respect of those who 
have known him, or have had official dealings with him whether 
political opponents or ussociates. If he has made mistakes they are 
forgotten. If he leaves enemies, they are unknown as such. Obsti- 
nate to a fault when his mind is made up, he possesses that spirit of 
fairness which forbids rash or unjust decisions, and a keen power of 
analysis which enables him to master quickly and with rare accuracy 
subjects brought before him. This obstinacy with him has been 
accounted a virtue. * * * During his year of iucumbency of the 
Secretaryship, there has not been a whisper of irregularity in any 
branch of the department. At first he was overwhelmed by the 
pi-essure of appointment to office, a large number of newly created 
vacancies then existing in the department. These matters disposed of, 
he turned his attention to more important affairs and having no hob- 
bies to ride or pet theories to carry out, very soon mastered the work 
before him. There have been stories to the effect that the work of the 
department has been getting behindhand, but these were unfounded- 



4:16 THE LIB^E AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOI). 

Assistant Attorney-General McCammon, through whose office the 
important appeal case? and law questions come to the Secretary, says 
that never before in the same time have so many decisions been 
reached and so many vexed questions put to rest. His successor, Mr. 
Teller, is himself one of Governor Kii'kwood's personal admirers, and 
said to the correspondent of the Tribune to-day, that his predecessor's 
popularity and efficiency rendered the assumption of the duties of 
Secretary by himself a formidable task." 

A correspondent over the signature "Bessie Beech" in 
making some pen and ink etchings of the ladies of the 
cabinet has this to say of Mrs. Secretary Kirk wood : 

"Her face makes one feel kindly and happy every time it is looked 
upon. Her sweet, motherly ways, low toned, pleasant voice, mild, 
brown colored eyes and dark hair combed smoothly over her serene 
brow and countenance is full of matronly grace and goodness. We 
are sure her husband was never crossed iu his blessed life. Even his 
pet cigar is I'espected by his wife. It rests one to meet these women 
who are strong in the highest essentials of patience, prudence and the 
rich experience of a happy and complete home life." 

A correspondent of the Chicago Times, writing from 
Iowa City some six years ago says : 

"Mrs. Kirkwood is a gray-haired woman, with a matronly face and 
an expression of great amiability lighting up her regular features. 
She is quiet, domestic in her tastes, keenly sensitive in all that relates 
to her husband, and a devoted believer in his splendid abilities. The 
two seem to enjoy a perfect harmony in their lives, through a union 
of which he supplies strength, firmness, active energy, and she sym- 
pathetic appreciation, implicit confidence and an unswerving sup- 
port. " 

Within a few months after Governor Kirkwood left 
President Arthur's Cabinet, he was made President of the 
Iowa City National Bank, which position he held for six 
years, dividing the labors and salary of the office with the 
vice-President, Mr. Geo. W. Lewis, when his absence or 
health did not permit him to perform them himself. 

In the summer of 1883, Governor Kirkwood and Messrs. 
Dutcher and Gilkerson of New York were appointed Com- 
missioners on the part of the Government, to examine and 
report upon the construction of an additional 45 miles of the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 417 

California and Oregon R. R., then being constructed between 
San Francisco and Portland, Oregon, by a corporation who 
had a grant of Government land for that purpose. The 
Governor added pleasure to business, taking his wife with 
him on his extended trip, going out by the Northern Pacific 
from St. Paul to Tacoma, thence to Portland, returning by 
way of San Francisco over the Central and Union Pacific 
roads. 

Being met after his return home by a newspaper corre- 
spondent he said : 

"I want you to say this through the Tribune, that I very heartily 
wish that the young men of the East who are rushing to Europe for 
their summer recreation, would instead turn their direction westward 
and take the trip I have just taken. I met some young men from 
New York who were making the trip, and they found it preferable to 
transatlantic travel, not only for sight seeing in the real grandeur 
of nature and a delightful climate, but for observation of localities 
which present tine opportunities for the application of muscle, and 
brains, and capital, in the development of the grandest and richest 
country on the globe, and the accumulation of wealth as well." 

When at Tacoma on the 3d of August a reception was 
tendered by the citizens of the town to Mr. C. B. Wright, 
a member of the party, an eastern capitalist who had by his 
energy and means during the last decade, done much for the 
development of the country and the building up of the town, 
in the expenditure of his money. 

After the address of welcome and the response, Mr. 
Dutcher and Gov. Kirkwood were called upon for speeches. 
Gen. Sprague, the master of ceremonies, in introducing Gov. 
Kirkwood, said: "Gov. Kirkwood was the War Governor 
of his State, and as I know there are several Iowa soldiers 
here to-night, I am sure that their hearts will warm at the 
sight of their old leader and protector." 

GOVERNOR KIRKWOOD 'S SPEECH. 

Mr. President, Ladies and Oentlemen: — I am at a loss to know what 
to say to you cu this occasion, seeing that I come among you a total 
stranger. When I met my good friend Mr. Dutcher at St. Paul, I 



418 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

remarked to him that his education had been sadly neglected, as he 
had never been west of the Mississippi river. [Laughter.] I look upon 
this Great West as the great center of the education of the people of 
this country. Not, of course, in the matter of mere book learning, but 
in that which makes book learning practically available. Let me make 
myself understood. East of the Alleghany mountains we have a large 
population and much wealth. The two extremes, the northeast and 
the southeast, are somewhat divided in habits, manners and customs. 
Boston, the center of the northeast portion, pretends to a higher 
degree of culture, and its people claim to be possessed of a much 
greater degree of polish than we western folks can pretend to. They 
come, however, to us and get educated west of the Mississippi river. 
You must know that the true Bostonian sun rises behind Plymouth 
Rock, stops for a time over Faneuil Hall in Boston, and sets near the 
mouth of Hoosic Tunnel. But when we get a Bostonian out here, 
knock a little of the nonsense out of him and rub the varnish off, we 
find him to be made of true, tough, solid libre underneath and to be 
by no means a man of veneer. He turns out a pushing, energetic and 
useful citizen. 

Let us look at the other side for a moment — I mean the Virginian. 
He believes the sun I'ises at the head of Chesapeake Bay, pauses and 
takes off its hat as it passes Mt. Vernon where Washington died, and 
sets somewhei'e on the Kanawha river. He is troubled with the idea 
that all the Virginians are of the very first families. After he comes out 
here among us western people and gets his hair cut, we soon succeed 
in convincing him that we here are all of the best families. By and 
by he, too, gets the nonsense knocked out of him and he develops into 
an honest, earnest, hospitable man. You are all awai'e that some time 
ago they were a little olf color. But now they have come back again 
and are behaving themselves very decently indeed. 

This Great West I regard as the grand college, the university where 
the great subject taught is common sense. But this is not all we do 
here. Let us look for a moment at what else is being done. In the 
country where I live, which I wish to remark is the finest State in the 
whole Union, [laughter] though I am free to own that Washington 
Territory when it has become a State may equal it, we have represen- 
tatives of all the master nations in the world. We have Norwegians, 
we have Danes, we have Swedes, we have Scotch, Welsh, Irish, Eng- 
lish, French, Hollanders, (of whom my friend Mr. Dutcher is a speci- 
men), Germans in all their various families, and Bohemians; and yet 
we live in peace, order and quietnt ss. When they come to us in 
middle age we cannot make much impression upon them. But their 
children grow up with ours, go to school with thoni, fall in love with 
them and mai'ry them, and the result is we are building up a new race 
which I hope will have all the good qualities of their mixed ancestry, 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 419 

and we hope to be able to strike out all their bad qualities. We are 
rearing the typical American, the Western Yankee if you choose to 
call him so, the man of grit, the man of nerve, the man of broad and 
liberal views, the man of tolerance of opinion, the man of enei'gy, the 
man who some day will dominate this empire of ours, which will in 
the coming years embrace the whole of this North American Conti- 
nent. [Applause.] 

This is what I mean by calling it the great educational center of 
the country, and to-night I see before me, unless I greatly mistake, 
good material to begin Avith. You must have had energy, courage and 
enterprise to have left your homes in other countries and States to 
have come here to face the trials and difficulties attendant upon settle- 
ment in a comparatively new country. 

Man is possessed of physical, mental and moral qualities. By 
exercise and use we develop our physical strength, and the same is 
true of our mental and moral powers. The use of them makes us 
robust and strong, whereas non-use weakens and dwarfs us. There is, 
of course, no fear of the weakening of the mental powei's of you here 
present. 

I suppose you all came out here after the almighty dollar, [laugh- 
ter] a pursuit which tends greatly to mental acuteness and power. 
But does it ilevelop the best part of man's nature? I do not believe it 
does. It is not difficult to develop our moral qualities, with special 
reference to oui'selves; only those must be developed which look to 
the interests of our neighbors. If they are not, that part of our moral 
nature of which they are a portion will be infallibly dwarfed. 

You have before you to-night a commendable example of the equal 
and well regulated development of both the mental and mora) quali- 
ties of his nature, in the man whom to honor you have assembled hei'c. 
He has passed an active business liie and amassed gi'eat wealth, but he 
has not been forgetful of tiie fact that this wealth imposes duties upon 
him, and those duties he has performed. Thus he is filling out a well- 
rounded life. 

East of the Alleghany mountains the only idea of a well-balanced 
man which the people have is one who parts his hair in the middle. 
[Laughter.] I need hardly say that this is an erroneous opinion. The 
well-balanced man is developed all over, is not lop-sided. By care- 
fully developing your mental, moral and physical qualities, not 
neglecting or doing injustice to one or the other of them, you will 
attain not only success in life but happiness as well; in short, you wid 
come very near being Wright. [Laughter and loud applause.] 

]VIr. Dutcher was then introduced and spoke as follows: 
Mr. President, Ladies and Oenllemen: — I thank you heartily for 
this opportunity of mingling with you on the occasion, when you are 
gathered together to show your feelings of respect, love and honor to 



420 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Mr. C. B. Wright. I must acknowledge it is somewhat embarrassing 
for a plain Dutchman like myself, [laughter] to be called upon so sud- 
denly to speak upon matters of vital importance. My friend, Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood, the man of large and varied experience, has given 
you such an amount of good advice, that I think 1 will hardly venture 
anything in that line. I have to admit that I come under the class of 
Eastern well balanced men, so facetiously mentioned by him, for 
(stroking his bald head) my hair is very much parted in the middle. 
[Laughter.] I would like, however, to make one slight correction in 
the description which the President gave of me. I am not a lawyer, 
nor the son of a lawyer, but only a plain Dutchman, whose education 
has been neglected, for I was never until now west of the Mississippi 
river. I thought Governor Kirkwood had an idea that the sun rose 
out of the Mississippi river, passed over the Capital city, and set on 
the western border of Iowa, and that his education had been neglected, 
but when he mentioned his belief that Washington Territory might 
yet equal Iowa, I was satisfied that I might be mistaken. I shall carry 
home with me most pleasing recollections. Our journey over the 
Rockies, down the Columbia to Portland, from there to the neighbor- 
hood of the California boundary and then back to reach this point, 
has given me memories which I cannot, and would not if I could, 
forget. I have seen considerable of the country, and my impressions 
have been in every instance of the most pleasiug description. Not 
only have we been all pleased with the coast, but we have formed the 
highest possible opinion of the euerg3% perseverance and thrift of the 
men, and of the beauty, health and grace of the women. [Applause.] 
The Governor and myself being as you see, boys, have come to the 
conclusion that we cannot do belter than settle down here and grow 
up with the country, and I doubt not Mr. Gilkerson will soon make up 
his mind to follow us. [Laughter and applause.] The great work 
now carried to completion in this grand inter-oceanic highway, con- 
sidered in connection with the difficulties that had to be surmounted, 
few of us here can appreciate. In times of war we hear of great 
generals who snatch victory from the very grasp of defeat ; who rally 
the shattered and fugitive forces, and by the example of their own 
personal courage and bravery turn into conquest, what threatened to 
be an utter and iri'etrievable rout. We have heard of gallant soldiers 
who did not know when they were whipped, and it is well that poets 
should sing their praises, and historians hand down the record of their 
noble deeds as an example to future geneiations. We can measure 
the courage and nerve needed to perform such deeds as these, and we 
can appreciate at its true value the individual bravery of the soldier 
and his leader, who braves and overcomes what wears all the appear- 
ance of certain defeat. We can admire the heroism of the officer, 
who, at the head of his column, dashed forward with the shout, 



tHE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAJIUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 421 

"Come on, brave boys, let us I'etake the lost positions." But let uie 
tell you it is far harder to estimate the courage needed to seize on a 
tinancial wreck, and by consummate energy, judgment and determi- 
nation make it again seaworthy. There is nothing harder to restore 
than the confidence of a capitalist when once it is shaken. In the 
words of one who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject by long 
experience, "There is nothing moi*e cowardly in the world than a 
million of dollars, unless it be two millions of dollars." Thei"e is 
nothing so timid as capital, and when a man has achieved such a 
triumph as to restore forfeited confidence in such a gigantic enterprise 
as the Northern Pacific Railroad, and by dint of energy and mature 
judgment carries that enterprise to a triumphant completion, there is 
no material too enduring, and no monument too costly to serve as a 
memorial of his merits. Mr. Wright, when capitalists had lost all 
hope, put his shoulder to the wheel, laid broad and deep the founda- 
tions of this grand work, and then a gleam of the light of hope 
shone upon it, the enterprise prospered as if by magic, and now that 
its completion is virtually an accomplished fact, it is pleasant for us 
to meet him on such an occasion as the present, when such a large 
and representative audience is met hei-e to do him honor. * * * * 
A man has no conception of this countiy, of its vast area, its glorious 
diversified scenery, or the practically boundlessness of its resources 
until he leaves the Atlantic Coast, crosses the Alleghany mountains, 
passes through Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa, over the Rockies into 
this very Garden of Eden on the Pacific Coast. I entirely agree with 
Governor Kirkwood in his opinion, that until a man has made this 
journey his education is not complete. * * * This grand country 
of mountains, rivers, highways and harbors — this land of colleges, 
churches and common schools the strength of our great Republic 
[applause] is ours. We have a people full of charity, benevolence and 
liberality, and in speaking of their greatness, the vastness of their 
wealth which finds a channel through their charity and liberality, we 
are to remember that to the working man we owe much, very much 
of it all. The hai'dy son of toil is the very backbone and strength of 
the country. But in saying this we are not to forget to do justice to 
the capitalist, who by industry and sagacity, has amassed wealth, and 
who, at the critical moment, throws it all into the balance, risking it 
all to save a great enterprise, and thus enabling labor to accomplish 
conjointly with capital what it never could have attempted without it. 
The results of all this great work are ours, for they have become 
identified with this glorious country which is our inheritance. 

Ours by the patriot's holy love, 

Ours by his deathly throe; 
Ours by the starry flag above, 

Ours by the blood below. 



422 THE LIfE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Ours by the freeman's titled deed 

To the land of liberty; 
Ours for the freeman's sacred creed, 

Ours for humanity. 

Ours from the placid Western sea, 

To the Emei'ald Eastern slopes; 
Ours by our fathers' history, 

Ours for our children's hopes. 

Ours from the North lakes crystal waves 

To the silvery Southern foam ; 
Ours by the changeless right of graves, 

Ours for the lives to come. 

Ours by the homes that deck the land, 

Ours by the pathways trod, 
Ours by the ages' stern demand, 

Ours by the gift of God. 

[Prolonged applause.] 




CHAPTER XXI. 

Interviewed in San Francisco— The hidian Question Again— Favors 
Blaine for President— Takes the Stump for Him— Is Nominated for 
Congress — Accepts — His Letter of Acceptance— Hiram Price for Him 
— Speech at Muscatine. 

When in San Francisco, Gov. Kirkwood was met by a 
representative of the Chronicle, who drew this pen picture of 
him, and to whom was accorded an interview: 

"S. J. Kirkwood, Secretary of the Interior under President Garfield, 
who arrived in the city from the North on last Thursday, is a com- 
fortable looking man of apparently 60 years of age, though in reality 
he is almost 70. He wears plain clothes, constructed on liberal allow- 
ances for a figure but little under six feet, weighing about 180 and 
which tends but slightly to corpulency; the face is full, benevolent, 
intelligent with rugged, expressive features and framed by gray gal'- 
ways. The forehead is high and square, and does not extend to the 
back of the neck, as the ex-Secretary has still a good growth of iron 
gray hair. The gentleman seems to have an aversion to all kinds of 
ornament, for on his portly person the only thing that appi'oaches 
jewelry, is a steel waich chain. Unassuming as his clothes, so are also 
his manners, and when a Chronicle reporter called upon him he 
accorded an interview most readily. 'Don't ask for news, for I have 
none,' he said, 'I came through a country where such a thing is not 
known, and have not had a chance to read the papers in order to see 
how the world is getting on.' 

'Have you read the account of Sheridan's new Indian policy in con- 
nection with the President's visit to the Shoshone Reservation, in 
to-day's paper?' 

'No I have not.' 

'But you have opinions concerning the oft-mooted plan of transfer- 
ring the Indians to the War Department?' 

'Well yes, I have had something to do with the Indian policy of the 
country, and can't very well deny that I have formed certain ideas, 
One of these is that the ai'my ought not to be charged with the guard- 
ianship of the Indians. You see the end and aim of every Indian 
policy must be to make civilized people out of the savages. Now that 
can be done only by teaching them to work. But the Indian is not a 
born worker, and it is difficult to make him do that. He is a hunter, 
and a warrior. He knows nothing of personal property rights, except 



424 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

in connection with his arms and his ponies. The avowed policy of the 
Interior Department has been to ti'ain him and teach him by confid- 
ing his management to people from whom he can take an example.' 

'Has not the example been a failure?' 

'Pretty generally 1 admit. We have succeeded in making paupers 
out of the Indians, by trying to help them, and paupers are the most 
difficult class of all to reform. The worst thing you can do is to help 
a man who can, and won't help himself. The Interior Department is 
supposed to have furnished examples and opportunities to initiate 
them only, but in reality it has gone much further. If the change to 
the War Department is made, the endeavors to make workers out of 
the red men will cease of themselves. The army officers will tell the 
Indian that he must work, and the Indian will ask in return, 'Why 
don't you work?' 'Oh! we are soldiers and warriors,' our noble men 
of the army will reply, 'And so are we,' the red men will say and that 
will end it. The army can make targets out of the Indians, but it can't 
turn them into agriculturists.' 

'Then do you think that the Interior Department has been success- 
ful in its policy and management.' 

'No, I won't say that. As I have already said, a great many of the 
Indian tribes have been effectually pauperized. Some tribes however 
have been reclaimed and have becomed fairly good citizens. The 
success of the policy depends a great deal upon the agents, some of 
whom are good and some are very bad. But I am satisfied that the 
War Department will never solve the Indian question, unless it solves 
it with powder and ball, which would be more of a dissolution than a 
solution.'" * * * 

The interview covered the Land Grant question and the 
question of corporations in politics which were fully dis- 
cussed and concluded with: 

" 'Do you think the monopoly issue will enter largely into the next 
Presidential canvass?' 

'Well no. Both parties are committed to the doctrine of corporate 
control. I think the taritf issue will be far more important. People 
feel pretty strongly on that question in the east. The anti-monopoly 
question has not j'et developed far enough, to come to the front, though 
I think it would come fast enough if the railroads were as arrogant, 
grasping and unjust in the east as they are said to be here. ' ' ' 

The nomination of James G. Blaine as a candidate for 
President on the Republican ticket in 1884 was most .stratify- 
ing to Gov. Kirkwood, as he believed him to be the best 
selection that could have been made, and he took the stump 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 425 

in the advocacy of his election, making speeches to large 
audiences at Muscatine, W^ashington and various other places 
in the State. 

The following is a partial report by the Muscatine Journal 
of the speech made at Muscatine: 

"Mr. Mahin introduced Gov. Kirkwood as our esteemed and dis- 
tinguished War Governor, the pei'sonal friend of the lamented Garfield 
and the Senatorial and Cabinet associate of James G. Blaine. 

"Gov. Kirkwood began his address with the statement that the United 
States will in November next elect a President, and he was here to 
give one of his 'plain talks.' During the day he had A'isited the 
extensive saw mills and lumber j'ai'ds of the city, and this thought 
occurred to him. Suppose this whole great lumber interest of the city 
was to be xiluced in the hands of a single superintendent and two can- 
didates for the position appeared, VV. J. Young, and a smart young 
lawyer or doctor of the town. Would anyone hesitate as to the one 
which should be appointed? No matter how intelligent or active the 
latter might be, he certainly could possess no qualilication equaling 
those of Mr. Young, whose years have been devoted closely, consecu- 
tively and successfully to this business. His superior fitness and train- 
ing over his younger and inexperienced rival would be readily appar- 
ent to all. 

"The choice between Cleveland and Blaine is a parallel one. This is 
a great country, with fifty-tive millions of people, vast resources and 
boundless possibilities. It collects and disburses annually a revenue 
of four hundred millions of dollars. It requires years of study and 
effort and a great mind to compi-ehend the duties of Chief Executive. 
Compare Cleveland and Blaine in this respect. Scarcely six months 
ago Cleveland was comparatively unknown. He had been sheriff of a 
county, and in tilling those duties he insisted on pei'sonally performing 
a disagreeable duty, that would bring on the country, if he were elec- 
ted, the reproach of having a hangman for a President. He had been 
promoted to Mayor of a city, then to Governor of a State in time of 
peace, and that is all. It is said of him that he has never been in the 
city of Washington, nor west of the city of Cleveland, O. [Laughter ] 
'Why bless my soul,' continued the speaker, in a burst of pleasant 
zeal, 'he has no complete education. [Continued laughter.] No man 
has who has not traveled the length and breadth of this land and 
grasped an idea of its tremendous extent. Cleveland never served in 
any legislative body.' 

"If vou want a watch repaired do you go to a blacksmith? — no mat- 
ter how much more brains he maj' have than the jeweler who makes 
that his trade. If you want a horse shod, do you go to a jeweler?— no 



426 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

matter how much more learned he may be than the blacksmith? You 
apply to that man who has made that work his business and has 
knowledge and capacity therefor. Blaine is a statesman by long prac- 
tice and experience. You cannot read the history of this country for 
the past twenty years — twenty years of our greatest National pros- 
perity, without reading the history of James G. Blaine. He began 
political life in his own State, and was Speaker of the popular branch 
of the General Assembly, and afterwards sent to Congress as repre- 
sentative to the United States Senate, and finally appointed to the 
cabinet of President Garfield. He has twenty yeai's of training in the 
very direction necessary to make an able President. Even his bitter- 
est enemies concede his great ability. 

"The speaker served with Blaine in the Senate four years, and 
became with him a member of Garfield's Cabinet, and he therefore 
spoke from experience. He alluded feelingly for a few moments to 
the close friendship and daily inteixourse of the cabinet during the 
President's long illness. He personally knew Blaine to be an honest 
man, and he defied anyone to successfully controvert the assertion. 
The speaker citing his own record and confidence always placed in 
him by the people of Iowa, solemnly assured his hearers of his great 
admiration for and perfect trust in Blaine, who was eminently fitted 
to take charge of the affairs of the nation. 

" 'Mr. Blaine,' he said, 'was not a saint, and the man who smites 
him on the one cheek is quite likely to get his response 'straight from 
the shoulder.' He has brains enough to have convictions, and cour- 
age enough to announce those convictions and to stand by and defend 
them. He has also that higher and better courage that enables him to 
see and admit the fact, when in error. He does not seek controversy, 
neither does he shun duty. In every fibre of his being he is an Ameri- 
can, [prolonged applause] and he believes in making this country the 
greatest, strongest, richest and best nation in the world.' 

"It is charged that Blaine is a reckless man and may drive this 
country into ruin. This cliarge is entii'ely unfounded. 

"The speaker here read extracts from British newspapers to show 
that the chief fear across the ocean is that Blaine's policy Avould build 
up American commei'ce to the detriment of that of Great Britain, and 
that what Americans most want foi'eign couiiti-ies least desire. He 
showed how the trade of this country with South America passes 
through English channels, when it should be carried on direct. 'We 
should do nothing to u])hold British trade, when they do nothing to 
advance our commercial interests. " 

"The speaker then took up tl e Democratic platform and showed that 
the clause favoring American continental interests was a bold larceny 
from the Republicans. 

"Just after Blaine's nomination the'Democx'acy began abusing him 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 427 

for his South American policy, until they saw the effect on the masses 
and then they suddenly dropped their opposition and cunningly stole 
that very plank and put it in their own platform in order to catch 
votes! 

"The Democratic platform also favors 'free ballot and a free count.' 
This, also, is the very lieighth of impudence, in view of the notorious 
pex-versions of the ballot box by that party in the South. We know, 
and they know we know, that South Carolina, Mississippi and Louis- 
iana would be Republican to-day with 'a free ballot and a fair 
count.' The speaker was a member of the Teller Investigating Com- 
mittee four years ago, and spoke from actual knowledge. He spent 
weeks in New Orleans and Charleston personally and officially inves- 
tigating the frauds, and found that the elections had been a perfect 
farce. Voters were prevented by all sorts of means, including mur- 
der, from expressing their preferences at the polls. He related how 
the colored minister Fairfax had to be smuggled to Washington by 
this thus humiliated National Committee in time of peace, in order to 
give him personal safety while giving important testimony. The 
Democi'atic platform simply lies! 

"The method of voting by tissue ballots was next explained, the 
speaker folding a slip of paper and illustrating minutely just how it 
was done, and how judges avoid abstracting the tissue ballots when 
more votes are found in the box than there are names on the list and the 
excess is reduced by drawing. In one pi'ecinct the committee found 
six hundred more votes had been returned than there were voters! 

' 'But for these Southern outrages and tissue ballots, the Republicans 
could not only carry the three States named but would have a fighting 
chance in Alabama, Florida, North Carolina and West Virginia. 

'The tariff plank of the Democratic platform was referred to, but 
the speaker confessed his inability to tell what it meant. The plank 
just suits all classes of Democrats, Protectionists and Free Traders 
alike. It was made by a committee embracing such Free Traders as 
Watterson of Kentucky, Morrison of Illinois, and Frank Hard of 
Ohio; and such ardent Protectionists as Randall of Pennsylvania, and 
Converse of Onio, The plank is ridiculously insincere and unreliable, 
and honest voters should not allow themselves to be caught with such 
chaff. 

"The Republican platform speaks squarely against polygamy in 
Utah, that foul blot on our country's honor, but on this vital point the 
Democratic platform is silent. 

"Young men were advised to study the history of the two great 
political parties; to remember the war and the sacrifices of thousands 
of brave lives in defence of our country; to note that every single 
measure for putting down the rebellion and reconstructing the 
affairs and finances of the country was violently opposed by the 



428 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Democracy; that the latter had been tireless in their attempts to 
secure amnesty to rebel leaders and the traitors of the war, and that 
the only two great measures they had ardently favored since they 
obtained control of Congress in 1874, were to restore Jeff Davis and 
Fitz John Porter to the full favor of their countrymen. [Continued 
applause.] 

After devoting a few moments more to the tariff by request, in 
which he argued logically the right and the duty of the government to 
impose taxes on imports, to discriminate as to what articles should be 
admitted free or taxed, and to take other proper measures to protect 
American labor and American industries, the Governor thanked his 
large audience, which dispersed amid music by the band and a preva- 
lence of satisfaction over the address." 

During the political canvass of 1886, Judge Hayes having 
been nominated for Congress in the Second Congressional 
District, T. J. O'Meara, who had been a Democrat was put 
in nomination for the same office by a convention of the 
Knights of Labor, and as the district was overwhelmingly 
Democratic, many Republicans thought it best not to make 
any nomination, but to endorse the nomination of Mr. 
O'Meara. The Republicans of the district in their Congress- 
ional Convention divided upon this question, those in favor 
of making a Republican nomination issued an address to the 
Republican voters of the district, and placed in nomination 
Samuel J. Kirkwood. That nomination was accepted by 
him in the following letter: 

Iowa City, Aug. 30, 1886. 
Eon. J. C. Shrader, 

Chairman Republican Congressional Committee. 

Second District of Iowa: 

I have read with much interest and care the address of the commit- 
tee appointed by the convention of which you were chairman, explain- 
ing the unfortunate division of opinion that arose in the full convention 
and results in its divided action. 

The address does not seek to excuse or apologize for the action of 
that portion of the convention over which you presided, but boldly, 
but temperately justifies it. I fully concur in the reasoning and the 
conclusion of the address that those over whom you presided consti- 
tuted the Republican convention, and therefore I address you as its 
chairman. The failure of the full convention to nominate some 
Republican as its candidate, was, in my judgment, a failure to execute 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 429 

a highly important trust, a failure to perform a plain or imperative 
duty, a failure, the effect of wliich avouIcI have been to taint the good 
name of the Republican party with the bad odor of bargaining and 
trickery. I squarely deny the right and the power of a political dele- 
gate convention to compel its constituents either to lose their votes or 
to cast them for one not of their political faith. What would be 
thought of a Presbyterian synod that should elect as its representative 
in a Presbyterian General Assembly a Methodist presiding elder or 
bishop? I regx'et only that the necessity of the situation seemed 
finally to require my nomination. But some Republican was required 
to take up the burden, and as the choice fell upon me, I accept it 
cheerfully with whatever of responsibility may attach to the act, and 
shall do the best I can to justify the choice. 

There are three candidates in the field, the Republican, the Demo- 
cratic and the Knights of Labor candidates. But when we look 
beneath the sui-face are we not justified in sayiug that there are but 
two policies involved, the Republican and the Democratic? 

What has been for the last quarter of a century the unpardonable, 
because the unrepented political sin of the Democratic party north and 
south? In the South it took form in the substitution of force and 
violence, of war and bloodshed in the place of argument, discussion 
and the ballot to rectify a supposed wrong in the election of Abraham 
Lincoln. In the North it took form in labored apologies for, and half- 
hearted justification of the course of the South, in efforts in some way 
to compromise a condition of affairs that did not admit of compromise. 
The vital principle of our form of government was involved, and that 
is. that men are capable of self-government; that where as in this 
country all male citizens are allowed to vote, they have intelligence 
enough to know how their welfare may be best promoted, and honesty 
enough to do what their intelligence dictates should be done. All 
admit, that at times grave errors may be committed, even great 
wrongs done, because men are human and fallible; but the earnest 
believer in man's capacity for self-government insists that the same 
honesty and intelligence, and honesty of purpose which may at times 
be misled, will eventually, after argument and discussion, discover 
where errors have been committed or wrongs have been done, and 
will gladly rectify and correct them. 

If this is not true then our system of government must prove a 
failure, and he who in whatever interest or for whatever cause seeks 
to accomplish political ends by force and violence instead of argument 
and discussion and a free and fair ballot box, whether he so intends or 
not, strikes a direct blow not only at our system of government, but 
at the very found ition on which it rests. As I have said this fatal 
mistake of substituting force and violence for argument and discus- 
sion, has so saturated the Democratic party north and south, that it is 



430 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

practiced by that partj' in some of the States, and is justified or excused 
in others, and heuce Republicans oppose and must oppose them. The 
truth is that the Democratic party has been utterly unable to compre- 
hend the great question growing out of the election of Mr. Lincoln, 
the war that followed, the reconstruction of the rebel States and the 
financial questions resulting from all these. It has contented itself with 
opposing and obstructing all the Republicans have endeavored to do, 
and have, in a measure, happily accomplished; and when something 
has been done they declared could not be done, or ought not to be done, 
they have generally when the thing was done, with more or less grace 
"accepted the situation" and sometimes claimed the credit of the act. 
But what, say the friends of the candidate of the Knights of Labor, 
has all this to do with us? Let us see. 1 have not the pleasure of a 
personal acquaintance with Mr. O'Meara. He is said to be a reputable 
gentleman, whom any of his supporters would be willing to acknoAvl- 
edge as a fair representative of their character and respectability; 
without this they ought not to support him. But what does he stand 
for politically? What do the Knights of Labor stand for politically? 
And much more important yet, and by what method does he and the 
great organization of Knights propose to accomplish what they stand 
for? They are endeavoring to absorb various other labor organiza- 
tions that have hitherto been independent of, and to some degree 
hostile to them. Before that can be accomplished it will be necessary 
for them to reconcile the wide dift'erence existing in their own organ- 
ization, and between them and those they seek to absorb, and until 
that shall have been done, no one can know what he endorses when 
he affiliates with them. Their professions of political faith have thus 
far come from small sections of the ordei-, and these have beeu on 
many points vague and indefinite, until this year, as I understand, 
they have discountenanced political organization and action. Now 
they are organizing for political ends, entering the political field but 
with divided counsels and discordant action. In this district they con 
sent to affiliate with us if we consent to abandon our organization and 
endorse their candidate. In the seventh district they march bodily 
into the Democratic camp. They have a perfect right to do these 
things, but they must not be surprised if thoughtful men hesitate to 
act with them, until they know more of their purposes and especially 
of their intended methods of accomplishing their purposes. As to 
their methods, so far as publicly shown, they are very unsatisfactory. 
Mr. Powderly and his adherents in the order advise orderly and 
peaceful methods in general, but claim somewhat vaguely that in case 
of "emergency" other methods may be necessary. What emergency? 
Mr. Irons and his adherents inaugurated and earned on a strike at 
and southwest of St. Louis during the current year, and we all know 
the methods then pursued. All admit their right to strike, but not 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 431 

content with that they resorted to force, violence, riot and bloodshed, 
and for weeks the entire business of a large section of country was 
completely paralyzed by their action. A recent strike in Chicago has 
shown the same methods, but to a less extent. The Republican party 
cannot either directly or indirectly endorse such methods, and until 
the Knights have agreed among themselves as to what they want and 
how they propose to get it, it is not only prudent but imperative that 
we abstain from endorsement of or affiliation with the ordei'. 

One of the strangest features of the contest in this district is the 
eagerness with which certain members of our party endorse Mr, 
O'Meara. They have an intense dislike amounting to hate of Mr. 
Hayes, and they seem to think there is nothing important in the con- 
test except to defeat him. They have been for the last two years past 
shouting themselves hoarse with denunciations of force and violence, 
rioting and murdering in our own State, but all of that has occurred 
in Iowa in two years is but a moderate gale compared to the tornado 
that swept over St. Louis during the recent strike there, and yet they 
appear not only willing to endorse the latter while continuing to 
denounce the former, but to denounce as not good Republicans all 
who do not join in with them. 

I cannot and will not join with them. Republicanism, in my judg- 
ment, is not a mere temporary thing, but is to stand so long as our 
system of government shall stand, and in my judgment they will go 
down together, if go down they must. Republicanism stands for equal 
and exact justice to all men, for "the equality of all men before the 
law," for argument, discussion, open public discussion and the ballot, 
as opposed to force, violence, rioting, murder and rebellion, and so 
believing I am for Republicanism. The Republican party has done 
more during the thirty years of its existence for lal)or and the labor- 
ing man than any other political organization here or elsewhere has 
done in a century. It has done more for the cause of good order and 
the general welfare of our country, and for government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people, in this and other lands, than was 
done by any other party in a century, and it is continuing its good 
work slowly but steadily. It must move slowly because it moves on 
sixty millions of people, and sixty millions of people move slowly in 
time of peace. It has made mistakes because it is composed of fallible 
men, and has not always been able to correct its mistakes. But it is 
at times discouraging to find men who seem to think that whatever 
shall not be accomplished while they live will never be accomplished, 
blaming it for not having done more although it has already done so 
much, and deliberately planningin some of the States its destruction in 
the vain hope that they will build up a better and stronger organization. 

But I must bring this letter to a close. I intended a text, I fear I 
am giving a sermon. 



482 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

I think all who know me intimately, know that I not only did not 
seek your nomiuation, but consented reluctantly to accept it, if offered. 
It has been offered and I accept it, and I shall do mj' best to make the 
canvass a not wholly defensive one. But I must have help, and I call 
upon every man in the district and out of it, who believes as I believe, 
to be up and doing. Especially I call upon you young men who were 
unborn or babes or mere lads when Republicanism had its birth, to 
examine these matters carefully. I am making the fight not for myself 
but for you. I am tighting for that which your fathers fought for, 
and for that which you should see to it that your children shall enjoy. 
With your help the battle may be won, but be the result what it may, 
I shall feel I have done my duty. If your fathers had fought only 
when they were sure of victory, our late war might have ended 
otherwise than it did. There are worse things in this world than defeat 
in a good cause, and one of them is the knowledge that defeat might 
have been victory, if each man who desired victory had done his best 
to win it. 

Very truly, 

S. J. KIRKWOOD. 

Hon. Hiram Price who had previously represented this 
district or a part of it in Congress was written to in regard 
to his support of the "Old War Governor" for Congress, and 
in reply, after discussing fully the condition of affairs in the 
district, says in conclusion: 

"The Republican party has not only saved the nation politically 
and financially, but has been during all the years of its existence the 
firm and unswerving friend of the laboring classes, as a proof of which 
I point with pride to the tens of thousands of poor men throughout our 
countx-y, who now own their own homes and farms, through the opera- 
tion of the homestead law, given them through the action of the Repub- 
lican partj- and which the Democratic party, though in power for fifty 
years, failed and refused to do. 

"And now what of the standard bearer chosen by the Republicans to 
lead in the fore front of their advancing columns? Is it possible that you 
gentlemen who addressed to me those letters, could have any doubt as 
to my position? Don't you know that Gov. Kirkwood and I have been 
fast friends for more than a quarter of a century? Don't you know 
that I know he is one of the most clear-headed and honest-hearted 
men that Iowa can boast of? Don't you know that I know, that no 
man can serve the Second Congressional District better, and few as 
well as he can? Why, of course you know all these things, and must 
know that I am for him; he being the standard bearer of the Repub- 
lican party. 1 know him better than you do, and thus knowing him I 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 433 

am for him. I don't pretend that we always agreed upon all questions 
but we came as near it as any two men you can find who do their own 
thinking. I only wish that all the anti-Hayes men could be united on 
him, and thus send a man to Congress who would be a credit to the 
Second Congressional District." 

The Illinois Peoria Transcript under the caption, "What 
kind of a man he is, and what kind of a campaign he makes," 
says: 

"Sam Kirkwood has gone about his canvass for Congress in the 
Second Iowa District with that sound common sense that is his great- 
est trait. He says that there are gi-ave doubts about his being elected. 
This shows his shrewdness as politician, as well as his rugged honesty. 
He was chosen to lead a forlorn hope, and he doesn't disguise from 
himself or his friends the prospect of defeat. He indulges in no loud 
mouthed assurances that he knows he cannot be sustained by a calm 
recount of the possibilities. Shrewd, Honest Old Sam! There is more 
hard meat underneath the skull of his exterior, than there isinadozen 
of your soft shells, who mistake noise for argument, and self-confi- 
dence for ability. Blaine once said of him he would rather have Sam 
Kirkwood on his side before a Maine audience, than any public speaker 
he knew, because of his knack of pleasing and instructing the common 
people." 

On the 24th of September Gov. Kirkwood opened the 
canvass in a speech made at Davenport, of which the follow- 
ing is a report. Hon. Jas. T. Lane introduced the speaker, 
who was greeted with round after round of applause, which 
assured him that he was a most welcome guest. When 
silence was restored he said: 

Mr. Chairman and My Felloiv Citizens : — In my letter accepting 
the nomination of the Republican Congressional Convention, I tried 
to show, and think I did show, that voters in this district who profess 
the Republican faith cannot consistently with that faith support either 
the Democratic or Knight of Labor candidate. 

The reason assigned for this opinion Avas, that both these partie§ 
had shown by their acts, which speak louder than words, that they are 
willing when discussion and the ballot fail to accomplish their ends, 
to resort to force and violence instead; that force and violence to 
accomplish political ends have no proper place in our system of gov- 
ernment, and that any party using or adAOcating or permitting the 
use of such means, should not be trusted. 

I understand as such acts of the Dempopatic paity the great civil 



434 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

war through which we passed at such enormous cost of life and ti'eas- 
ure, and the present denial of the right of suffrage to a large body of 
qnalitied voters in some of the States that were on the wrong side in 
the civil war. The rebellion against the verdict of the ballot was 
inaugurated and fought to the bitter end, by what was then the dom- 
inating element of the Democratic party; and the right of suffrage is 
to-day I'efused in some of the States to persons as lawfully entitled to 
its exercise, as we are, by the same element that again dominates that 
party. But it is now said that it is wrong to allude to these things at 
this day; that the war is over; that allusions to it only tend to per- 
petuate sectional strife; that all such allusions are in the cant phrase 
of the day, "Waving the bloody shirt." 

Let us try to understand this matter. There was a right side and 
a wrong side in that bloody contest, was there not? Was not our side 
the right side, and if so, why is it wrong to say so? 

If we were not in the right, then you soldiers instead of fighting 
that "Government of the people, and by the people, and for the people 
should not perish from the earth, "were the willing tools of a base 
tyrant, and were trampling in the bloody mire of inanya well fought 
battle field the aspirations of brave men, struggling tobe free; which 
was you doing? But it is again said all this is past and gone, and all 
north and south are now agreed that we were right and they were 
wrong. Let us see; why do we erect statues and monuments in honor 
of the men who fought so bravely for the Union? Why do we go 
yearly to our cemeteries to decollate the graves of those of them who 
died so bravely for the Union? Why do the survivors hold the fre- 
quent reunions which they enjoy so much? Are not these things intended 
to, and do they not successfully teach to our young people that the 
cause for which their fathers fought was a just and holy cause? Now 
our southern brethren ai"e erecting statues and monuments in honor 
of the men who fought so bravely to destroy the Union; they go yearly 
to the cemeteries to decorate the graves of their dead, who died to 
destroy it; they have reunions of the survivors of their soldiers who 
doubtless enjoy themselves as you enjoy yourselves. Now if these 
things, done among us have the effect of keeping alive the fire of 
patriotism that burnt so brightly twenty years ago, what must be the 
effects of similar acts done in the States lately in rebellion? I do not 
say that these things done there are intended to teach their young peo- 
ple that the cause for which their fathers fought was a just and holy 
one, but must it not, and does it not produce that effect? 

May we not learn something on this point by considering the 
enthusiastic ovation given to Jefferson Davis in his recent triumphant 
journey from Alabama to South Carolina? I submit whether it is 
wise and safe to trust with the control of our government, a partj'^ 
whose dominating element now is the same that it was twenty-five 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 435 

years ago, and that to-daj^ depi-ives our and their fellow citizens of the 
ballot, to keep themselves iu power. Will the Union soldiers who are 
Democrats permit a suggestion? Your voice if unitedly raised should 
be aud would be i^otential in Democratic councils; why can you not 
send as delegates to the next Democratic National Convention, a num- 
ber of yourselves, representative men to say to that body, this in sub- 
stance: "We insist for the welfare of our country and our party that 
our platform shall declare that the citizens occupying all our States 
and Territories are citizens of owe nation, and not merely citizens of as 
many independent sovex'eign nations, as there are or may be States in 
the Union; that the paramount allegiance of each citizen is due to the 
national government, aud not to the State in which he may live; that 
the attempt of citizens of one or more States hereafter to dissolve the 
Union by force is treason." Is not this what you fought for? If so 
should you not stand bravelj^ for it with the ballot, as you did with the 
liaj'onet? Concede to them freely that they believed they were right, 
and fought for their belief as bi-avely as men could light; but having 
appealed their cause to the final great court of battle, over which God 
himself presides, and the judgment having gone against them, they are 
in honor bound to submit to that judgment and admit their error, and 
to say for themselves and their children and their children's children; 
that the case is closed forever. Have you not the right to ask this, 
and is it not your duty to ask it? And when this shall have been 
done, and what you sti'ove so bravely for has been made sure, will it 
not be time for us to forget what we have so long since forgiven? 

But why don't you talk to us of the present and not of the past, 
you say? I reply I know of no better way of determining what shall 
be done at the present, or in the future, then by a careful study of the 
past. But taking your narrow view of the present my Democratic 
friends, what is there to say? For eighteen months past you have 
had full possession of the Executive Department of our national gov- 
ernment, and have had such power in the legislative department that 
nothing could be done without j^our consent; how do you like the 
result so far? 

What were the party cries upon which you wdu the election in 1884? 

You were told of the large amount of money held uselessly in t e 
treasury, to the injury of the public, aud told if you were placed iu 
power, the Democratic administration would have it paid out on the 
public debt, aud the financial pressure on the people relieved. Months 
passed during which time the amount of money in the treasury kept 
steadily increasing, and none of it was so paid out. About the time 
Congress met the mutterings of discontent became so ominous, that 
the Secretary of the Treasury felt compelled, very reluctantly, t0 3'ield 
dnd commenced payment of the public debt. But so suspicions had 
his party friends become of his earnestness in the matter, that a bill 



436 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

was passed in the Democratic house taking from the Treasury Depart- 
ment the discretionary power under which Republican administra- 
tions had paid more than lialf our great debt, and making the con- 
tinued paj^ment of the debt compulsory. They were unwilling to 
trust their own administration with the discretion conferred upon 
Republican administrations. The Republican Senate concurred with 
the opinion of the House in the policy of continued payment of the 
debt, but willing to trust the administration further than its own 
friends in the House were, amended the bill giving large discretion to 
the Secretary of the Treasury, the bill went back to the House, the 
amendments wex'e agreed to, and the bill went to the President for his 
consideration. What did he do? He did not veto the bill: had that 
been done it is almost certain it would have passed both Houses over 
his veto, but availing himself of his constitutional right to hold a bill 
for consideration for ten days, he held it until Congress adjourned 
before the ten days expired, and thus killed it by what is known as 
the pocket veto; and then as soon as Congress adjourned, the Treasury 
Department began to call bonds for payment with almost prodigal 
haste. The almost contemptous treatment of Congress by the Presi- 
dent would be amusing if it were not startling. 

Until the President was inaugurated, a little over eighteen months 
ago, he had litei'ally no experience or training in national public 
affairs. There are in both houses of Congress gentlemen of both 
political parlies, who have had such experience and training for many 
years, and yet in some of his very numerous veto messages he lectures 
Congress for its carelessness and inattention to its business, with 
greater freedom than I felt at liberty to use towards my scholars when 
teaching in my young days in the country school houses. 

You will remember my Democratic friends other cries used to 
induce you to vote for "reform;" you were told and retold and told 
again, that every department of the government was corrupt. This 
was told, and told, and told, until you heard and read it, got to believe 
it, and perhaps some of those who printed it and told it, got to believe 
it. You were told that it was absolutely necessary that the Democrats 
should "have access to the books," so as to lay bare the enormous 
stealings that had been going on under Republican rule. We told you 
truthfully that for eight of the then preceding ten years the House of 
Representatives had been Democratic; that it had at each session a 
standing committee for each of the seven departments, whose special 
duty it was to examme the expenditures of the department for which it 
Avas appointe<l. and that such committees had either failed to perfo:m 
their duties, or had not been able to discover any important wrong. 
But you paid no heed, and the cry rang loudly through the land, "Let 
us see the books." 

Well you have had the books for eighteen months, and have counted 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 437 

the money aud what have you found? You have found the money all 
in its place, aud the books all right. Do you really like to be hum- 
bugged? Aud the more you are humbugged, do j^ou the more trust 
those who humbug you? What is the condition of your party to-day? 
Ou what great question of public policy do you agree among your- 
selves? You are widely and hopelessly at variance on the tariff queis- 
tion. Mr. Randall, leading one section of your party, and Mr. Morri- 
son leading the other, have so antagonized each other in a strongly 
Democratic House, that this great question during a long session of 
eight months has not been acted upon. 

You are as hopelessly divided as to the money we shall have to 
carry on the vast business of the country. The President and the 
Treasury Department are fully committed to the Wall street idea that 
Ave shall have no legal tender money but gold; while a large portion, 
if not a majority of j'our members of Congress are in favor of an 
unlimited coinage of silver; what good can be hoped for from a party 
so hopelessly divided against itself? 

When the election was over, and you found to your surprise you 
had elected your Pi-esident, you did agree ou one thing, ' 'To the victors 
beloug the spoils," 3'ou turned your back upon pledges given before 
election, that if successful you would carry out in good faith the 
law of civil service reform. Your President was disposed to keep his 
word, and j'our pledges on that subject, and j'ou i-emember the cry of 
surprise and anger that went up all over the land in consequence, and 
the curses both loud aud deep that accompanied that cry. 

Your parly are bargaining and dickering with every faction in the 
laud; greenbaekers, labor organizations, prohibition, anything and 
everything to catch votes and gudgeons; some of whom seem quite 
willing to be caught for a consideration. I do not say these things to 
make you angry; it is very hard work to convince an angry man, aud 
ni}' wish is to convince j'ou that the Democratic party has outlived its 
usefulness, that it has become a mere aggregation of discordant and 
couiiicting factious, aud further, that the proper thing to do is to leave 
it and join us. 1 ask you this in all frankness and with all kindness. 
Think it over in the same si^irit. 

In m}' letter of acceptance 1 tried to show, and I think I did show, 
good reasons why the Republican party could not endoi'se the Knights 
<i[ Labor party. We do not know yet just what it wants to do, or how 
ii proposes to do it. If its methods of how to do it are fairly shown by 
liie methods employed in the street car strikes and railroad strikes at 
St. Louis, the street car strikes in New York, and the strike against 
tlie Lake Shore Railroad, and the MeCormick Reaper works recently 
in Chicago; then its methods are methods of lawlessness, violence and 
rioting, and these the Republican party cannot wisely endorse in my 
judgment, and I think it is not only your right, but your duty to ask 



438 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Judge Hayes and Mr. O'Meara whether they will do so, and that it is 
your right and duty to have answers to your questions. 

The Republican party is for peace and good order, because peace 
and good order are essential to the well being of the country; it pro- 
poses to accomplish its ends by argument and open discussion and the 
ballot. It invites the closest and sharpest discussion of all proposed 
laws and all existing laws; to the end that new laws may be wisely 
made if made at all; and existing laws wisely amended if amendment 
be needed. 

I like to say what I think, and I do not like to see a man who is 
afraid to express his convictions. A man should have the courage to 
say just what his opinions are. This district especially and the Slate 
in general is interested in the building of the Hennepin Canal. I have 
for years favored the work, and should do ah I could to accom- 
plish that end. Two interests would be affected by the building of 
this canal; one the railroads. Now I am a friend of the railroads; they 
have their rights and should be protected, but should not be upheld 
when they ask for more than their rights. We should remember that 
raih'oads are run for the country, and not the country for the rail- 
roads. When this canal is built it will interfere somewhat with the 
railroad companies, but they will have the vast Territories of the west 
and northwest, beyond us to and from which to transport grain and 
passengers, and never need fear but that the money invested will give 
a fair return. But when the progress of the country requires new 
works to be built, they will be carried out and existing corporations 
and establishments must content themselves and succumb to the 
requirements of a country's progress. What attention was paid to the 
stage coach when the railroads were built? Millions of dollars were 
invested in coaches and horses, but they had to look out for themselves 
the progress of the age required railroads. 

And now I wish to say a little on the labor question. You com- 
plain that no one does anything for you, that you do not have a fair 
show. Now I ask if the Republican party has not done more for labor 
than any other political party or parties have done for it in the entire 
preceding 3'ears of the existence of this nation V When was there a 
time in the history of our government when the laboring man was as 
well situated as he is to-day? Further west you will find thousands of 
laboring men, owners of tine farms that they never would have owned 
in the world, if it had not been for the homestead law, passed by the 
Republican party. [Loud cheers.] The Republican party has worked 
the only miracle that I have known of in my life, by elevating four 
millions of human beings from a condition of being mere chattels, to 
the position of being men and women, whose rights were recognized 
by the laws of the land. Why did the labor oi'ganizations strike? 
Was it because the fare was too high, and the freight rates too heavy? 



TKE LlFfi AND TI\tF.rt OF SAMUEL J. KtRKWOOD. 439 

Did they strike because the railroads charged too much? No, they 
struck to get shorter hours, and higher wages. Did they strike to 
build railroads or to reduce the price of raw materials to manufactur- 
ers, or to reduce the price of goods to consumers? No, but in their 
strikes they forgot to consider where the consumers and merchants 
and farmers come in. They are certainly wrong when they assume 
to legislate for themselves, and do not consider the effect on all people 
in branches of business different from their own 'as one portion can- 
not prosper at the expense of othei's without wrong. 

Not Joug ago my frieu'ds came to me and inquired whether or not 
I wanted to go to Congress. I asked myself, do you not want that 
honor; but I thought I had had honor enough. I have been three: 
times Governor of this great State of Iowa, and do not want addi- 
tional honor. My friends said in times gone by, you wanted us to 
vote for you, and now we want to use you and want you to let your- 
self be voted for [Cheers.] I felt it my duty and accepted the nom- 
ination. I don't like a mean man, and one who will not be accommo- 
dating, as there is nothing in my judgment more contemptible than 
ingratitude. But don't misunder.stand nle; I want to be elected. * * 

In this district you want to hire a man to go to Congress. [Cheers.] 
Well, that is about the size of it. There are three gentlemen from 
whom you can choose. Of Mr. Hayes and O'Meara I shall say nothing 
and modesty prevents my speaking at length about the third. You want 
a man who will represent the intelligence andcharacter of the people of 
this district. Tliat fact I think you know. You may choose between the 
three men, but I wish to say modestly, to the contrary notwithstanding, 
that I think I till that part of the bill. [Tremendous applause.] Some 
gentlemen inform me that I am too old to go to Congress, and deli- 
cately hint that I am in my second childhood. I have an opinion on 
that subject that I do not intend to express, while others tell me that 
the experiences I have had in the Congress of the United States, and a 
brief experience as a cabinet officer would give me an advantage over 
my competitors. I have an opinion on that subject also which I intend 
to withhold. [Cheers.] You must make up your minds to this fact 
however— an election is not like a base ball game or a regatta. It is 
business. It is a matter that affects the welfare of every man in the 
country. That is what an election is. How many of us go the polls 
asking nothing but "which is my party ticket? " No matter who he is 
or what, you ought to go a little deeper than that. If it should be 
your good pleasure to send me I will go, and I will do for this district 
and State and country the best I can with what knowledge and ability 
God has given me. Men may promise to do more, but they will cheat 
you in the end. With many thanks for your kind attention I will bid 
you good night. 



440 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

The district was very thoroughly canvassed, the Governor 
addressing good-sized audiences in nearly every large town 
in it. 

The election resulted in the choice of Judge Hayes, he 
having received 15,279 votes, Mr. O'Meara, 8,602, and 
Gov. Kirkwood 8,'009. 

*This was the last political canvass in which Gov. Kirk- 
wood took an active part. He would undoubtedly have 
engaged in the Presidential one two years later, as his inter- 
est in public affairs had not abated, but his health would not 
permit of his engaging in public speaking. 



*lf all the anti Hayes votes had been cast for Governor Kirkwood, he would have 
been elected by 1,832 majority. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Did More Public Speaking Than Anyone Else in Iowa— Character as a 
Speaker— As a Man— Blaine's Estimate of Him— Birthday Anni- 
versaries Observid- Always a Friend and Promoter of Education— 
An Epitome of the Exploits of Iowa Soldiers— Kirkwood and Pusey 
in the Senate in 1858— Visit of Old Friends, September, 18^2- 
Those Present— Those Who Wrote They Wanted to be— Speech by 
Judge Geo. O. Wright— Letters Bead from Hiram Price, Samuel 
Murdock, Jacob Bich, B. D. Kellogg, Judge Woolson and B. F. Que 
— Speeches on the Lawn— Gov. Kirkwood as a Poet. 

For a period of thirty years — from 1856 to 1886 — almost 
the life time of a generation of men, no man in the State had 
done more public political speaking, or discussed more 
elaborately the great questions of the times than Gov. Kirk- 
wood, and crowds always gathered to listen to him, and he 
never wearied an audience, no matter how long was his dis- 
course. He always secured the attention of his hearers from 
the first and held it to the last; he seemed to have almost a 
magic power over them. 

As a speaker he was never what is termed "florid or 
eloquent." Flights of fancy, figures of rhetoric, or highly- 
colored pictures of the imagination he never indulged in; but 
cogency of statement, purity of diction, perspicacity of style, 
directness of purpose, clearness of comprehension, perfection 
of analysis and aptness of illustration, were qualities he pos- 
sessed in an eminent degree. He always labored to enlighten 
the understanding and convince the judgment of his hearers, 
rather than to arouse their passions or appeal to their pre- 
judices. 

The ceaseless, tireless, roaring "loom of time" never 
sent from the workings of its treadles and shuttle, or 
unrolled from its beam a stronger, finer or firmer web than 
when it ushered into official life Samuel J.. Kirkwood. With 



442 THE LIFE AND TIMES OV SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOt). 

a masculine understanding, an abundant stock of hard Cotn- 
mon sense, the courage of his convictions, a stout and reso- 
lute heart, an honest and an intense regard for the public 
welfare, an ardent lover of justice, uprightness and truth in 
all its relations and applications, he resolutely and fearlessl}^ 
met every responsibility, and performed with fidelity every 
public duty imposed upon him. 

Jas. G. Blaine recounting the merits of the "War Gov- 
ernors" of 1861 in his "Twenty Years of Congress," says: 

"The Governor of Iowa was Samuel J Kirkwood, a man of truth, 
courage and devoted love of country. Distinguished for comprehen- 
sive intelligence, for clear foresight, for persuasive speech, for spotless 
integrity, for thorough acquaintance with the people, he was a model 
of executive efficiency." 

• The Iowa City National Bank was organized in 1882, 
when Gov. Kirkwood was chosen President of the Board of 
Directors, which office he continued to hold by repeated 
re-election untilJanuary, 1889; and since that time retaining 
the directorship until the re-organization of the bank, he has 
been living in retirement on his place of some twenty acres 
adjoining Iowa City, where for a long series of years his 
oldest brother, now deceased, and two of his wife's sisters, 
Mrs. Col. E. W. Lucas and Mrs. J. E. Jewett, have been 
his three nearest neighbors. During some portion of the time 
while president of the bank he was unable from sickness and 
other causes to perform all the duties of the office, when he 
shared with Geo. W. Lewis, the vice-president, the honors 
and labors and the salary attached to it. 

During the last few years, on the anniversary of his 
birth, December 20, it has been the custom here to raise the 
National flag on the City Hall, the State University and the 
Court House, and his immediate friends on these occasions, 
often with a band of music, have called upon him in a body, 
and presented him their congratulations; and those of his 
f rieilds that were greeted by him the most heartily were, not 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 443 

the politicians, but the old soldiers, "his boys," as he used 
to and still does delight to call them. 

No citizen of the State has more deeply interested him- 
self in the cause of education than he. F(n- several years in 
succession he was sub-director in his school district, and has 
been a member of the Board of Regents of the State Uni- 
versity, and one of the Trustees of the State Agricultural 
College. He has always taken a lively interest in the State 
Historical Society; been several times a member and Presi- 
dent of the Board of Curators of that institution, and he has 
been a generous donor of books and pamphlets to its library, 
contributing at one time 419 bound books and 524 pam- 
phlets. While being an active participant in making history, 
he has been equally active in securing means for its preser- 
vation. 

He at one time during the war endeavored to secure a 
photograph of every Iowa colonel for the society, but after 
obtaining some fifteen he abandoned the work as a hopeless 
task. It was at his suggestion and on his solicitation that 
many relics of the war have been sent to the Historical 
Society for preservation. Writing to Surgeon Cochran, then 
in the service, he says, "Remember the Historical Society 
and myself in the way of trophies." 

During his gubernatorial term and on his recommendation 
as a Governor, the first money (|500) was appropriated from 
the State treasury to the State Historical Society, to be used 
in the collection and preservation of historical material. 

At no time in his life has the Governor been desirous of 
accumulating a fortune. To become rich above his fellows 
was never one of his aims. In all his relations of life as a 
business man, whether in private or official station, "the 
Eternal Right" was his preference to "the Almighty Dollar." 
A competence he always had and that to him was satis- 
factory. 

He seemed to have lived and acted upon the maxim that, 



444 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOB 

"He that holds fast the golden mean, 
And lives contentedlj^ between 
The little and the great, 
Feels not the wants that pinch the poor, 
Or plagues that haunt the I'ich plan's door." 

When the State voted to issue $800,000 in bonds during 
his term of office to cai-ry on the war, and only 1300,000 
was expended, here was a margin of |500,000 left from 
which large profits could have been made in its expenditure, 
if we had not then had a faithful watch dog of the treasur}'^ 
in the person of the Executive, aided by the vigilant officers 
associated with him to carry out his plans and practice his 
and their honesty and economy. 

If there is a branch of the Federal Government that has 
more than any other been tainted with peculation and job- 
bery, it is the Department of the Interior, of which he was 
for a time the head. While he was there not a breath of 
suspicion was raised that any irregularity attached to his 
administration of it. 

As he sits by his quiet fireside with his life work nearly 
done, calmly and patiently spending the evening of a well- 
spent life, there is no portion of it that he reviews with 
greater pleasure than that in which he was raising troops, 
sending them to the front and watching the part they took 
in the great contest wherein they gave Iowa and Iowa 
soldiers a name and a reputation, of which he and they and 
all of us were and still are justly proud. Their deeds pre- 
sent themselves to him as- painted in a panorama before the 
veterans at a reunion in Story county by Hon. Henr}^ L. 
Wilcox in these glowing colors: 

In that awful baptism of fire at Blue Mills 500 of the Third Iowa 
held the ground for an hour against 4,000 rebels, exhibiting wonderful 
valor. 

At Wilson's Creek the First Regiment stood a wall of adamant, 
against a flood of fire. 

In the charge on Donelson, four Iowa I'egiments forced the rebel 
fortifications, and the gallant Second was the diamond point of the 
mighty spear that entered the rebel breast. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 445 

At Pea Ridge the Fourth and Ninth were the strong arm of the 
Union forces, and gave the hardest blows. 

At Shiloh, where forests of bayonets bristled from every hill top, 
and torrents of flame rolled down the valleys, eleven of her regiments 
stemmed the tide of battle and stood the bravest of the brave. 

Thirteen Iowa regiments were at Corinth, and when the battle 
raged like a sea of fire lashed into fury by the winds, that mighty 
surge that swept over the forts and rifle pits and tilled the trenches 
Avith rebel dead, was made of Iowa men. 

In the battle of Prairie Grove a small army of Union troops, com- 
manded by an Iowa general and fronted by the Nineteenth and Twen- 
tieth Iowa, completely routed a vast army of rebels. 

In the charge of Lawler's Brigade at Black River Bridge, the 
Twenty-first and Twenty-third Iowa filled the world Avith their fame. 

Thirty of her regiments were in that wall of fire that surrounded 
Vicksburg, and thirteen brave men from the Twenty-second captured 
and silenced Fort Beaui-egard during the remai'kable seige. 

There were three regiments and a battery from Iowa among the 
4,000 soldiers in Fort Helena when 10,000 rebels undertook its capture. 

Like a bridal party at a prince's marriage, the rebels marched to 
meet the Iowa boys; like a herd of wild asses before a prairie fire the 
remnants of the rebel army fled. 

It was the Fifth Iowa that sustained the charge and won the battle 
at luka. 

Nine Iowa regiments were at Chattanooga. Some fought on Look- 
out Mountain like hosts of heaven among the clouds. Some slew the 
hosts of hell on Mission Ridge. 

Four Iowa regiments made Pleasant Hill very unpleasant for the 
rebel army. In fact the story of the Red River campaign, a sad tale of 
mad mismanagement and misfortune, from Fort De Russy to Jenkins' 
Ferry, is brightened by the brilliant exploits and brave deeds of Iowa 
soldiers. 

Three of her regiments were in that awful tide of war that rolled 
down the valley of the Shenandoah, destroyed the rebels at Fisher's 
Hill and Cedar Creek and scattered the remnants of Earlj^'s army. 

Fifteen of her regiments were in that fierce host that swept like a 
cyclone through the mountains of Georgia, filled the gullies with dead 
rebels and fed Johnson and Hood's array to the buzzards. Seventeen 
Iowa regiments Avere in that triumphant army that tore its Avay like a 
besom of destruction through the very heart of secession from Atlanta 
to the sea. 

At Nashville, Jackson, Tupelo, Memphis, Mobile, Champion Hills, 
Mil liken 's Bend, Stone River and a score of other battles known to 
history, loAA^a troops fought in the front rank and distinguished them- 
selves for Yfilor among men as brave as ever went to battle. 



446 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

In no bayonet charges or hand to l.and eucoimter did they ever 
falter or fail to rout the enemy. The story of their sacrifices cannot 
fail to stir the dullest heart with love and pride. 

By his political opponents he has been rated as a shrewd 
politician. As the term is used in its lower sense, he has 
never been a politician. The terms "wire puller," "pipe 
layer," "intriguer," or "plotter," were never applicable to 
him. He never personally abused an opponent, never 
betrayed a friend or made political trades to advance his 
own personal ends. He has always occupied the higher 
plane of a statesman, rather than the lower one of the poli- 
tician. What he thought was for the public good he has 
always supported and advocated: 

At a meeting of the Pioneer Law Makers of Iowa, held 
at Des Moines in the winter of 1892, Hon. W. H. M. Fusey, 
in 1858 a young Democratic Senator in the 8th General 
Assembly from Pottawatamie Co., gave an account of the 
tilt he hnd with Senator Kirkwood then a member of the 
same General Asseml)ly, in the following style: 

" An amusing and prolonged debate, arose after the standing com- 
mittees of the Senate had been named, on a resolution offered by the 
Senator from Johnson Co., (S. J. Kirkwood) instructing the committee 
on banks and banking, to bring in bills to create banks of issue, (as 
provided by the new constitution) the one to be known as the free 
banking system, the otiier providing for a State bank and branches. I 
was a new member and knew but very few of my colleagues, I asked 
a gentleman sitting near me, (Senator Henry H. Trimble) 'who that 
Senator was, who proposed to instruct the committee on banks in 
their duty before the committee had even met for organization and 
conference.' His reply was, 'Oh, he is an old farmer from the east 
l);irt of tiie State and don't know anything about banks, pitch inlo 
liim.' Weil the 3'(»ung man from Pottawattamie, thought he saw an 
i»l)ening and made iiis maid(!n elTort in the Iowa Senate. Before lie 
was throuoli with tlie Johnson county farmer, he learneil there was 
one amusement, more exciting than hunling lions It is when the 
lion turns in the pursuit of you. I found the farmer's garb covered a 
man with a big brain, with a clear and incisive way of presenting his 
views, that was hard to combat, and that the farmer, was the great 
leader of as great a senate as was ever convened in Iowa. 




^?^iB^ 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 447 

"When the morning session closed, and the Senator walked over to 
my desk, and requested Senator Trimble to present his j'oung friend 
from Pottawattamie count}'. I tirst learned that it was Samuel J. 
Kirkwood. 

"From that day to the present, a life-long friendship has continued 
and strengthened between us, uninterrupted by the excitement of 
political and partisan strife. It is iJi'oper to state that his resolution 
was adopted, and he was unanimously added to the committee on 
banks, and from whom the committee and State derived great benefit 
from his wise counsels in framing those two laws. 

"When the gavel fell, that beautiful May morning in tke old Capitol 
building, announcing that the labors of the Eighth General Assembly 
had passed into history, the old farmer Senator, then tilling the Gover- 
nor's chair, it was with the benediction of our people, upon our citizen 
soldiers, hurrying to the front, where they so soon placed Iowa as one 
of the Trinity of Western States. 

Indiana — Morton. Illinois — Yates. Iowa — Kirkwood. 

"Gentlemen, no moi'e pleasing privilege is granted us, on this 
'Reunion Day' than the gi'eeting we send our 'War Govei'nor,' who in 
his happy home on the banks of the Iowa, honored by the State and 
Nation, in the eventide of a full rounded and honest life, is conhdently, 
peacefully, waiting for the Master's call." 

In the summer of 1892, ex-Gov. Buren R. Sherman 
conceived the idea of having a large number of the old-time 
friends of Gov. Kirkwood make him a social visit in a body 
and after consulting with Judge Wright and a few other of 
the Governor's mutual friends, the 28th of September was 
fixed upon as the time, and invitations to the number of fifty 
or more were sent out inviting that number of the friends to 
respond. All responded by attending in person, or by letter 
sending regrets, and giving reasons why they could not be 
present. When the time arrived, which was one of those 
balmy autumnal Iowa days, when sunshine and shade are 
equally agreeable, about thirty, including those who had 
arrived in the city the day previous, and a few others resid- 
ing in the city took carriages at 1:30 o'clock at the St. James 
Hotel and drove to the Governor's suburban residence on 
Kirkwood avenue, in the southeast part of the city. 

The following account of the interview was given by the 



448 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Editor of the Press, Hon. John Springer, who formed one of 
the party: 

Now almost at his eightieth year, and by reason of failing health 
debared from long journeys aud greetings with old friends, whom he 
would thus meet, it was a happy thought to bear him their tribute of 
a visit from men his daily associates in the period when he and they 
were leaders aud guides of the State, aud who supported his and its 
honor and sustained its credit in trying periods and difficulties. How 
strong this tie, is shown by the presence here on Wednesday of men 
who laid aside business affairs and crossed the State to again meet him, 
to clasp his hand and recall the memories of thirty years and more. 

Gov. Kirkwood has lived in almost retirement for ten years past, 
but the event of Wednesday shows that he is by no means forgotten, 
and the interest evinced in every part of Iowa proves that history has 
made his name as familiar to the newer generation as association 
made it familiar to his companions. It can not but be a pleasant reflec- 
tion, and one full of comfort and cheer, that the people of Iowa honor 
and revere him, that his life and history are the emulation of their 
sons. All the honors of office and titles of distinction he has attained 
by meritorious service, are dim in comparison with the love and honor 
bestowed upon him by the people of the State. 

It was at first intended that this visit of old friends to the Governor 
should be a surprise, but after counsel Avith his close associates, and 
particularly with Hon. H. W. Lathrop, who has been engaged for 
some months in preparing a biography, it was decided to inform him. 
that a number of old associates and towns people would call, and Mr, 
Lathrop was selected to receive them at the house. 

Dr. J. C. Shrader, who had kindly and thoughtfully looked after the 
local arrangements, took charge of the party. Messrs. Foster & Leuz, 
sent their finest carriages, and it was a most interesting ride for the 
visitors through the city to the Governor's home. 

The Governor's pretty cottage home never showed to better advant- 
age than on that afternoon; lawn and tree, flower and vines, forming 
an almost pastoral setting to the scene, and bringing to some who 
came from busy city life a scene of peace and rest that told of the days 
of quiet enjoyment and care-fi-ee repose they would gladly secure. 

The company consisted of the following gentlemen: 

Hon. Buren R. Sherman, of Waterloo, ex-State Auditor and ex- 
Governor. 

Hon. George G. Wright, of Des Moines, ex-Supreme Judge and ex- 
U. S. Senator, now Lecturer in the law department of the University. 

Ex-Congressman W. H. M. Pusey, of Council Bluft's, a Member of 
the State Senate with Kirkwood. 

Hon. George F. Wright, of Council Bluffs, former Member of the 
State Senate. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 44'J 

Hon. Chas. Aldrich, of Boone, several times Clerk of the House of 
Representatives. 

Hon. Johu Russell, of Onslow, ex-State Auditor, and a life-long 
friend of the Governor. 

Hon. S. S. Farwell, of Monticello, ex-Congressman of the old 
Second District. 

Hon. Jas. H. Rothrock, of Cedar Rapids, Chief Justice of the Iowa 
Supreme Court. 

Hon. Giffoi'd S. Robinson, of Storm Lake, Justice of the Supreme 
Court. 

Hon. B. F. Gue, of Des Moines, ex-Lieutenant Governor and Mem- 
ber of the General Assembly. 

Hon. Wm. T. Smith, of Des Moines, for many years President of 
the State Agricultural Society. 

Dr. J. M. Shaffer, of Keokuk, for many years an early Secretary of 
the State Agricultural Society. 

Hon. Wm. G. Thompson, of Marion, a Member of the Iowa House 
of Representatives yeai's ago, also of Congress. 

Hon. R. S. Finkbine, of Des Moines, for many years a resident of 
this city, and amongst the governor's closest friends; a Member of the 
General Assembly, and Superintendent of the building of the Stale 
Capitol. 

Gen. James A. Williamson, of Washington, D. C, an Iowa soldier, 
ex-Commissioner of the United States Land Office. 

Hon. M. L. Elliott, of Marion. 

Hon. E. Clark, of Iowa City, for many years Gov. Kirkwood's 
business partner and associate, and State Senator. 

Hon. Peter A. Dey, Railroad Commissioner. 

Judge Samuel H. Fairall. 

President Charles A. Schaeffer, of the State University. 

Hon. M. Bloom, State Senator. 

Mr. Thos. C. Carson. 

Mr. N. H. Braiuerd, Gov. Kirkwood's Military Secretary during 
the War Period. 

Hon. H. W. Lathrop. 

Prof. eT. C. Shrader, Senator in General Assembly. 

Mr. Geo. W. Lewis. 

Mr. Herbert S. Fairall. 

Mi. John Springer. 

The guests wei'e ushered into the parlors by Hon. H. W. Lathrop, 
Gov. Kirkwood being seated iu his favorite easy chair at the further 
end of the room. When all had been seated Judge Wright said: 

" It is said there is a geyser in Yellowstone park that takes twenty- 
four hours for preparation and spouts just three minutes. I have 
known, as you have, oratorical spell-binders (not like you, however,) 



450 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

that took three minutes or less for preparation and kept spouting 
twenty-four hours or more. I have scarcely taken three minutes for 
preparation and do not expect to take more time in my talk. 

"Gov. Kirkwood, we are here as your friends, to take you by the 
hand and tell you how much we like you. We are not here to praise 
3H)u, as we know that j^ou are not fond of eulogies. And then if we 
praised you as you deserve, we feel you might possibly be like others 
of whom it is said if complimented and eulogized while in life, as after 
death, would become so conceited as to reject and spurn even a 
heavenly grace. [Laughter.] We are not here because of your looks, 
and especially not because of your good looks, but without reference 
to looks. 

•'Some of your friends suggested that we come without giving you 
notice and take you by surprise, but I objected for several reasons. I 
knew you had been quite unaccustomed to making public speeches, 
[laughter] and if we should come and take you by surpi'ise you might 
not be equal to the occasion, [Laughter.] Then again, we all know 
how anxious you are about your attire, and if we should come without 
notice you would not have time to put on your dress suit and diamond 
pin, and especially that steel watch chain which was your insj)iration 
and the admiration in days gone by of those large crowds to whom 
you spoke. [Laughter.] 

"We are here as friends, and without regard to political distinction. 
We are here Democrats and Republicans. There are some of our num- 
ber, like Colonel Pusey and Mr. Dey, that the oniy thing bad about 
them is their democracy; and some of whom, like Gov. Sherman and 
Major Thompson, that the only good thing about them is their repub- 
licanism. [Laughter.] Of the latter, such men as Judge Fairall and 
W. T. Smith, would say that if their politics were their only passport 
to a heavenly home, the case is decided against them before submitted; 
while of the former 'uncle' John Russell and Major Farwell would 
declare that the stain political is so grave that the presence of all other 
virtues, even in the greatest repletion, would shut St. Peter's gate 
against them. But they are good fellows all. 

"We come to greet you, to give you proof of our esteem and kindly 
feeling, to congratulate you in your happy home, as also your devoted, 
helpful wife; because we know how much you have done for Iowa, 
and for the nation. Amid the din and clangor of arms, and with this 
nation hanging, trembling in the balance, you, as the chief executive of 
the State, wei'e true to your high principles, and to your sense of duty, 
to pure ideas and thoughts and princi))les. Because you were faithful, 
for this we love you, Ave come to see you this day. 

"Governor, we come to say we are glad to see you, also because it 
does the hearts of these men good and the hearts of the people of Iowa 
good to find a man that never departed from duty for any personal or 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 451 

selfish cause. Without praise, I can say that you are an emphatic 
exemplification of the fact that goodness is greatness, and whether one 
rules or j^lows, or sows, doing duty is greatness. 

"Aud now, Governor Kirkwood, I take you by the hand, and in 
behalf of the people of Iowa, for the friends here (for I know the kind- 
ness that prompts their coming), and they join with me in saying. 'May 
God bless you, and your wife, and your home. May a kind Providence 
that has been so kind to you, still longer bless you, and preserve you 
many j'ears to Iowa and the nation.'" [Applause.] 

Gov. Kirkwood was visibly affected by the concluding words of 
Judge Wright's addi'ess, and rising, Avhile his friends gently applauded, 
he hesitated a moment, and speaking slowly and distinctly, he said: 

"This is a very pleasant occasion, it could not be otherwise. Yet it 
is embarrassing. My speakiug days are over. I have done a great deal 
of it in my time, as my friend Mr. Lathrop will testify some of these 
days. Yes, I have done a great deal of that kind of work in my time. 
Unless I mistake your purpose, aside from personal, kindly feeling 
toward me, I think that the place I hold in public estimation, arises 
from the f;ict that during the great war of the rebellion I was gov- 
ernor of this State, and I am called the ' Old War Governor ' now. I 
I have a few words to say abovit that. It was a position involving a 
great deal of intense interest. I speak to you of myself. It involved 
a great deal of responsibility, a great deal of hard labor. How I dis- 
charged those duties which devolved upon me by reason of my posi- 
tion—well you know about that as well as I do. I have this to say 
that I did as well as I could, that I did as well as I knew how. Many 
things were done in which I erred, and when I found I had erred if it 
were jjossible to undo what had been done I undid it. If it could not 
be undone I had to stand by it and did so, and it is a great consolation 
to see from the personal feeling shown in your visit to me to-day, that 
you believe that in doing as I did, I did what I believed to be for the 
best interests of our State and our people. And now that all is over 
I leave to the future the verdict of those who follow me and follow 
you. I shall feel that whatever responsibility, labor and toil 1 gave 
was well given and well rewarded." 

The governor, though urged not to exert himself, insisted on shak- 
ing hands with the visitors, aud to each gave hospitable welcome by 
name. Then all who suffer themselves to smoke partook of his favor- 
ite brand of cigars, and a half hour was pleasantly passed in friendly 
chat on the lawn. Many were the recollections of old times, many the 
events briefly related, and the laugh went around as some scenes were 
recalled, and the sigh rose as the name of some one absent forever was 
mentioned. 

Mr. Lee Coover had brought out for the occasion his biggest and 
best camera, and it took him only a brief time to arrange the company 



452 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

for two photographs, the guests being grouped around Gov. and Mr? 
Kirk wood, with their pretty curly-haired grand-daughter in the fore 
g"ouud. 

Gov. Sherman read a few of the many letters of congratulation 
received, in which the writers spoke their appreciation of the Gover- 
nor and his services. Time forbade that all should be read, those 
selected being from Judge Seevers, Judge Murdock, Judge Woolsou, 
Hon. Hix'am Price, R. D. Kellogg and Jacob Rich. Letters were 
received from the following gentlemen: 

Hon. James. Harlan, Mt. Pleasant; Hon. Hiram Price, Washington, 
D. G.; Hon. Frank W. Palmer, Washington, D. C.; Hon. John A. 
Kasson, Washington, D. C.; Hon. George W. Bemis, Independence; 
Judge W. H. Seevers, Oskaloosa; Judge John S. Woolson, Mt. Pleas- 
ant; Hon. John F. Buncombe, Ft. Dodge; Gen. F. M. Drake, New York; 
Col. C. A. Stanton, Centerville; Hon. Edwin Manning Keosauqua; 
Hon. Jacob Rich, Dubuque; Hon. J. M. Brainerd, Boone; Hon. Samuel 
Murdock, Elkader; Hon. A. B. Hildreth, Charles City; Hon. James M. 
Beck, Ft. Madisou; Col. John Scott, Nevada; Hon. J. G. Newbold, Mt. 
Pleasant; Hon. John H. Gear, Burlington; Hon. Barlow Granger, Des 
Moines; Hon. D. N. Richardson, Davenport; Hon. H. S. Winslow, 
Newton; Prof. Theo. S. Parvin, Cedar Rapids; Hon. L. H. Smith, 
Algona; Hon. R. Sears, Marshalltown; Hon. Hoyt Sherman, Des 
Moines. 

The following are the letters that were read: 

Washington, Sept. 13, 1892. 
Hon. B. R. Sherman. 

Dear Sir: — Your note of the 6th inst. received this day. I am in 
entire sympathy with the object named, and I assure you it would be 
a great pleasure to me to be one of your party, to take by the hand 
once more in friendly greeting the "Old War Governor." 

You speak of his "advancing years." I think it possible that expres- 
sion means more to me than to you. Gov. Kirkwood was exactly 
three weeks old when I opened -my eyes on this busy, bustling world. 
He will be 79 years old on the 20th of next December, and I will be 79 
on the 10th day of next January. So you see when he dies of old age, 
I ought to be squaring my accounts and putting my house in order. 1 
am very glad that this movement, on thepartof some of his "old-time 
fi-iends"is contemplated, and hope it may be a success in assuring him 
that he is kindly remembered and has a warm place in the hearts of 
those who knew him best amid the active scenes of life, in which he 
occupied a prominent, honorable and I'esponsible position. One of 
the unpleasant features of life in these days of competitive struggle 
foi' place and power, is the tendency to forget those more imi^oi'tant 
factors in tlie accomplishment of much of the good which we enjo}'. 
I have had opportunity for knowing Gov. Kirkwood better than most 

I 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 453 

men. I was for several years intimately associated with him in the 
State Board of Control of the Iowa banks, and also in the dark days 
of the rebellion. He did not spread as much canvass to the breeze as 
some men, nor ring as many bells, or sound as many fog horns, nor 
parade as much "trimming and tiuselry" as many others, but he never 
lacked for ballast to trim and steady the vessel he commanded. One 
of the faults of this age is to wait till a man is dead before anything 
good is said of or about him. Death never did and never can improve 
a man's mental or moral character. Common sense and common 
honestj% both teach that when a man has used his time and his talents 
for the benefit of his country, or his fellows, he ought to receive in 
time, as he certainly will in eternity, the glad plaudit, "well done, good 
and faithful servant," without waiting till the undertaker has put the 
last screw in his coffin. 

Sorry I can't be with you, but I have an engagement that will keep 
me here all this month. Please shake hands with the Goveruoryb?' me 
and tell him he is to hlanie for my absence. When I left Congress in 
1881 anil went back to Iowa, he ordered me to Washington to take 
charge of the Indian Bureau, and when he resigned I tendered my 
resignation, but its acctjptance was refused; again when my wife was 
seriously ill I resigned, but again it was refused, and I was never 
able to get out of that ofHce (without absolutely running away 
from it) until the Democrats took control. In the meantime I had 
incurred some real estate obligations which required my attention, and 
so from one cause and another I've remained until I suppose Iowa no 
longer claims me as a citizen. Very truly yours, 

H. PRICE. 

Elkader, Sept. 12th, 1892. 
Eon. B. R. Sherman. 

Dear Sir:— Yours of tlie 5th inst. is received and in answer I 
regret veiy much to say, that various circumstances will put it out of 
my power to be with you on the occasion j'ou refer to. 

It is but just and in keeping with the history of that noble old man, 
Samuel J. Kiikwood, that those of his contemporaries who have 
known him best and have pas.'-ed with him through all of his great and 
heroic struggles, that have rendered his name immortal for all coming 
time, should in his decline meet once more at his domestic fireside, and 
while all slill live, there congratulate him on the achievements of a 
long and useful life, crowded full with the events of his country's 
history, in which his name and his fame will be forever mingled. 

In the days that tried men's souls more than any other in American 
history, tlie name of Samuel J. Kirk wood will stand forth among the 
foremost and the highest, and living or dead, Iowa will never forget 
him, and the day is not far distant when her people in appreciation 
of his services and in perpetuation of his deeds and actions, will 



454 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

commemorate them on mai'ble and on brass, that they may nerer 
die. 

In our lasl great struggle when the union of the States was pre- 
served, it took moi'c than one man alone to accomplish it, and the 
blood and treasure of the coiillict is as nothing compared to the bless- 
ings that are now continually Uowiug to us in consequence, and in 
that great struggle it looks as if Providence had selected here and 
there out of millions, certain wise heads and pui-e hearts, and assigned 
them as the right men in the right places to act as one man for a given 
object, and Samuel J. Kirkwood was one of them, and when the his- 
tory of these events shall be carefully written, the part that he played 
in the great drama will have its due prominence on every page of that 
history. 

Not only has Samuel J. Kirkwood contributed to swell his own 
name and fame in that history, but by his deeds and actions he has 
made a history for Iowa in that great struggle, that stands among the 
highest, and one that will never perish, and in which every soldier 
that went forth to battle from her borders has an honorable place. As 
one of his contemporaries in all his deeds and actions, and one who 
has been an eye-witness of all the great events of American history for 
the last three quartei's of a century, I must place the name of Samuel 
J. Kirkwood high up in the temple of fame, and assign him a niche in 
its walls among the noblest of earth. 

Regretting again that I cannot be with you to shake the "Old War 
Governor" once more by the hand, I remain 

Your friend, 

SAMUEL MURDOCK. 

Dubuque, Sept. 14th, 1892. 
Eon. B. R. Sherman, 

Des Moines, Iowa. 
Dear Sir:— Your letter of the 6th relative to a call of old friends of 
Gov. Kirkwood is only just at hand. 

I should be very glad to accept your invitation to be present on the 
28th inst. if it is possible. No man in Iowa has a warmer place in my 
affections than S. J. Kirkwood, and any proposition to recognize fit- 
tingly his great services to the State meets my most cordial ap- 
proval. 

My business at this season of the year is very exacting, and it may 
be possible that I may not be able to meet with you at the time. But 
I will do so if I can. 

What is the proposed programme? Does it propose any testimonial 
gift? If so I shall be glad to contribute my share. 

Respectfully, 

JACOB RICH. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 455 

Dubuque, Sept. 26, 1892. 
Hon. Bm-en R. Sherman. 

Dear Governor:— I have waited until the List moment before 
writing you, in the hope that I would be able to be at Iowa City. But 
I tiud I must give it up. 1 have not been feeling well for a couple of 
days and do not think it wise for me to leave home. On top of that I 
have important business matters that I cannot well lay aside. So I 
regretfully have concluded to forego the pleasui'e I anticipated in 
meeting with you, and participating in your delightful mission. 

Will you be kind enough to convey to Gov. Kirkwood my great 
regret at not being able to join his other friends in the visit of love and 
affection proposed. I have for many years had for him a feeling of 
profound respect, of deep veneration, of the warmest affection. The 
rugged integrity of his character, the solidity of his judgment, the 
fervidness of his patriotism, the great value of his services to the State, 
the healthy influence of his whole personality, as exemplifying the 
grandest type of self made American manhood, have evoked from me 
my heartiest admiration; while his invariably kind api^reciation and 
friendly interest for myself have commanded my warmest affection. 
To ilo anything to honor him is for me as it always has been a delight. 

I join in the hearty congratulations that he is still spared to his 
friends and to Iowa and I pray that his life may be extended for many 
years, and his wise counsel and beneficent influence long retained to 
bless the State. Very respectfully yours, 

JACOB RICH. 

Eon. Burcn R. Sherman. 

My Dear Sir: — Your note of invitation to join a party of well-known 
gentlemen to make a pilgi'image to the home of Iowa's political seer 
and prophet, is received, and I am truly thankful for the invitation and 
am in full sympathy with the movement. God bless the one whoever 
he may be, that stai'ted this move, and may it be an example fre- 
quently followed. 

'Tis well to decorate with flowers ihe graves of the loved and hon- 
ored dead; but better far that the fragrance of our deeds of love should 
be inhaled by the living, especially by the aged, for it is not the young 
alone who appreciate love tokens; friendships, like wine, are improved 
by age. Words fail me to express my great disappointment in not 
being able to be with 3'ou, and take the hand once more of that grand 
old man, the Gladstone of Iowa, who without flourish or pomp dared 
at all times to j)roclaim the rugged truth. 'Twas he who said on the 
floor of the United States Senate to an ardent disciple of a false doc- 
trine, "We neither hate you nor fear you" — MuUum in Pa?'vo. But I 
will not attempt a recital of the grand words of the great Kirkwood. 
His public life is a model for all, and no feeble words of mine can add 
to his great name and national fame. 



456 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

Please present him my best wishes and kindest regards, and say to 
him that "I love him for the enemies he has made, "but he has outlived 
them or enrolled them as his friends. Say that I would have delivered 
my handshake in person, but for the fact that my regiment, the old 
34th, holds its reunion at Corj^don on the 28th and 29th iust.. and as I 
am president of our association, the "old boys'" will expect to see me, 
and I kyio^v the Govei'nor, who loved the soldiers so well, would not 
have me leave them, even to go and visit him. I bespeak for you all a 
happy time, and know that you'll have one and ask that you say with 
me— Green inmemory be the life and deeds of Iowa's "War Governor." 

Very truly yours, 

September 22, 1892. " R. D. KELLOGG, 

1406 11th St., Des Moines. 

Cedar Rapids, Sept. 17th, 1892. 
Ron. B. R. Sherman, 

Des Moines, la. 

My Dear Governor: — Answering yours of the 6th with reference 
to the call upon Gov. Kirkwood on the 28th, has been delayed a few 
days, that I might obtain more definite information as to the demand 
upon my time about that date. It would afford me the greatest pleas- 
ui'e to join in the proposed honor to our great "War Governor.'" Not 
only with reference to his excellence personally, but also to the great 
service he rendered our beloved State and Nation as well, in those 
critically perilous days, it is right thus to honor him. As a private 
citizen and as a public official in all the varied and exalted stations to 
which he has been called, to serve ail affectionate and trusting people, 
he has done well, and justly merits all the honor we can pay him. 

But as at present advised my duties at the Council Bluffs term of 
court will demand my personal attention, and will prevent mj' pi"es- 
euce with you. Will you do me the favor to present to the Governor 
my high personal regard and assure him of my reluctant absence. 

Sincerely yours, 

JOHN S. WOOLSON. 

The following letter from ex-Lieut. Gov. Gue was not read as he 
was present in person and it is here inserted on account of its refer- 
ence to the tii'st speech made by Gov. Kirkwood in Iowa. 

Des Moines, Sept, 13th, 1892. 
Bear Governor: — I heartily approve of the proposed visit of his old 
time friends to Gov. Kirkwood. It is a happy thought and I shall be 
glad to join the party. I first met the "Old War Governor" in the 
convention at Iowa City that assembled there in the old capitol, on 
the 22nd of February, 1856, and then and there originated the Republi- 
can party in Iowa. Samuel J. Kirkwood, then a i)laiu, farmer looking 



Tl^E LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 457 

man, was called out and made one of the best speeches on that historic 
occasion. I have been an admirer and supporter of him ever since. 

Very truly yours, 
Gov. B. R. Sherman, City. B. F. GUE. 

Judge Wright, when the last letter had been read, suggested there 
was yet a little time left, and called upon Judge Reed, of Council 
Bluffs, who said: 

"Probably I have known Gov. Kirkwood as long as any of the 
gentlemen present. My recollection goes back to 1846, when I saw 
him under circumstances that left an impression that has remained 
with me forty-six years. He was then a young lawyer at Mansfield, 
Ohio. My father was a justice of the peace in an adjoining county, 
and young Kirkwood came to his home for the puipose of trying a 
lawsuit before him, the opposing counsel being James Stewart, then 
well-known and later one of the most eminent laAvyers of the State, 
I took occasion to excuse myself from school that afternoon, and 
returning home I looked in at the door of the room used by my father 
as his office at the time Kirkwood was examining a witness. His 
attitude, the gesture of his hand and pointing of his finger to the 
witness so impressed me that when he had concluded I asked my 
mother the name of the young lawyer and learned it was Kirkwood 
of Mansfield. So deep was the impression upon me that I believe it 
had souie.hing to do with the bent of my studies and choice of life 
profession. (In answer to the question 'who won the case,' the 
judge said: 'I think Kirkwood got beat, as was usual at that time 
when Judge Stewart was on the other side.') It affords me infinite 
pleasure to be here to-day and pay the mark of respect to the man who 
was the friend of my father, and who in Iowa has been my friend." 

Hon. W. H. M. Pusey, of Council Bluffs, was the next speaker, and 
said: 

"Coming nearly across the State to this meeting I think my pres- 
ence here is an indication of my regard and respect for Kirkwood. 
When quite a young man I was a representative, in the seventh and 
eighth general assemblies, of the great territory bordering on the 
Missouri, and then but thinly settled. It was immediately after the 
panic that made poor almost every man in Iowa, I was at Des Moines, 
knowing no one, not even Gov. Grimes. I had never heard of Sam 
Kirkwood, and I presume he had never heard of me. In the arrange- 
ment of committees I was brought into intimate relation with 'the 
gentleman from Johnson and was attracted to Kirkw^ood, not by his 
beauty but by his practical, sensible way of getting at things and meet- 
ing emergencies. A novice, I sat at the feet of a Gamaliel, the farmer 
from Johnson, and learned wisdom. I have thought the old Governor 
always liked me, I know I always liked him, and we have kept from 



458 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

that time oui' friendship. Politics never divided our intimacy, and 
now that we have grown old together, it is a comforting thought that 
in all the questions that interested the people of the State and con- 
cei'ned the honor and dignity of the State of Iowa we were hand in 
hand together, without a moment's hesitation. I was in full sympa- 
thy with all his acts in maintaining the honor and efficiency of the 
Stale during the war. I am proud to say to you here that I could not 
resist the invitation to meet him at his home to-day." 

Judge Wright called on Gen. John A. Williamson, long an intimate 
friend of the Governor's who said: 

"I feel gratified and complimented at being called on to say a word 
for my old friend. I have heard with pleasure the letter of Hiram 
Price, and like him I do not believe in waiting for death before speak- 
ing the true praise of a good man. Every recollection of Kirkwood 
brings me pleasure in the thought of what he has done for, and been to, 
the people of Iowa. To me the prominent idea here is what he did for 
Iowa and was to her people in the day when she needed leaders, when 
the people were in a measvu'e unsettled in their opinions. I had the 
honor of accompanying the Governor in a trip extending over six 
weeks, mainly in the western part of the State, and there gained some 
knowledge of his indueuce upon men and his power as a leader, and I 
tell you that my first definite opinion of leadership was gained from 
observing the effect of his speeches upon the multitudes. Viewed in 
that light, I don't believe the equal of Kii'kwood existed in Iowa at 
that time. He moved and swayed his audience, as by the rising and 
falling of his hand and brought them to tears or joyful acclamation. 
When a man does such things he demonstrates that he is a leader and 
is drawing the hearts of the people to him. He impressed me as the 
most impressive man I had ever known. As an educator of the youth 
of Iowa he stands unrivalled, for it was he who gave to them the true 
gospel of patiiotism and liberty. Let me say, that like my friend 
Pusey, I came 250 miles to take by the hand my old friend and com- 
panion, the 'War Governor of Iowa.'" 

"Uncle" John Russell, of Onslow, along time associate of Governor 
Kirkwood's, far past his three score years and ten, said: 

"It was with great pleasure 1 received the invitation to be here 
to-day, and it was without a moment's hesitation that I availed myself 
of the opportunity of again meeting Governor Kirkwood. Judge 
Reed told you of his early recollections of the Governor. I was a citi- 
zen of Ohio with him, took an active interest in public affairs, and my 
attention was directed to him as early as 1845, as one of the rising men 
of public affairs. From reading his speeches I formed the estimate 
that he was one of the men who was going to make his mark. I came 
to Iowa in 1852, he a year or so later, and he soon appeared on the 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMLTEL J. KIRKWOOD. 459 

surface of Iowa politics as a member of the senate. We are all famil- 
iar with his later lustor}', ami it is needless for me to rt-fer iu any 
eulogistic strain to his action in important offices at a most important 
time. He lias iloiie more for Iowa than any man thit has ever lived 
in the State. He has become, in his old age, a most lustrous historical 
character, and nothing can deu'act from his grand record. There is 
not a single act of his but has turned out for the best that could have 
been done at the time. I hope he may long be spared for the people 
of the State he has so well served, and that his grand history will be 
taught as an example to the young iu our public schools." 

Major Wm. G. Thompson, of Marion, paid a glowing and most 
eloquent tribute to the Governor, of which we can reproduce but a few 
words : 

"I have known you, Governor, for thirty-six j'ears; iu law-making 
and law-expounding, you were my Mentor. Legislation imder your 
guidance, was directed to the future, not less than for the present, and 
laws were made that stood the test of time and stand to-day. When a 
member of the legislature, and absent during the reading or discussion 
of a bill, my inquiry was 'how did Kirkwood vote?' and in voting with 
him I was always right. Whatever the future may have in store, your 
reputation and your fame are secure to the people and the coming 
generations.'" * * * 

Judge Wright made the announcement that Mrs Kirkwood was 
not willing the visitors should depart without having partaken of the 
hospitality of the Governor's home. Coffee and sandwiches were 
served on the lawn under her direction and with the assistance of 
Mrs. Rachel Pritchard, Mrs. L. C. Jewett, Mrs. A. M. Greer, 
Misses Etta and Annie Jewett, and Mrs. Pritchard's pretty little 
daughter. Gen. Ed. Wright told in capital form two anecdotes— how 
he was appointed major of the Twenty-fourth Iowa, "the Methodist 
temperance regiment," and of the dinner without a guard the "boys" 
had in Washington. 

The visitors from Council Bluffs and the west were to leave on the 
five o'clock train, so there were hearty hand clasps, fervent prayers 
of blessings to come yet to the "Old War Governor," and "good-byes" 
before they departed. One by one the guests shook hands with the 
Governor and Mrs. Kirkwood and departed, the happier for this most 
auspicious reunion. 

From whatever stand point we view it, this was a most 
remarkable gathering of men. They were or had been all 
active politicians, high in oflScial stations in both of the great 
political parties of the country, had for the last thirty-five 
years been Gov. Kirkwood's contemporaries as State archi- 



460 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

tects, and active and strong workers in almost every depart- 
ment of that work. Many of them had been his, and each 
others', j)olitical opponents. But now all political animosi- 
ties had been buried; all hard feeling if ever cherished had 
vanished, and all hard things said and done had been, if not 
forgotten, at least forgiven, and admiration and friendship 
were the feehngs predominant in the breasts of all. 

This was an ovation to Gov. Kirkwood that a Bismark 
and a Gladstone would esteem it the highest honor to receive 
from a like group of admiring friends. 

Among them were men who had served in every General 
Assembly from the Sixth, when Gov. Kirkwood was first a 
member, to the Twenty -first, and one who was a member of 
the Second and one who is now a member of the Twenty- 
fourth, an ex-judge of the Supreme Court, two judges now on 
the bench, one ex-governor, one ex-lieutenant governor, four 
ex-members of Congress, two ex-state auditors, three district 
judges and one United States' court judge. 

Among those who sent letters of regret are numbered an 
ex-cabinet minister, two ex-governors, an ex-foreign minister, 
two Supreme Court judges, a United States senator and 
several who had served in both branches of the General 
Assembly. 

These men with the "boys in blue" who went to the 
front in the dark and bloody da3^8 from '61 to '66, have been 
the makers of Iowa history for the last thirty-five years, and 
a brighter page has never been written in the historical 
records of any state or country, covering a like period of 
time, than will be written of them and their works by some 
future historian, to be read with delight by all their posterity. 

In his earlier years Gov. Kirkwood did not, as in later 
times, confine himself wholly to the use of rugged prose, but 
occasionally wooed and won the gentle muses. At the age 
of nineteen, being called upon to make a contribution to a 
young lady's album, he furnished the following: 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 461 

Lines for an Album; let me see, 
What the deuce shall the subject be? 
Love? 'Tis hackneyed; Friendship too; 
Moonlight, anything but new; 
Pangs that despairing lovers feel. 
Though they would rend a heart of steel. 
Are common, common as the darts 
With which sly Cupid strikes the hearts 
Of blushing maidens; as the strain 
In which fond lovers still complain 
When they by fate or rival art 
Fi'om those they love are forced to part. 
Now, I hate all things common; so 
I'll choose a subject bi'an, span new. 
But what shall it be? What will suit? 
I'll tell you what: My own old boot. 

And lest you here exception take 

And say that I a "bull" do make 

In calling an old boot a subject new, 

I say "at least in poetry 'tis true." 
I like an old boot; so does every one 
Who has upon his toe a tender corn. 
It sits so easy, like a good old friend. 
Knows all the tender points, and still will bend 
With every motion of the foot, so that 
It never presses on, or hurts the toe that 
Occasions all your trouble; now a new one 
Is harsh, unfeeling, cruel, nay inhuman; 
It cramps and pinches you at every turn. 
Makes corns to ache and tender joints to burn. 
Cripples your step, confines your gait, and so it 
Makes you sincerely wish them all in Tophet. 
So with some friends; Oh Lord, how I do hate them. 
Sans salt and pepper, almost could I eat them. 
With lengthened phiz and brow severe they meet 
Their hapless /nererf, and thus they do him greet, 
(That is when he, by strong temptation rude. 
Has swerved from the straight path of rectitude): 
"I'm sorry you've not ceased full sway to give 
"Unto your passions; you can never thrive 
"In the opinion of good men {like me) 
'Unless you shun these courses. I may say 
"Your conduct is unworthy of your name, 
"Covers yourself, your kin, your friends with shame; 
"At least for them consideration have, 



462 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

"And all these vices and these follies leave." 

And after having thus your feelings wrought 

Into a state of frenzy, having brought 

The healing wounds of conscience to their first 

Fresh thrilling soreness, lest your heart should burst 

With rage at outraged feelings, they apply 

The ever readj^ smiling, treacherous lie: 

"Oh I'm your friend, I hope I'm understood; 

"All I have said is only for your good; 

"I meant not to upbraid; forgive I pray, 

"My bluntness; 'tis Avith friends my only way." 

Siich friends as these, if I my mind may tell — 

I wish were with new boots all safe in 

Washington City, D. C, December 29th, 1834. 

Another poem was written in the fervor of youth at New- 
ville, Ohio, Christmas Day, 1839. 

*ON reading the petition of the chartists of ENGLAND. 

What sound comes over the mighty deep? 

Do the fierce wild winds its bosom sweep? 

Is the demon of death from its whirlwind car 

Scattering woe and death afar? 

Whence that deep sound? Does the earthquake's shock, 

Shiver and scatter the mountain and rock. 

The castle of noble and cottage of swain. 

Alike undistinguished afar on the plain? 

Louder and clearer it comes again. 
Hark! 'tis the strong, deep shout of men, 
Rising and pealing and swelling around, 
Like the ''deep toned thunder's bellowing sound." 
What can it be? Can earth's tyrants dare, 
Once more with their banners taint the air? 
Have the masters again led the slaves forth 
And is it the fearful battle cry? 

Hark! Once more on the startled ear 
It rises again distinct and clear; 
But 'tis not the wild tumult of deadly strife, 
Thrilling the hearts of maiden and wife. 
What can it be? Do I hear aright — 



♦Chartism was a political movement, in Great Britain, from 1835 to 1850. The people 
through a "charter,'" in H.,H, demanded univerBal male suffrage, equal repreBentation, 
Tote by ballot, annual parliaments, etc. 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 463 

"The slaves have arisen in Freedom's might." 

Is it, Great God! Oh can it be! 

Hark again to that shout, "We will be free." 

It comes from the land whence sprang our sires, 
Whose hands first kindled those beacon fires 
Whose broad, bright light, by the blessing of Heaven, 
Now reaches the land from which they were driven ; 
Has dispelled the deep darkness by tyranny cast 
O'er the souls of men in times long past. 
God grant that its beamings may brighten and spread, 
'Till no slave stains the earth with his desolate tread. 

They will — aye, they must; for that fire from above, 

While fed with the patriot's devotion and love, 

Neither princes of earth nor the powers of Hell 

Its light or its increase can darken or quell. 

It will stream to the sky; 'twill encircle the earth, 

'Twill blaze on the altar, 'twill cheer the rude hearth, 

God's mockers, Earth's Kings, from their proud seats be hurl'd, 

And Freedom's fair sunbeam will gladden the world. 




CHAPTEK XXIII. 

Portrait of Gov. Kirkwood — Mr. Yewell — Sjjeeches by ex- Gov. Gear — 
Hon. Peter A. Dey — Gov. Boies and Others — Letter from ex-Gov. 
Carpenter. 

During the session of the General Assembly in the winter 
of 1892, in a casual conversation between Hon. Peter A. 
Dey and Hon. Chas. Aldrich, the remark was made by one 
of those gentlemen that it would be a very handsome thing 
for the Legislature then in session to make an appropriation 
to have a first-class portrait of Gov. Kirkwood painted to 
occupy a place on the wall of the executive office in the 
Capitol. 

To initiate and bring the plan to public notice, as well as 
to the attention of the members of the Legislature, Mr. 
Aldrich caused to be inserted in the Des Moines Register, an 
article expressing the desirability of having such a work 
done. A mere hint on the subject was enough to set the 
ball in motion. As soon as the subject was brought to the 
attention of the committee of appropriations in the Senate, a 
bill was introduced making an appropriation for that purpose 
and it passed both houses with but six of the hundred and 
fifty members voting against it. 

As the selection of the person to paint this portrait was 
left with Governor Boies, he did a very proper thing in 
selecting George H. Yewell. Mr. Yewell as an artist is one 
of Iowa's spontaneous products. Commencing his self- 
taught lessons in his very boyhood, the fly leaves, blank 
spaces and the margins of the leaves of his early school 
books were bedecked with the delineations of his pencil and 
brush, and they betokened him then a promising genius in 
that line of work. 

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THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 4*65 

In his early efforts he evinced the rare faculty of photo- 
graphing on his own mind the features of his subjects at a 
casual glance, and of transfixing them upon his canvass with- 
out requiring from them a sitting for that purpose. 

Some of his early productions which he called "charcoal 
sketches," made several decades ago, are now treasured 
among the collections of the State Historical Society as 
marks of his early promise and as correct delineations of the 
persons and events they represent. 

Mr. Yewell spent considerable time during the sununer 
of 1892 in Iowa City, the home of his boyhood, and Gov. 
Kirkwood sat for his picture in the little office at his own 
home that contained his library and where he had prepared 
many of his best State papers. The painting received its 
finishing touches in Mr. Ye well's studio in New York City, 
and when completed it was sent to Iowa City and was exhib- 
ited for a couple of weeks in the rooms of Close Hall, where 
it was seen by Gov. Kirkwood's old friends and neighbors 
who had known him for a third of a century and who pro- 
nounced it a perfect likeness of him whom they had known 
so long and so well. 

The presentation of the portrait to the Governor of the 
State took place on the 20th of June. An account of the 
ceremonies attending it is copied from the Des Moines 
Register'. 

Upon the occasion of the unveiling there was a notable assemblage 
of distinguished men of the State and the municipal officers of the city. 
The unveiling occurred in the I'eception parlor of the Crovernor of the 
State. 

The scene presented in that large, spacious room, as Judge Wright 
rose to call the meeting to order, was one of the most imposing ever 
seen in Iowa's proud capitol. In a deep mahogany chair in the 
center of the room, at one end of a large table, sat Horace Boies, 
Governor of Iowa. At the opposite end sat the Hon. Peter A. Dey, 
while to one side of the table was stationed Judge Wright, and to his 
right was ex-Governor Gear. Around the room was an assemblage 
which could not but till a visitor's heart with veneration. 

There were gathei-ed men who have lived in Iowa for years; have 



466 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

watched its growth and development into one of the foremost States of 
the Union and have grown gray in its service, and here were they met 
on a beautiful afternoon to pronounce eulogies on a man who has done 
for his State more than any other, a man with whom they were all 
personally acquainted, who was at his home in Iowa City, too feeble 
to be in attendance to hear the words of praise which his old associates 
were about to bestow upon him. 

In the assemblage sat men who had it in their power to imfold vol- 
umes of history never yet written. Nearly all had spent more or less 
time in the service of the State, and Governor Kirkwood would truly 
have felt honored had he been there to see and to hear the men who 
had come to do him honor. 

Promptly at 2:30 o'clock Judge Wright arose and announced the 
purpose of the meeting. Peter A. Dey, of Iowa City, was introduced. 
Mr. Dey rose from his chair and moved to the side of the room beneath 
the picture of Governor Kirkwood, which hung on the wall, veiled 
with the stars and stripes. Governor Boies stood while Mr. Dey spoke 
the following: 

Governor Boies: — I have accepted with more than ordinary satisf ac. 
tion the invitation of the committee in charge of the exercises of this 
day, to represent the artist and present his work for your approval. 

For nearly forty years I have known Mr. Yewell intimately, have 
sympathized with him in his struggles for professional attainment and 
rejoiced in his success. I have known Governor Kirkwood almost as 
long, but of him it is not my purpose to speak, as others will tell you 
that in the period of greatest danger to the nation, largely through his 
efforts, every call upon the State of Iowa was honored and every 
obligation discharged. On this occasion I may without impropriety 
say something of the artist. 

In 1841 there came to the newly selected capital of the Territory of 
Iowa, a widow with her young son, brought to this new country in the 
hope that in some way the struggle of life might be less arduous than 
in the older States. Time passed on, the boy grew and entered cheer- 
fully the life of toil and labor that seemed to await him; in the inter- 
vals of leisure he developed a taste for sketching and found among the 
incidents of pioneer life much to amuse and interest the early settler. 
With charcoal, pencil and brush he delineated the peculiarities of the 
men around him; whatever interested them, whether of local charac- 
ter or matters of legislative interest, he treated with humor and skill 
and struck a vein tliatgave him a local and even a state reputation. 

His pictures were cri.de but conceived in a spirit that made the 
subject even of ridicule enjoy them and join in admiration of the boy 
cartoonist. They linally attracted the attention of Charles Mason, one 
of the judges of the Supreme Court, who furnished him the means to 
procure instruction such as could be had in New York. Later be went 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 467 

abroad, spent years iu France, Italy and Germany. While in Europe 
he devoted time to pictures in which were faces and figures, bringing 
out to a great extent peculiai'ites, passions and emotions. He also 
paid a great deal of attention to painting the intex'iors of churches 
and other buildings; possibly in this line of art he had few. if any 
superiors. A few j'ears ago he returned to this country and since then 
has devoted himself largely to portrait painting. In the maturity of 
his powers and the ripeness of his genius he paid the debt of gratitude 
in the portrait of Judge Mason, which, perhaps, next to this, is the 
most characteristic of all his portraits. It is not merely a likeness, but 
embodies the man who extended to the struggling boy the helping hand. 

The portraits of Professor Parvin iu the State library, of Judges 
Wright and Dillon in the Supreme Court room, of Governors Chambers 
and Lowe and of General Dodge in this room, are the work of his later 
years. To the portrait before us, the head and face of which he 
regards as artistically the great success of his life, he has devoted time 
and study. From the intimate acquaintance of long years, profoundly 
impressed with the massive strength of character and at the same time 
warm hearted nature of Governor Kirkwood, this portrait has been a 
labor of love. 

It is said that the great value of Trumbull's paintings in the rotunda 
of the Capitol at Washington, is that he knew intimately the men he 
painted and transferred their characters to the canvas. Stuart's great 
picture of Washington, that for nearly a century has Ijeen in every 
home in the laud, whether in the finest steel engraving that ornaments 
the walls of the wealthy or the crude lithograph iu the humblest home, 
is always the same face, represents the same man, and why? Because 
the artist has so thoroughly impressed the character of the man upon 
the canvas that we never fail to recognize it, and feel that Washington 
must have been as he was painted as no other head or face would fit 
him. It may be that our children and our children's children will 
recall the War Governor of Iowa from engravings that in the coming 
years will hang on the walls of the homes of our people, copies of the 
painting which we this day unveil, and will then say as we say now, it 
must be perfect for no other head and face would tit our ideal of 
the man. 

I feel that I am committing no breach of confidence when I give 
you the artist's own language in a letter never intended for the public: 
"I regard the head and face purely as a work of art, in many resi)ects 
the best I have ever painted. I have endeavored to paint Governor 
Kirkwood as I knew him, a strong man with a face of great power and 
determined will, at the same time full of tenderness and sympathy." 
How well he measured the man you who are his old and tried friends 
know as well as I. How well he has succeeded in impressing this 
delineation of character upon the canvas, it is for you to judge. 



468 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 

In the name of the artist, George H. Yewell, I present to your 
excellency this picture and ask you if the contract for painting the 
portrait of Governor Kirkwood has been satisfactorily executed. 

As Mr. Dey conchided, the stars and stripes, which concealed the 
features of Samuel J. Kirkwood from view, were removed amidst 
general applause, and the new painting stood forth with a wonderful 
reality. It was seen at a glance to be a magnificent work of art. 
There was a strength and dignity, yet an air of kindliness about the 
face which impressed every person in the room at once. There was 
an expression of character and individuality portrayed in the features 
which impressed all at once that the picture was the woi'k of a great 
artist. It is truly a beautiful likeness of the chax'acter and the man it 
attempts to reproduce. Governor Boies in accepting it spoke these 
words: 

Sir: — In accepting for the State from your hands, as the agent of 
the artist whose work it is, this portrait of one of Iowa's most distin- 
guished citizens, I am called upon to perform a duty gratefully im 
posed by a generous people and most cheerfully assumed by myself. 

The occasion makes appi'opriate a brief reference to certain histor- 
ical facts which in this connection will not fail to be of interest to the 
general public. 

Governor Kirkwood, whose likeness you present, was born in the 
State of Maryland, December 20th, 1813, and although an old man 
now is still blessed with mental and physical vigor becoming his 
age, and lives in his old home in Johnson county, surrounded by 
friends and neighbors to whom he is endeared by a long life of most 
upright and manly dealing in all the affairs of men with which he has 
been connected. 

He was educated as a lawyer and for a time practiced his chosen 
profession in his then adopted State of Ohio. 

From there he removed to Iowa in 1855, and soon after becoming a 
citizen of the State entered ijublic life, being elected a member of the 
state senate in 1856, Governor of the State in 1859 and again in 1861. 
In 1863 he was tendered by President Lincoln the appointment of 
Minister to Denmark, but declined the position. In 1866 he was 
elected United States Senator from this State to fill the unexpired 
term of Senator Harlan. In 1875 he was again elected Governor of 
Iowa, and the year following resigned the office to accept that of 
United States Senator, to which place he had been again elected. In 
1881 he resigned his seat iu the Senate to accept a position in the 
Cabinet of President Garfield, and from that position he voluntarily 
retired in 1882 to resume his place as a private citizen and rest from 
the toil of a loug, laborious and most honorable public career. 

Ouce elected to the Senate of his State, three times its Governor, 
and twice its Representative in the Senate of the United States, it is, I 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL .T. KIRKWOOD. 469 

believe, no exaggeration of fact to say that Iowa has never honored 
any other citizen with so many and such important places of public trust, 
and it is certainly true that no servant of hers ever acquitted himself in 
the discharge of his official duties with more perfect fidelity to all her 
interests or with more marked intelligence in the work that fell to 
his lot. 

It was, therefore, a most fitting expression of the gratitude of the 
State he had served so long and so well when our last legislature appro- 
priated a sum sufficient to secure and pi'eserve this splendid likeness 
of the man whose life work is so intimately interwoven in the most 
important as well as the most honorable period in all its history. 

Under the provisions of that act it was made my duty to select an 
artist to perform the work proposed. 

With the aid of friends of the Governor I was fortunate enough to 
secure the services of Mr. Yewell, now of New York, but formerly a 
citizen of Iowa and an old time friend of the honored subject whose 
portrait he was to paint. 

It is not too much for me to say that the artist has been faithful to 
the most exacting degree in the performance of the trust confided to 
him and has succeeded in producing a likeness that cannot fail to 
please every citizen of Iowa who now, or in the long years to 
come may be able to see and admire his work. 

After Governor Boies had concluded. Judge Wright said he would 
take the privilege of calling upon any one who was present to speak, 
in view of the nature of the meeting for which they had come together. 
He then called upon Governor Gear, who spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Oentlemen: — I am glad that I am here 
to join you in doing honor to one of the most distinguished men of our 
State. I regret that my colleagues, the ex-Governors of the State, are 
from various causes unable to be here to-day, and I much regret that 
by the infirmities of his great age, that we are deprived of the pleasure 
of Governor Kirkwood's presence. 

We have assembled here to do honor to the man who during his 
long residence in Iowa has impressed himself on the people of our 
State as no other man has. 

Mr. Yewell has done his work well, and the portrait just unveiled 
is not only a great work of arc, but to us who know Governor Kirk- 
wood well, it is a splendid picture not only in its physical likeness, but 
the artist has also thoroughly portrayed his mental chai'acteristics, 
which is the highest evidence of art. 

Coming to Iowa in the early fifties, he settled in Johnson County, 
where he made his home. His friends, recognizing his ability, soon 
called on him to serve them in the Legislature. He was elected to the 
Senate as a member of the Seventh and Eighth General Assemblies. 
He at once took high rank in that body "which had in its membership 



470 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 

many of the able men of the State. At that time the question of estab- 
lishi-ug a State bank under the new constitution, wiiich had recently 
been adopted, was a prominent one. Governor Kirkwood drafted and 
the Assembly enacted the law establishing the State Bank of Iowa, a 
bank which through all the hard times of 1857-60 stood solid as a rock, 
redeeming its issues in gold Called by the people of the State to be 
its chief magistrate at a critical time in the nation's history, he met the 
responsibilities of the hour. When President Lincoln issued the call 
for the first 75,000 men, Governor Kirkwood at once called the Legis- 
lature together in special session. His proclamation was a patriotic 
document and struck the loyal chord of the hearts of the people of 
Iowa. How Iowa responded illumines a bright page in the history of 
our loved State. 

At the outbreak of the war, the national government was bankrupt 
and it fell on Governor Kirkwood, by his personal efforts, to raise 
funds to equip the State's first regiments. To do this, he called on 
the State banks of Iowa; he and a few of his friends became personally 
responsible for more money than they were really able to pay in order 
that Iowa's regiments might be equipped and sent to the front to bear 
their pai't in defending the nation's honor. The State banks promptly 
responded to his call. During the first three years of the war, he gave 
his time, day and night, to the duty of raising the State's quota of 
u'oops. He was wise and a rare judge of men, and his appointment 
of the officers of the Iowa regiments gives proof of his high qualities 
in these regards. He made constant trips to the field of war and gave 
much of his time to the aid and comfort of the soldiers. Childless 
himself, all Iowa soldiers were "his boys." He never was known to 
turn a deaf ear to an Iowa soldier. I was in his office one morning at 
Washington City when he filled the high office of Secretary of the 
Interior. There were present senators, members of Congress and 
governors of states, all awaiting their turn to transact their business. 
The door opened and an Iowa soldier whom the Governor knew, came 
in supporting himself on a crutch and cane. Kirkwood at once rose 
and gave him a seat. Turning aside from those present he inquired, 
"What can I do for you?" 

A senator who was waiting, a gentleman of more than national 
reputation, s^d to me, "Gear, what kind of a man is Kirkwood who 
turns away from all of us to talk to that old soldier?" I replied^ 
"Senator, Governor Kirkwood considers all Iowa soldiers as his boys 
and they in turn look to him as a father." 

Again as a United States Senator he served the State and nation 
with distinguished ability. He had a logical and legal mind, and w^as, 
in fact, a great constitutional lawyer, and in this branch of Congress 
he had ample opportunity to display his great abilities as a lawyer. 
He was a member of the Judiciaiy Committee of which Roscoe Conk- 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOt). 471 

ling was chairman, and on one occasion an important question involv" 
ing constitutional law was under debate. Governor Kirkwood made 
a .speech in which he electrified the Senate. A Senator said to Roscoe 
Conkliug, "Conkling, whoever knew that Kirkwood of Iowa was so 
strong a lawyer?" Conkling replied, "When Kirkwood gets uj) nnd 
shakes the wrinkles out of his clothes, he knows as much constiliitional 
law as any man on the floor of the Senate," — well merited praise from 
one who was himself one of the greatest lawyers of the nation. Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood's name will be handed down in history with John A. 
Andrew, Andrew J. CurLin and Oliver P. Morton as one among the 
trusted advisers of President Lincoln during the Civil War. 

Kirkwood was able, wise and sagacious, and, above all, he was 
truthfal and honest. On the stump he was a tower of strength to his 
party, giving hard blows to the opposition, but never descending to 
demagogism. As an orator he was powerful in the fact that his lang- 
uage was simple and his similes homely, and always struck the chords 
of the hearts of his audience. 

In his career as a public man he commanded the admiration, aye 
moi'e, the affection, of his party, and enjoyed in an eminent degree 
the respect of the opposition. 

It has been well said that "the affections of the people of Iowa, like 
the rivers which form her borders, flow to a perpetual union" — of this 
Iowa gave splendid proof under Kirkwood's administration, and to-day 
in his advanced age, infirm in body, but thank God, vigorous in mind, 
it can be truly said that the affections of Iowa's people cluster around 
him as around no other man, and we all join in the hearty wish that 
"his days may be long in the land." 

Sir, there are three gentlemen in this room besides myself, who are 
pioneei'S of the State, all of whom have known all the Governors of 
Iowa, and without disparagement either to my distinguished prede- 
cessors or successors, I do not hesitate to say that in the record he has 
made he has impressed himself on the people as has no other Governor. 

Sir, when the generations of the future people of Iowa shall visit 
this noble edifice and shall witness the portraits of our distinguished 
citizens hanging on these walls and shall point to this triumph of 
artistic skill and ask whose likeness it is, the reply will be, "Samuel 
J. Kirkwood." From the lips of every inquirer will come spontane- 
ously, "Yes, Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's 'great War Governor,'" 

Hon. H. W. Lathrop being called upon, spoke as follows: 

Mr. President and Friends of Oov. Kirkwood: — If there is anything 
of Avhich lowans are proud, it is the financial standing of the State, 
she being free from debt, and the fact that her percent, of illiteracy is 
the smallest of any state in the Union. 

No man in the State has done moi-e to bring about these conditions 
than Governor Kirkwood. During the first eighteen years of her 



472 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 

political existence, Iowa was without a banking system. At the 
second session of Governor Kirkwood's service as State Senator, and 
tlie first session of the General Assembly under the then New Consti- 
tution permitting banking, on account of his superior knowledge on 
the subject he was added as a special member to the committee on 
Banks, much of that knowledge having been obtained a few years 
previously when a member of the Ohio Constitutional Convention, 
where the subject of banking was ably and fully discussed. 

At this session he was among the foremost in the advocacy of the 
passage of the bill providing for a State Bank and its branches. It 
proved to be one of the best systems ever established, and it furnished 
the people a safe and sound currency. 

As president of one of its branches he assisted in its administra- 
tion. 

As Governor he afterwards vetoed a bill passed by the General 
Assembly, providing for the establishment of a banking system that 
would have opened wide a door for "wild cat" banking. 

When at the special session of the General Assembly in 1861, bonds 
to the amount of $800,000 were voted to carry on the war, he took 
special pains to see that those bonds should not be thrown upon the 
market and sold at a depreciated price, sending Hon. Ezekiel Clark to 
New York for that purpose, with instructions to buy at a good fair 
price the first ofl'ered on the Stock Board, in order to fix their market 
value. This purchase did fix their value, and at that rate they were 
af terwai'ds disposed of. By this plan, and his economical administra- 
tion of the Governor's ofiice only three-eighths of the bonds voted 
were ever used. 

In our educational system he has filled the various offices of 
Member of the Board of Regents of the State University, Member of 
the Board of Trustees of the State Agricultural College, one of the 
Curators of the State Historical Society, and a large contributor to its 
collections, being also its President, Sub Director in his school district 
and President of the Township Board, and all these offices received his 
best, most earnest and intelligent labors in their administration. 

When tilling national offices he never got the credit his merit 
entitled him to, for he was always handicapped with short terms, pre- 
venting him from getting that official momentum by long experience 
in them, so essential to success in the performance of duties connected 
with them. 

Though tilling the office of Secretary of the Interior in Garfield's 
Cabinet less than fourteen months, he stamped upon the Indian 
Bureau the policy of detribalizing the Indians, allotting to them their 
lands in severalty, with a title to them in fe«, and recommending that 
they be educated and brought into citizenship. 

Though not permitted to hold the office long enough to give his 



THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 473 

policy full force and effect, it has to a considerable extent been 
endorsed by his successors. 

Mr. Lathrop gave an epitome of the Art Life of Mr. Yewell detail- 
ing some of his early efforts as a juvenile artist. 

Mr. Charles Aldrich next read the letter printed below, from 
ex-Governor Carpenter: 

Fort Dodge, Iowa, June 16, 1893. 
Hon. Charles Aldrich, 

Des Moines, Iowa. 

My Dear Sir:— I received the invitation to be present on the 20th 
inst. to participate in the ceremony of unveiling the great historic 
portrait of ex-Governor Kirkwood. I had delayed answering because 
I had hoped to shape matters so as to be able to come, but within the 
last day or two I have found that engagements which I can neither 
avoid or postpone, will prevent me from being present. I deeply 
regret this, as nothing would afford me greater pleasure than to join 
with others in giving expression to the public estimate of Samuel J. 
Kirkwood. I well remember in 1861, when it fully dawned upon me 
that free government must be surrendered on this continent or the 
inevitable alternative of civil war must be accepted, that I began to 
consider whether the President would receive the loyal and undivided 
support of the various Governors of the states adhering to the Union. 
1 know that uuder our form of government, accordingly as the Gov- 
ernors of the loyal states gave the President active, earnest and enthu- 
siastic support, or, on the other hand, as it might be possible for them 
to quibble and hesitate with half-hearted sympathy, the cause of the 
Union would be advanced or x-etarded. I had known Governor Kirk 
wood whilst he was a senator in the Seventh General Assembly; I had 
watched his career as Governor; had read with pride and satisfaction 
his correspondence relative to the surrender of Coppoc upon the 
requisition of the Governor of Virginia; and I was satisfied that in him 
the government would tind a brave, resolute and uncompromising 
defender. It has been a source of pride in my State— in its patriotism 
and intelligence — that his subsequent career was a fulfillment of my 
pi-ophecy respecting him. 

What a group of historic characters the Governors of the loyal 
states in these times which tried men's souls, would make. There was 
Yates, of Illinois; and Ramsey, of Minnesota; and Harvey, of Wiscon- 
sin; and Blair, of Michigan; and Morton, of Indiana; and Denison, of 
Ohio; and Curtin, of Pennsylvania; and Morgan, of New York; Buck- 
ingham, of Connecticut, and finally side by side stood Massachusetts 
and Iowa in the advanced thought and unyielding purpose of their 
populations, and in the sturdy patriotism and defiant resolution of 
their Governors, John A. Andrew and Samuel J. Kirkwood. This 



474 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKAVOOD. 

galaxy of names brightens the luster of the heroic age in which they 
lived. 

Let the portrait of Governor Kirkwood be placed where it will receive 
the kindliest light from the sun in the heavens, and where the first 
glances of the eyes of his admii'iug countrymen will fall upon it as 
they enter the executive chamber. 

Yours, very sincerely, 

C. C. CARPENTER. 

Letters were also received from Judge G. S. Robinson, of Iowa 
City, and Alvin Saunders, of Omaha. 

Judge Cole made a bi-ief and forcible address. "I met Samuel J. 
Kirkwood thirty-six years ago and know him best in a political way. 
The keynote to his greatness, and he is great, is that he always had a 
flood of internal light to shed on any question. He was not full of 
quotations. They were wonderful, original arguments of his own 
construction. It was this wonderful readiness and great mental 
power and capacity that enabled him to always respond. He was 
great because God made him great." 

Judge Nourse next said a few words, speaking of the value to 
posterity of such a picture, of Governor Kirkwood's sincerity as a man 
and ability as a statesman. Judge Wright brought the meeting to an 
end with a few remarks, thanking Governor Boies on behalf of the 
friends of Governor Kirkwood and the entire State for the way in 
which he had carried out the instructions of the last legislature in 
regard to purchasing such a portrait. 

[the end.] 



INDEX 



PAGK. 

Ancestry ^ 

Assessor in the County ^° 

Assistant iu Clerk's Office ^'J 

Admitted to the Bar *1 

Abolitionists 4- 

Aariciiltural College |^^ 

Allison, Wm. B., iStaff Officer 128 

Letter 279 

Aldrich, Charles.'. ■;;.■.■.■.■.■.■ 205-206, 464, 473 

Administration, Kirkwood 279 

Boys in the Home 12 

Baker & Boland Murder Trial 23 

Burns, Barnabas 24 

Banquet *^ 

Byington & Kirkwood 101 

Board Commissioners 129 

Baker, James. 129 

Bonds Avertised— Offered— Sold 1^ J 

Destroyed 1^^ 

Amount 1^*^ 

Baldwin, Caleb 13o 

Brainerd, N. H., Military Sec'y • • -1^5 

Baker, N. B , Adjut. Cxen 145, 162, 204, 207. 276 

Brigadiers Dodge, Perczel, Crocker, Elliott 177, 180, 214 

Bieastpins, Butternut 240 

Blaine & Finkbine 347 

Belknapp Letter • • • -^95 

Boies, Governor 464, 466 

Clark, G. Kirkwood 284 

Clerk iu Drug Store 14-15 

Clerk in Store and Hotel 19 

Cases prepared 21 

Cases tried 2^ 

Constitutional Convention 26 

Sneeches *6 to oo 

Clark, Ezekiel'.'.'././.'.' ■.■.■. ■.■. 37. 46, 119, 129 

Cole, S. W 60 

Coppoc, Barclay 8° 

Message 89 

Clark, Rush, On Staff 128 

His Death 364 

Commissioners to Issue Bonds 129 

Clothing for Soldiers 131 



IV NDEX. 

PAGE 

Kirkwood, Samuel Jordan, Visits California and Oregon 417 

An After Dinner Speech 417 

For Blaine in 1884 422 

Nominated for Congress 428 

Letter of Acceptance 428 

Speech at Davenport 433 

His Character as a Speaker 441 

Blaine's Estimate of Him 442 

Statesman Rather than Politician 446 

A Surprise Party 447 

As a Poet 461 

Literary Society 14 

Lowe, Gov. R. P 62 

Lincoln, Abi-aham, at Council Bluffs , 72 

Funeral Oration 293 

Letter to 215 

Lyon, Gen 117 

Legislature, Extra Sessions 120, 220 

Loj^al Governors 227 

Logan, Gen., Letter to 244 

Lewis, Geo. W 416 

McLeon, Kirkwood's Teacher 13 

Moves to Ohio 16 

Marriage 22 

Murder Trial 23 

Mill 38 

Meeting in Davenport 115 

Messages 120, 131, 132, 182, 220, 224, 270 

Mason Charles 129, 143, 144, 263 

Merritt, Col 144 

Minister to Denmark 276 

Negus, Charles 349 

Negro Soldiers 258 

Practices Law 21 

Partnership 21 , 24 

Prosecuting Attorney 22 

Political Parties 41 

Presidential Election 100 

Proclamations 114, 161, 176, 216, 218, 232, 238 

Price, Hiram 119, 163, 411, 432 

Platform, Republican 142 

Democratic 143 

Prisoner Pardoned 342 

Poetry 461 

Portrait 464-465 

Republican Convention, Call for 43 

Its Make-up 44 

Kirkwood attends and speaks 46 

Republicans successful in 1856, but Democrats in 1857 57 

Railroad Prediction 84 

Bonds by Counties 300 

Regiment is called for, four offered 116 



INDEX. V 

PAGE. 

School House on the Farm 13 

Studies Law 20 

Sells Flour ou Credit 39 

"Sara Kirkwood the Miller" 40 

State, Its growth 63, 67 

Spirit Lake Massacre 87 

Sumpter Fired ou 113 

Soldiers. Their Pay 118 

Smith, Wm. T 127 

Southern Border 165, 167, 128 

Staff Officers 128 

Sanders, Add H 215, 128 

Smvth, Wm 129 

Slagle, C. W 129 

Sipple. VV C, Letter to 163 

Second Iowa, Its Flag Disgraced 209 

Disgrace wiped out 209 

Sick Soldiers 235 

Senator again 344 

Speech in Senate, comments by N. Y. Tribune, Dubuque Herald 

and Georgia Tribune 362 

"Surprise Party" 447 

Sherman, Gov. B. R 447 

Teacher, School 14-18 

Troops tendered eaiiy 112 

Called for 113 

Telegram from President 114 

"Twins," one Company too many. 217 

Tally War 244 

Third Term Gevernor 304 

Veto Message 98 

Votes for President 104 

Vicksburg, Fall of— Letter to Soldiers— To Gen. Grant 243 

Vance & Kirkwood 366 

Voorhees, Senator, on Kirkwood 407 

Whigs and Abolitionists 43 

"Wild Cat" Banks 62, 84 

Wilson, Jonathan 72 

War and Defense Fund 128-129, 143 

Women make Soldiers Clothing 131 

Washburne, Governor of Maine, Letter to , 180 

Wilcox, Hon. Henry L .444 

Wright, Geo. G 305, 449, 466 

Wright, Gen. Ed 305 

Yewell, Geo. H , 464-465-466 



VI INDEX. 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PAGE. 

Govei'nor and Mrs. Kirkvvood, Frontispiece. 

Birth Place 10. 

A. C. Dodge 68 

E. Clark 118 

C. Baldwin 134 

S. R. Ingham 173 

N. B. Baker 207 

S. Kirkwood Clark 284 

G. M. Dodge 281 

Hiram Price 411 

Residence 447 

Geo. H. Yewell 465 




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